Value Sets of Business-owning Families: An Indigenous African Perspective

ABSTRACT

While the literature highlights the important role played by family values in family businesses, knowledge on the nature of these values is limited or close to non-existent from certain perspectives, notably an indigenous African family business perspective. Therefore, utilizing seven indigenous Black South African family businesses as case studies, our study seeks to identify the family value sets in the business-owning families using a qualitative design. The findings show that these families uphold and teach the next-generation (NextGen) four family value sets, namely moral and ethical, economic, spiritual and religious, and cultural values. The NextGen is expected to use these value sets as they navigate their lives in and outside the family. Our study contributes to theory by identifying, developing and providing detailed insights into the nature of family values from an indigenous Black South African business-owning family perspective, and our value classification framework potentially provides other researchers with a theoretical foundation to conduct further research. Business-owning families should uphold value sets that accommodate the needs of individual family members, entire business-owning families, and their respective cultures. We also believe that non-indigenous businesses need to understand the family value sets upheld by indigenous Black African businesses to engage with them appropriately and improve business relationships.

RESPONSIBLE EDITOR:

• Moses Acquaah

KEYWORDS:

• Family values
• next-generation family members
• business-owning families
• family businesses
• indigenous Black South African

Introduction

Several scholars (Bessouh & Iznasni, 2016; Okon, 2012; Rodríguez-Sedano et al., 2009; Yarbrough, 2015) have highlighted the family as the most important institution and basic social unit that strengthens a society. Maintaining the family is considered paramount and integral to the social stability of modern-day society and is central to its survival (Hoellger et al., 2023; Rasool, 2015). In the context of family businesses, the business-owning family is central to the survival of the business. This family influences the commitment levels of family and non-family employees toward the family business (Carrasco-Hernández & Jiménez-Jiménez, 2016), the amount invested in the family business to persevere wealth, the level of risks the family business is willing to accept (Carrasco-Hernández & Jiménez-Jiménez, 2016), and the support for entrepreneurial initiative shown (Pittino et al., 2020).

The literature suggests that the business-owning family, mostly through founder(s) and/or business leader(s), introduces and entrenches family values into the family business (García-Álvarez & López-Sintas, 2006; Koiranen, 2002; Manohar & Pandit, 2014; Rau et al., 2019). It is thus the family that influences the values and culture of the family business (Duh et al., 2010), which in turn influences decisions made and actions taken (Discua Cruz, 2013; Distelberg & Sorenson, 2009; Paterson et al., 2013).

While family values contribute to the heterogeneity evident in family businesses (Rau et al., 2019), they are also central to expressing the historical and cultural traditions of the family in the business (J. Wang & Zheng, 2022). Dieleman and Koning (2020) acknowledge that while family values are relatively stable and primarily understood as rooted in the past, they provide a promising research direction in advancing the understanding of family businesses.

Several attempts have been made by scholars to investigate values in the context of family businesses. For example, López-Sintas and García-Álvarez (2003) examine values as the founder’s legacy to be passed on to the NextGen of family members. Haugh and McKee (2003) use the concept of organizational culture and shared values as a means of analyzing the internal operating environment of small family businesses. Another study by Tàpies and Fernández-Moya (2012) explores values and their influence on the longevity of Spanish family businesses. More recently, Rau et al. (2019) examine the business heterogeneity caused by family values among German family businesses. They argue that family business heterogeneity is based on, among other factors, family values, and it is for this reason that the value profiles of family businesses are more deeply rooted, distinct, and heterogeneous than those found in non-family businesses (Rau et al., 2019).

Following Rau et al. (2019) call for future research to investigate the family values espoused in the family business, the current study attempts to do just that in an indigenous African context. We argue that most studies (J. H. Astrachan et al., 2020; Fletcher et al., 2012; Maung et al., 2020) investigating values in family businesses use family business values as the unit of analysis, and family and business values are thus often viewed as a one-dimensional concept. These studies have combined and fused the family values found in the business-owning families with the value sets found in the family business, making it difficult to distinguish between the value sets of each. To date, research on values tends to assume that the family business upholds the same values as the business-owning family. For example, Barker et al. (2004) investigate the types of values that are related to the succession process in family businesses. These authors, however, fail to give an account of the specific family value sets that influence the succession process. While Duh et al. (2010) study found that the family influences the core value sets and culture of the family business, they also failed to identify the specific family value sets of the business-owning family.

Against the above background, our study aims to identify the family value sets upheld by indigenous Black South African (IBSA) business-owning families. Identifying these value sets provides us with greater insights into the source and nature of the values underlying their family businesses (Ceja et al., 2010). As suggested by J. Wang and Zheng (2022), as well as Prince (2016), family values are often instrumental in creating a strong sense of identity and become the foundation of the family business. Insights into the source and nature of the family values that underlie the family business’s values advance our understanding of how business decisions are made and strategies are formulated (Bertrand & Schoar, 2006; Duh et al., 2010).

From an indigenous African family business perspective, African families differ from their Western and European counterparts because of different value sets and cultural perspectives (Rau et al., 2019). Barnes et al. (2015) point out that Western businesses face challenges when dealing with non-western counterparts because they are not accustomed to the idiosyncratic way of conducting business in these non-Western contexts. As noted by Worm and Frankenstein (2000), these idiosyncrasies relate to the unique cultural traits, specific political-economic systems, and institutional characteristics that prevail in a region. With the expansion of Western culture into all regions of the world (Raikhan et al., 2014), it can be argued that most business relationships tend to be dominated by Western cultural assumptions and beliefs (Sibanda, 2018) that provide little guidance on how businesses might overcome cultural differences in indigenous African business contexts (Gao et al., 2012). As more indigenous African family businesses enter the formal economic sector and value chains to capitalize on local and international opportunities (World Bank, 2021; Yenkey & Hill, 2022), it is becoming increasingly necessary for non-indigenous businesses to understand the family value sets upheld by these organizations to engage appropriately with them and to improve business relationships. Across multiple studies, values are found to be antecedents for building quality and successful long-term business relationships (Berger et al., 2015; Ulaga & Eggert, 2005; C. L. Wang et al., 2008). If business relationships between indigenous and non-indigenous parties are going to be authentic, durable, beneficial, and fruitful, both parties need to appreciate and have a better understanding of each other’s value sets and cultural systems.

Consequently, our study makes several contributions to the family business and cultural values theories. First, our study provides insights into family values sets from an indigenous African perspective and, in doing so, responds to several calls from scholars (e.g. Fathallah et al., 2020; Rau et al., 2019; Ruf et al., 2021) to investigate values in different cultural settings. Our study sheds light on cultural elements influencing and shaping indigenous African family business decisions, leadership styles, and overall business dynamics. Since indigenous African families are commonly known to be embedded in their culture and African traditions (Agbim, 2018; Idang, 2015; Michel et al., 2019; Ojua et al., 2014), our study helps researchers, practitioners, and business stakeholders appreciate the cultural context within which these businesses operate. Second, our study stands out by delving into family values within indigenous African business families, responding to several calls from scholars to focus on business-owning family systems (Carney & Dieleman, 2023; Combs et al., 2020; Jaskiewicz & Dyer, 2017), because of different family structures and dynamics found in indigenous African families (Kupangwa et al., 2023). Our study uniquely positions the exploration of values within the diverse tapestry of indigenous African cultures, providing a perspective frequently disregarded in conventional research on business families. Consequently, our study independently investigates indigenous family values, situating them in a global comparative context. This approach enables a nuanced comprehension of how these values align with or deviate from broader international business norms.

We have structured this article as follows: First, we provide a theoretical background to the study by examining the nature of values in indigenous African families, family values in business-owning families, and the classification of family values we used. Second, we discuss the methodological choices taken when conducting this study. Third, we present and discuss the key findings emanating from our study. Last, we provide the conclusion, theoretical and practical contributions, study limitations, and avenues for future studies.

Theoretical background

Values and indigenous African families

African families differ from their Western and European counterparts because of different value patterns and cultural perspectives (Rau et al., 2019). These differences are evident in family features such as extendedness and collectiveness, large size, and the role of hierarchy and elders in the family and the clan, features that are common across all African ethnicities (Idang, 2015; Obot, 2001; Shumbambiri, 2023).

The most discussed feature of the African family is its extendedness or inclusiveness (Obot, 2001). Unlike nuclear families, extended family structures include numerous family members that exist in a loose or tight network of relationships (Obot, 2001). An extended family is made of a husband and a wife or wives, as well as their children and others who are related to them by blood (Agbim, 2018). These blood relatives include grandparents, uncles, aunts, cousins, nephews, nieces, step-brothers, and step-sisters (Cowell & Saunders, 2010; Obot, 2001).

Research shows that African cultures, particularly those of the sub-Saharan region, are collectivistic in nature (Adams et al., 2012; Zoogah, 2013), as well as interconnected to one another (Swanson, 2007). Oyserman and Lee (2008) describe collectivism as a cultural perspective that views the group as the core unit in which societies exist and individuals must fit into them. The African cultural philosophy is considered different from that of Western or European philosophies in that it is collectivistic in nature (Metz & Gaie, 2010). As a result, the core and extended family unit, and the community are considered central in African society (Eaton & Louw, 2000; Laher, 2013).

The inclusiveness of African communities is influenced by the African way of living and thinking. According to (Engelbrecht and Kasiram 2012, p. 441), the African way of living and thinking, namely “we are because you are,” is enshrined in the philosophy of Ubuntu. Broodryk (2008) defines Ubuntu as “an ancient African worldview, based on the primary values of intense humanness, caring, sharing, respect, compassion, and associated values, ensuring happy and qualitative human community life in the spirit of family.” In other words, the values of Ubuntu explain the interactions that arise among African people and encapsulate the way they relate to each other (Setlhodi, 2019).

Oppong (2013) highlights that in African tradition children belong not only to their biological parents but are also under the authority and control of any other adult in the community. This tradition exists because members of African cultures view the extended family system as a pillar supporting the system (Ojua et al., 2014). Obot (2001) contends that the value of the extended family lies in the interdependence that it engenders and the multiple caregivers it provides for children. Likewise, the role of kin networks and extended family social support has long been described as a culturally distinctive feature of African family functioning (Frabutt, 1999). Extended families also play a critical role in the transmission of religious beliefs, values, and practices (Copen & Silverstein, 2007). Chekki (1996) states that an extended family normally consists of up to three or even more generations. As children grow, they are exposed to the direct influences of at least three generations in the family and receive the care and attention of parents and other relatives that live in the same environment (Obot, 2001).

The extended family system is characterized by a “care syndrome,” therefore it encourages a dependency for sustenance on those members of the family that are more successful (Agbim, 2018; Joseph, 2014). According to Ogundele et al. (2012), the less privileged members of the family believe that the privileged have an obligation to care for the poor. In the African family context, the extended family is the most complex because of the various and often unrealistic expectations on privileged members (Chekki, 1996). The literature highlights the need for African family members to forge solidarity in sharing economic and social pressures in times of difficulty (Magubane, 2016). Most extended families are impacted by what di Falco and Bulte (2011, p. 1129) term “black tax” which they define “as the financial responsibility of providing for kinship as a result of inequality.”

Another common feature characterizing African families is their large size (Ogundele et al., 2012). Having many children is influenced by polygamy and a traditional African perception that a family is better off with lots of children (Baloyi, 2013). That is, in some African cultures, polygamy is a mark of high social, economic, and political status (Lev-Wiesel & Al-Krenawi, 2000). Older members of African families often advocate for and encourage other family members to have more children, a reason why most African men end up having more than one wife (Obot, 2001).

African families are characterized by a clear sense of hierarchy and elders are respected (Obot, 2001). The father is often seen as the direct head of the household, and children as well as young adults, are expected to obey him, and to “respect those who are older than them in the extended family” (Obot, 2001, p. 57). Relationships in African families are rigidly established according to this hierarchy, which is based on rules that define member roles and functions (Agbim, 2018; Joseph, 2014). The establishment of these relationships and hierarchy is guided by criteria such as age, gender, kinship ties, the degree of alliance, and marital status (Joseph, 2014). In the context of African families, males are responsible for ensuring the continuity of both the family name and lineage, and men are supposed to be dominant, with women being submissive and subject to them (Agbim, 2018). Joseph (2014) observes that in African cultures, women are undermined by super traditional structural forms that are derived from past African practices and beliefs (Goldberg, 2013). Under traditional ideological standards, women are expected to place their family above their personal goals (Anunobi, 2002). Similarly, in most African cultures, women are expected to undertake reproductive labor responsibilities such as caregiving and domestic roles, including cleaning, cooking, childcare, family relationship maintenance, and family health maintenance (Whitaker & Bokemeier, 2018).

It is these common features of African families that influence the values they uphold (Obot, 2001). According to Haugh and McKee (2003), family values are short and simple ways of expressing a range of qualities in a family as an institution. Table 1 provides several examples of indigenous African family values.

Table 1. Examples of Indigenous African Values.

Examples of indigenous African values
Community	Family	Forgiveness
Generosity	Hard work	Harmony
Heritage	Honesty	Hospitality
Humanity	Love	Respect
Self-control	Solidarity	Spirituality
Togetherness	Trust	Unity and cooperation

Sources: Adapted from Ngubane and Gumede (2018), Awoniyi (2015) and Idang (2015).

Family values in business-owning families

The literature (Ganguli & Krishnan, 2005; Ocholla-Ayayo, 2000) highlight that family values originate from the family and its cultural setting because they are transmitted from parents to children during parenting and the socialization process. In fact, parents as primary agents of socialization make significant efforts to instill family values in their children while they are growing up (Ganguli & Krishnan, 2005). Family values are principles that are indoctrinated from parents to their offspring (Ganguli & Krishnan, 2005), and the family functions under these values (Flinsch-Rodriguez, 2019).

Family values provide a foundation for protection, guidance, affection, and support, and these values tie family education and spirituality together (Gronewald, 2013). Despite different families upholding different value sets, values give families an outlook on life, a way to view the world and a way to view their situations (Gronewald, 2013). Families with clearly defined values have a well-defined and strong family identity (Hardy, 2021; Prince, 2016), which helps shape and define the family unit (Idleman, 2020). Family values act as the glue that binds the family together (Beckers et al., 2020), especially when crises arise (Hardy, 2021). Family values motivate family members to do things that are sometimes regarded as difficult and to make commitments that need discipline (Osei et al., 2012).

While parents still tend to indoctrinate traditional family values such as honesty, modesty, loyalty, respect, and self-sufficiency into their children (Hughes, 2017), these values have been undergoing dramatic changes during the past several decades (Tripathi, 2014). These changes have been driven by increased urbanization, migration in search of jobs (and education), and changes in family structures (Tripathi, 2014). For example, Flinsch-Rodriguez (2019) asserts that modern families, which include African families, instill values such as responsibility, creativity, kindness, fun-time, and volunteering into their children, as opposed to traditional values such as valuing the elders, hard work, respect, and compassion.

Classification of family values used in the current study

The literature (Hougaz, 2015; Musengi, 2006; Rau et al., 2019; Sharma & Nordqvist, 2008) highlights several categories for classifying family values. However, in this study, we have categorized them using Idang’s (2015) classification, namely moral and ethical, economic, spiritual and religious, and cultural values. This classification provides us with a systematic way of classifying values and a basis for understanding family values. According to Chowdhury (2016), moral and ethical values are described as values that relate to a family’s acceptable standards of conduct that promote morality among the family and its members. It is these values that assist in defining the interactions and obligations between parents or elders and children (J. Wang & Zheng, 2022). Economic values are described as those that involve the family’s resources and cooperation, which are needed to uplift the family and its members economically (Idang, 2015). Cultural values refer to the collective beliefs that are held about what is good and just in a group or society (Idang, 2015, p. 98). Cultural values, sometimes referred to as social family values, refer to those principles and practices that are practiced by members of a particular community (Idang, 2015, p. 103). Similarities are often observed between family and cultural values because family values are standards that are largely derived, learned, and internalized from society (Ganguli & Krishnan, 2005). Spiritual values are described as the fundamentals that enable a person to search for meaning and purpose in life, the need to experience a personal connection with a supreme being, and the interconnectedness with humanity (Rudolfsson et al., 2014; Villani et al., 2019). Closely related to spiritual values are religious values, which are defined as “a stable belief that a certain model of human behavior or the ultimate goal of a person’s existence is the only preferable one from a social and personal point of view, rather than a different manner of behavior or some other ultimate goal of existence” (Bobyreva et al., 2019, April 23-28, p. 1). The influence of the controlling family’s religiosity on the behavior of the family and business systems are often overlooked in the family business literature (J. H. Astrachan et al., 2020; Azouz et al., 2021, 2022; Kavas et al., 2020).

Methodology

Research design and context

By deliberately seeking to give voice to indigenous Black African participants, our study utilizes an interpretivism paradigm and aligns with several research calls (e.g. Acquaah, 2011; Agyapong & Acquaah, 2021; Khavul et al., 2009) for more studies to be conducted to fully capture the richness, complexity, and diversity of entrepreneurial activities in the African context. Positioning our study in an interpretivism paradigm is supported by the views of Denison (1996), who states that when studying cultural issues that require one to have an appreciation for the unique aspects of individual social settings, a socially constructionist approach would be most suitable for such studies. Utilizing a qualitative approach, our study also aligns with calls for greater methodological variance in exploring family business phenomenon (Fletcher et al., 2016).

The context of our study centers around indigenous African families, specifically, the IBSA business-owning families, excluding South Africans from the Colored and Indian population groups. In the context of our study, an IBSA family is described by du Plessis et al. (2015) as a Black South African family of African descent, belonging to ethnic groups such as Xhosa, Zulu, Swazi, Sotho, Shangaan-Tsonga, Ndebele, or Venda. While various other phenotypes are acknowledged as indigenous or as Black South Africans, exclusionary criteria have been applied to eliminate population groups with vastly different values and cultural systems from the indigenous Black African population (du Plessis et al., 2015). It is important to note that, despite the significance of ethnicity in shaping cultural traditions in South Africa, our study does not exclusively focus on ethnicity. This choice is guided by the understanding that IBSAs frequently identify with multiple ethnicities, expressing these affiliations based on situational power dynamics and social significance (Boswell, 2023). Fagunwa (2019) also highlights that IBSAs subscribe to the Ubuntu philosophy, considering it an African episteme that emphasizes interconnectedness, relationality, and a holistic African outlook that transcends narrow individualism. This perspective extends beyond ethnicity, illustrating a broader understanding of human connectedness (Fagunwa, 2019). The concept of interconnectedness is not limited to IBSA families alone; research indicates that this notion is prevalent among indigenous African families. Studies reveal that African cultures, especially those in the sub-Saharan region, exhibit a collectivistic nature (Adams et al., 2012; Zoogah, 2013) and are intricately linked to one another (Swanson, 2007).

As highlighted, most research on values in family businesses has been done in Western and European countries. Family business scholars consistently emphasize the need for further research on indigenous African family businesses to comprehensively grasp entrepreneurial activities’ richness, complexity, and diversity within the emerging context (Agyapong & Acquaah, 2021; Matchaba-Hove, 2020). Engaging in research on African family businesses is crucial for researchers and practitioners alike, as it facilitates a deeper understanding of the cultural and economic distinctions present in these contexts (Acquaah, 2013). Furthermore, there is a view that most indigenous African family businesses lack the necessary strength to live longer and to be competitive locally and internationally, threatening their prosperity and sustainability outlook (Ssekitoleko & Du Plessis, 2021). Indigenous African family businesses face several challenges, such as a lack of succession planning and the lack of clear value sets (Gomba & Kele, 2016; Tengeh & Phikiso, 2021; van Aardt et al., 2016), and we believe that investigating family values among these businesses provides us with an opportunity to contribute to the success of the owning families and the longevity of their family businesses.

Case selection and sampling

In keeping with our research question, we purposefully selected seven family businesses that were independently owned and managed by IBSA business-owning families. These family businesses were selected based on the criteria that the business-owning families must: (i) see their business as a family business, (ii) be involved in the main operations of the family business with at least 50% voting rights or share, (iii) have at least one active operating business, not only being a passive shareholder or investor, and (iv) have a transgenerational intention to pass on the business to the NextGen of family members. This study enrolled and interviewed 17 key informants who had to be one of the following: a member of the most senior generation of the family business, such as the family business founder(s) or family elder(s), the current controlling family business owner (e.g. the Chief Executive Officer (CEO), or the chairman of the family business), a family member working in the family business, a non-active family member, and a non-family member that has been involved in the business for at least 5 years. The inclusion of non-family members as participants allowed us to gain an objective outsider’s insights and perspective on values in the context of the family business (See Table 2 for participants’ details using pseudonyms).

Table 2. Family Business Cases and participants’ Details.

Family Business		Participant	Relation to founder	Generation	Position in the business	Years of employment
Case	Founded
A	1981	Babalwa Zauka	Daughter	2nd	CEO	6
		Xola Ngada	Non-family	N/A	Operations Manager	10
B	1973	Siboniso Bhengu	Founder	1st	Retired	45
		Patricia Bhengu	Granddaughter	3rd	Operations Manager	5
C	1980	Zinhle Maswana	Daughter	2nd	Employee	25
		Thozama Maswana	Daughter	2nd	Non-active member	11
		Daluxolo Ntubane	Non-family	N/A	Operations Manager	40
D	1968	Tebogo Brown	Son	2nd	CEO	24
		Olwethu Cona	Non-family	N/A	Office Manager	22
		Sizwe Brown	Grandson	3rd	Employee	5
E	2002	Pamela Cube	Founder	1st	CEO	21
		Sihle Cube	Daughter	2nd	Manager	8
		Melinda Mosepele	Non-family	N/A	Employee	5
F	1981	Zanele Fani	Daughter	2nd	CEO	9
G	2005	Katlego Mothiba	Founder	1st	CEO	16
		Kabelo Mothiba	Son	2nd	Branch Manager	5
		Judith Mailula	Non-family	N/A	Financial Manager	11

Non-family = Non-family employee; N/A = Not applicable.

Data collection

We utilized a multiple and descriptive case study strategy to collect data from members of the IBSA business-owning families because we wanted to cover contextual conditions as they are relevant to the phenomenon under investigation (Yin, 2008), and enable a more general, reliable, and potentially a more convincing level of theorization (Eisenhardt & Graebner, 2007). Furthermore, we used the case study strategy in response to research calls for more studies to be undertaken using this strategy (De Massis & Kotlar, 2014; De Massis et al., 2013; Leppäaho et al., 2020) as it is likely to play a significant role in the field of family business (Leppäaho et al., 2016). As highlighted by De Massis and Kotlar (2014), the many features and dimensions that make behavior and performances unique are especially possible to capture through the richness and depth of a case study strategy. Using this strategy, we have been able to capture rich data and provide increased clarity on the family value sets of IBSA business-owing families. Ethics approval for the study was granted by our University’s Research Ethical Committee for Humans (REC-H).

Informed by the literature and research aim of our study, a semi-structured interview schedule was developed, which focused on the informant’s background, family business history, and several questions relating to values in the business-owning family. Both face-to-face and online interviews with key informants were conducted between October 2019 and May 2021, and the duration ranged between 30 minutes and 137 minutes per session. Face-to-face interviews were conducted in this study as it was consistent with many qualitative studies (e.g. Anggadwita et al., 2020; Bika et al., 2019), but online interviews (telephonic interviews, Microsoft Teams and Zoom) were incorporated to comply with social distancing protocols during the COVID-19 global pandemic. Observations during interviews and family business visits were also made to complement the data collection process. In addition, secondary data from obituaries, media articles, family pictures, and websites were collected from the Internet, social media, and family historical archives. It is important to mention that some business-owning families did not have publicly available information and were unwilling to provide such due to privacy issues. The use of secondary data, however, helped us to triangulate data obtained from the interviews and observations (Halcomb & Andrew, 2005) and to provide valuable contextual background for more a comprehensive understanding of the business-owning cases used in our study. Indeed, the approach to incorporating secondary data is common in qualitative studies (e.g. Bika et al., 2019; Lampel et al., 2017; Suddaby et al., 2023), as such data help researchers diversify the perspectives in the case study, drawing on a range of sources beyond interviews.

Data analysis

Our data analysis procedure followed the six-step process of reflexive thematic analysis as outlined by Braun and Clarke (2021). To begin, the research team engaged in iterative readings of the interview transcriptions, which were uploaded onto the ATLAS.ti version 9. This was followed by a systematic coding of the data, which assisted us in organizing the data into manageable chunks (du Plooy-Cilliers et al., 2014). The data coding process started by coding all the individual interview transcripts and other family data documents obtained from secondary sources using deductive and inductive codes. We initially began with open coding using different types of coding, which enabled the identification of initial concepts (Okolie et al., 2021). See an example of open coding and some of the types of coding we used in the study in Table 3.

Table 3. Example of Open Coding and Types of Coding Used.

Types of coding	Direct quotes	Initial concepts
Line-by-line coding	Babalwa: “Yeah, unhappy people If you do not value your team, your team won’t value what they’re doing. I’ve seen it when I’ve worked in corporate, I’ve seen it when I’ve been an employee, you know.”	Unhappy people Value your team Corporate Employee
	Thozama: “I think also in the way that my dad approached the business, it wasn’t always about the bottom line you know. People who were, you know […] didn’t have the financial means to have a funeral, they would come to him, and they would plead with him you know. I’m struggling, I’m not able to pay all this in one time, and then he would listen out as to how it is that they can make it possible for them to buy their people and then after that be able to pay off the debt.”	Bottom line Financial means Struggling Not able to pay Listen out Pay off the debt
In vivo coding	Xola: “And then I believe a sacrificial way of doing things because sometimes business, like the running costs are very high. Now you find at some stage the business has gone low and they have to sit and see how we move on past that time.”	Sacrificial way of doing things
	Babalwa: “When I was a CEO with a development agency, and then I at some point worked for the municipality as a Deputy Director Economic Development, […] I just struggled [working there], because I was determined to do the right thing.”	Determined to do the right thing

In the third step, themes were generated based on Idang’s (2015) value classification by comparing and analyzing the patterns and relevant meanings within the list of codes using pattern, focused and axial coding (Terry et al., 2017). This was followed by consolidating and analyzing all the initial themes from each family business case. The fifth step involved reviewing themes by refining the generated codes and themes to check if they were categorized clearly and consistently. See Table 4 for the refined data structure consisting of first-order and second-order codes as well as aggregate themes generated. In the last step, we refined and consolidated the different range of writings into a single output that assisted in responding to the research aim of this study (Terry et al., 2017). In addition, several steps, such as participants checking the transcribed data, triangulation, and persistent observations to ensure the credibility of the data, providing detailed and thick descriptions of both the research setting and the participants (Korstjens & Moser, 2018; McGregor, 2018; Saunders et al., 2016) were taken to ensure that the data remained trustworthy to ensure data integrity.

Table 4. Data Structure.

Aggregate themes	Second-order level codes	First-order level codes
Moral and ethical values	Respect refers to “objective and unbiased consideration and regard for the rights, values, beliefs and property” of others (Poovan et al., 2006, p. 18).	Family communication Respecting people and community
	Honesty refers to “acting consistently with principles of honesty and keeping promises” (Van Aardt & Bezuidenhout, 2019, p. 204).	Straightforward person
	Integrity is defined as “standing up for what is right [moral courage]” (Van Aardt & Bezuidenhout, 2019, p. 204).	Doing things properly Running the business in the right way Sticking to commitments Abiding by national laws
	Discipline refers to having a healthy conscience and internal sense of responsibility and control (Nieman & Shea, 2004).	Making an example out of the children Self-discipline
	Self-direction (independence, cognitive autonomy & accountability) refers to placing value on freedom, independent thoughts and actions, making and being accountable to own choices, and exploring own goals (Schwartz, 1992, p. 5).	Expressing freedom, independent thoughts and actions Accountable to own choices and exploring own goals Evaluating the self and thoughts Voicing opinions and make own choices Responsibility on one’s actions and choices
	Hard work refers to putting in a great deal of effort or showing endurance (Dictionary, 2021a).	Putting in a great deal of effort Showing endurance Keep on going and persevering Work ethic in the family
	Loyalty refers to the quality of having allegiance and being faithful and having best interests at heart toward something or someone (Dictionary;, 2021b).	Quality of having allegiance Commitment to the family and family business
	Trust refers to the firm belief in the reliability, truth, or ability of someone or something (Azizi et al., 2017).	Taking care of family matters Managing the finances of the family business Responsible for family member possessions
Economic values	Entrepreneurship refers to the mind-set, attitudes, and beliefs that orient a person toward pursuing entrepreneurial (business) activities (Habbershon et al., 2010).	Pursuing entrepreneurial activities Business orientated family members Financial support to family members for entrepreneurial ventures
	Family business involvement refers to the participation of family members in the family business as owners, managers, or employees (Garcia-Castro & Aguilera, 2014).	Participation of family members in the family business Desire for children to work in the family business Young children working in the business
	Family business continuity refers to a strong desire to preserve the family business so as to pass it on to the NextGen of family members (Garton, 2019; Sindambiwe, 2020).	Preserving the legacy of the founder and family Creating wealth for the generations Duty to continue with the family business
	Education refers to the importance attached to learning and applying knowledge and skills (Gökçe, 2021).	Investing in the education of family members
	Passion refers to the strong feeling of love that an individual shows toward what he or she does (Mask, n.d.).	Love and dedication shown toward what one does Relating to and identifying with the work one does
	Ambition refers to one’s motivation and willingness to achieve something (Duh et al., 2009).	Rapid progression and achievement in one’s career
	Familial sacrifice refers to a person’s willingness to forego immediate self-interests to promote the well-being of family members (Van Lange et al., 1997).	Hardships (struggles) experienced by their families Sacrifices made by family members Putting the interests of the family after those of the family business members
Spiritual and religious values	Spirituality refers to the recognition of a feeling or sense of belief that there is something greater than the self, that there is more to being human than the sensory experience, and that the greater whole is divine in nature (Spencer, 2012).	Prayer as a source of family unity Christian beliefs African traditional rituals
	Forgiveness refers to the voluntary internal process of letting go of feelings and thoughts of resentment, bitterness, anger, and the need for vengeance and retribution toward someone who has wronged another person (Souders, 2021).	Affording those who have wronged them second chances Letting go of feelings and thoughts of resentment
	Familism refers to interdependent family relationships and family bonds that are close, supportive, warm, and responsive (Campos et al., 2016; Manzi & Brambilla, 2014).	Family spending time together Family member closeness Family harmonious relationships Showing and giving support and love
Cultural values	Benevolence refers to the preservation and enhancement of the welfare of other people without expecting a reward in return (Faherty, 2021; Mangaliso & Damane, 2001; Waldkirch & Nordqvist, 2016).	Preservation and enhancement of the welfare of other people Showing empathy
	Humility refers to regarding one’s worth as not lower or higher than others (Muller, 2017).	Learning to be humble in the way one lives
	Respect for elders refers to having a high regard and admiration for one’s elders (Powell, 2018).	Having a high regard and admiration for elders Respecting senior community members
	Humanness refers to the “interconnectedness of individuals” in a community or society (Brubaker, 2013, p. 96) and explains the collective mind-set of members in a specific community (Muller, 2017).	Interconnectedness of individuals Spirit of togetherness and sharing a bond with others
	African traditions refer to traditional and cultural African rituals and routines (Bardi & Schwartz, 2003).	Educating others about African languages and traditions Committing to and accepting African traditions African traditional dress codes and events

Key findings and discussion

From the data coding and analysis, four themes describing four family value sets of participating families were generated based on Idang’s (2015) value classification and are presented in the following sections. As seen in Table 4, these four family value sets were classified as moral and ethical values, economic values, spiritual and religious values, and cultural values.

Moral and ethical values

The various moral and ethical values upheld by the families participating in this study included respect, honesty and integrity, discipline, self-direction, hard work, loyalty, and trust. Having these values is common among families in general and among African families in particular. Teaching indigenous Black African children to respect themselves and to treat others with respect and dignity is common among African families (Metz, 2020), but worth highlighting is that the participating families believe that relationships in their community are facilitated by the level of respect and treatment members of the community receive from each other. Several authors (Awoniyi, 2015; Sesanti, 2010) highlight the importance of respect for building and maintaining relationships with various stakeholders. Honesty and integrity help maintain the family culture and relations among family members (Haugh & McKee, 2003), and the participating families are determined to do and stand for what is right, honor commitments made, and manage their businesses ethically.

In contrast to the traditional moral and ethical values found in African families, most participating families value self-direction (independence, cognitive autonomy, and accountability). As noted by Więcek-Janka (2016), collectivistic cultures tend to have collectivistic values and children in these cultures are taught to value cooperation and interpersonal relations. Individualistic values such as autonomy, independent thinking, and expressing own opinions are more likely to be found in individualistic cultures such as those in North America, and in Northern and Western European countries (Więcek-Janka, 2016). However, we found that independence is encouraged among the NextGen by not dictating to them how they should live their lives. Sihle Cube explained: “Because that is exactly what my mom has allowed me to do. Me trying to be true to who I am and her always creating room for me.”

Cognitive autonomy is encouraged by allowing the NextGen of family members to voice their own opinions as well as make their own decisions about personal and family matters. According to Beckert (2007), cognitive autonomy refers to an individual’s ability to evaluate the self and thoughts, voice opinions, and make their own choices. Patricia Bhengu narrated a recent incident where the voicing of opinions took place: “My aunt sat us down and […] gave us the option to make decisions as grandchildren because we are able to claim from her estate.”

The NextGen family members are also held accountable for their actions and choices. As Babalwa Zauka explained that her mother: “Wants to know what’s your year’s plan, what are you trying to achieve […] then she will hold you to account on those things during the course of the year.” Similarly, Kabelo Mothiba pointed out, “The most essential for me, and I actually just picture my grandparents when I say this, would have to be honesty to yourself […] own up towards your mistakes.”

Hard work defines most of the participating families, as Pamela Cube stated, “Oh okay, main one [value] is workaholism, it runs in my family,” and hard work is instilled through highlighting the importance of endurance and being prepared to do the “dirty work.” Worth noting is that stories by the senior generation of how hard they have worked to get to what they now have are common amongst the participating families, and as Sizwe Brown explains, “But the work ethic in the family has always been there.” The participating families also place great importance on loyalty. Patricia Bhengu noted, “Loyalty is a big thing here [in the family].

Trust is a value of the participating families and is highlighted by how the NextGen family members have placed their most valuable possessions (their children) in the hands of the senior generation. As Patricia Bhengu explained, “I have elected her [her aunt] to be my child’s legal guardian should anything happen to me. That’s how much I trust her.”

Economic values

As shown in Table 4, the participating families in this study uphold various economic values, namely entrepreneurship, family business involvement, family business continuity, education, passion, ambition, and familial sacrifice. According to Zellweger et al. (2012), business-owning families tend to show high levels of entrepreneurial activity over time, and these parents encourage the entrepreneurial orientations and abilities of their children (Laspita et al., 2012). Similarly, we found that most of the founders had pursued several other entrepreneurial initiatives prior to formally starting up their current family businesses. Seeing the entrepreneurial pursuits of their parents and being encouraged by them to follow suit has reinforced entrepreneurship as a family value in the NextGen of family members. As is common among business-owning families (García-Álvarez et al., 2002), with the encouragement of their parents, several NextGen family members in this study have embarked on their own entrepreneurial ventures and have received financial assistance from their parents. We did, however, find that when support has been given, an expectation that a return will be yielded, exists.

According to Zahra (2005) and Aldrich and Cliff (2003), business-owning families and founders generally involve family members in the family business and tend to involve them from a very young age. We found involvement in the family business to be a value of the participating families. However, not only is/was it expected that the NextGen work in the family business as children, but there is also an expressed expectation from the founding generations that the NextGen come back to work in the family business after furthering their education. As Babalwa Zauka explains, “That was always very clear that they sent us to school so that we can come back and re-invest [in the family business].” Alwadani and Ndubisi (2020) concur that each generation of family members is expected to add value to the family business, and the more that generation is involved in the family business, the wider the knowledge base becomes.

Zahra (2005) contends that founders and their families establish family businesses to leave an important legacy for their families. Leaving a legacy occurs by ensuring that the family business continues from one generation to the next. As Patricia Bhengu explains, “So I think that is what makes us a family business – being able to have kept the [family business] name going through the generations. It could have ended with just my grandfather. My mom and my aunts and uncles could have chosen to be anything else, anywhere else, but they didn’t.” We also found that it is not only the founding generation that wants to leave a legacy but also the NextGen who view it as their responsibility to preserve and protect the legacy left to them by the senior generations. We found that the reason why family business continuity is a value of the participating families is not only because of wanting to preserve the legacy of the founder but also to preserve the family business as a source of wealth creation for future generations. As Pamela Cube (founder) explains, “[My] family value is to create wealth for the generations […] for me, I value that as a family it should not just end up with me.” Most participating families come from poor and humble beginnings and do not want their children to suffer the same hardships as they did.

Education is a value, and in most participating families, parents have invested heavily in the education of the NextGen members, with most being well-educated and given independence and freedom to explore their own passions. Worth noting is that the importance placed on the independence and freedom of the NextGen somewhat contradicts the general collectivistic African perspective, as these values are more likely to be found in individualistic cultures than in collectivistic ones (Więcek-Janka, 2016). As highlighted by several authors (McCullough & Whitaker, 2019; Seaman et al., 2016; Welsh et al., 2003), the participating senior generation have not only provided economic resources for the NextGen but have also served as educational role models to them because of their own educational endeavors.

Several family members highlighted having passion as a value, passion for the things that they do, and particularly for their involvement in their family businesses. Founders consciously strived to share this value with the NextGen. Ambition is also a value with having a strong desire and drive to attain personal goals being emphasized by the participating family members. Similarly, several studies (Block et al., 2013; García-Álvarez & López-Sintas, 2006; Jaskiewicz & Gombs, 2015) report that passion and ambition are the leading values of family business founders.

Family sacrifice was identified as a value of all participating families. We found that the NextGen members are taught to have a deep commitment to the family, and personal sacrifices are expected to be made for the benefit of the family. Making personal sacrifices is common among business-owning families, and several authors (Vallejo, 2008; Yan & Sorenson, 2006) point out that children are taught to make personal sacrifices for the sake of the entire family and the family business. It is worth noting that participants emotionally described how the sacrifices made by their parents and the hardships (struggles) experienced by their families had increased their commitment to ensuring the success and long-term survival of their family business.

Spiritual and religious values

The spiritual and religious values of the participating business-owning families were found to include spirituality, forgiveness, and familism. Idang (2015) concurs that indigenous African families hold a belief in the existence of a supreme being, which is invisible and indigenous. Evidence of spirituality as a value is evident in how the families place importance on their Christian beliefs and African traditions. According to Vallejo (2008), strong families are characterized by a deep sense of a superior power, which gives many a sense of strength and meaning, as it does for the participating families. Worth noting is that during several of the interviews, participants referred, on more than one occasion, to lessons and scriptures from the bible, which demonstrates the value they place on their spiritual Christian beliefs. For example, Thozama Maswana notes, “Even if you are not a religious person, the values that are in the bible are meant for society. You know the ten commandments are the key rules that we need to live in society – whether or not you believe in God.”

The participating families uphold forgiveness as a value and believe in affording those who have wronged them a second chance. Letting go of feelings and thoughts of resentment toward someone who has wronged the family is done so that cordiality exists among all family and non-family members. In the context of indigenous Black families, forgiveness is seen as a mechanism to uphold the spirit and values of Ubuntu, which are aimed at creating intense compassion and providing harmonious interpersonal relationships (Denton, 2018).

Familism as a value is evident in the high levels of closeness, support, and warmth between family members in the participating business-owning families, as well as the time they spend together, the manner in which this time together is spent (open and engaging), as well as the love they show each other. Participants talk fondly of the times they spend together as a family and how much it means to them. Zinhle Maswana explains, “It’s lovely that my kids are able to be with their cousins […] the closeness because it’s what we want – It’s what we want for them too.” Similarly, Kabelo Mothiba points out: “Our parents, they taught us the love […] and I have always wanted to have what my parents have, you know, the love.” As is the case in the current study, Yan and Sorenson (2006) contend that in business-owning families, the NextGen members are taught to promote and maintain harmony in the family. Furthermore, members who come from strong families, genuinely enjoy spending time together (Vallejo, 2008).

Cultural values

The cultural values of the participating business-owning families were identified as benevolence, humility, respect for elders, humanness, and African tradition. Metz (2020) explains that African cultures place great importance on caring for others. Similarly, we found that the participating families demonstrate benevolence by preserving and enhancing the welfare of their employees and customers, as well as the communities they serve, by making personal and financial sacrifices. While the welfare of employees, customers and community members is valued, most families undertake benevolent activities that promote the identities of their families and their family businesses. Feliu and Botero (2016) concur that business-owning families value undertaking benevolent activities as this reflects well on the identities of their families.

Humility is also upheld as a value and has been instilled into the NextGen members by the teachings of elders and the examples they set. Examples set include living simple lives and not thinking they are better than others. Several NextGen family members narrated stories of how they learnt to value humility from their elders. Patricia Bhengu says, “My grandfather has always taught us to be humble. Don’t gloat, and I kid you not, if my grandfather ever saw you do anything of that sort, you would be in big trouble.” The value humility is evident in the NextGen by the way they live and how they think of themselves. As is the case in the current study, Metz (2020) points out that among indigenous Black African families, children are educated to be good members of society, whose attitudes and actions do not express arrogance and selfishness when it comes to how they view others.

The participating business-owning families were found to have a high regard and admiration for elders, including leaders and senior figures in their communities. The value placed on respecting one’s elders, family and non-family members, is strongly embedded in African culture. Thozama Maswana comments saying, “And being African as well, you know that you need to respect your elders, learning to know that whether or not they are blood. If someone is older than you, then you need to respect that.” Our finding corresponds with Więcek-Janka (2016), who reports that the collective cultures found among indigenous Black South Africans place importance on treating their elders with high regard and admiration (respect). According to Obot (2001), African cultures are known for having social hierarchies where elders, leaders, and senior figures in the community are highly respected.

Humanness is a value, and most of the participating family members demonstrate the “interconnectedness of individuals” in their group by sharing meals and staying connected with the non-family members working in the family businesses so that these individuals are seen as part of the family. By showing that they laugh together and cry together with non-family members, the participating families teach this value to the NextGen of family members. Our finding could be explained by the literature highlighting that African culture is characterized as collectivistic in nature, where the interdependence of people in cultural groups is emphasized (Eaton & Louw, 2000; Laher & Dockrat, 2019). According to Obidi (2005), in traditional Black African societies, members work together for the welfare and prosperity of the family and/or the cultural group. Such cultural groups emphasize group or collective interests instead of individual personal goals (Yankuzo, 2014).

The participating families uphold African traditions as a value and believe in respecting and observing their cultural African rituals and routines. As Zinhle Maswana explains, “But now you know African culture – your in-laws, if you are married to that kind of person, you have to do it. So, my husband does even on Thursday he had an igogogo [traditional ritual], so I had to be there.” According to Matchaba-Hove (2020), indigenous Black business-owning families uphold their cultural African traditions and respect the core cultural value of ancestorhood. Similarly, Metz (2020) highlights that at the center of African traditions is the observance and practice of rituals that are aimed at communicating with the ancestors when offering sacrifices.

Conclusion

Our study contends that with the increasing integration of more indigenous African family businesses into formal economic sectors and value chains aiming to capitalize on local and international opportunities (World Bank, 2021; Yenkey & Hill, 2022), there is a need for non-indigenous businesses to understand and appreciate the family value sets upheld by these organizations to effectively engage with them and to cultivate positive and mutually beneficial business relationships. We further assert that awareness of the cultural and familial values within indigenous African family businesses and their families is crucial for successful collaboration and cooperation.

Our study identifies the family values upheld by IBSA business-owning families and shows that the participating families upheld moral, ethical, economic, spiritual, religious, and cultural values. That is, our findings show that family values of indigenous African business-owning families are rooted in their moral, ethical, economic, spiritual, religious, and cultural foundations. These values shape the decision-making processes in these business-owning families and, ultimately, the processes and practices found in their family businesses (Discua Cruz, 2013; Paterson et al., 2013; Sorenson & Milbrandt, 2023). Therefore, recognizing these values is crucial for understanding what guides strategic decisions, investments, and business practices. As Aronoff (2004) highlighted, a strong value set permeates the owning family and the family business, creating a unique business culture. As mentioned by several studies (e.g. Anggadwita et al., 2020; Haynes et al., 2021; Rau et al., 2019), values are critical to the success and sustained growth of indigenous African family businesses, as they contribute to the resilience and continuity of these enterprises.

The inspiration behind our study stems from the literature suggesting that indigenous African families are rooted in their cultural values and traditions (Agbim, 2018; Ojua et al., 2014), which in turn significantly influences the organizational value sets and shape the culture in their family businesses (Duh et al., 2010). Indeed, family values are deeply rooted in cultures (Ganguli & Krishnan, 2005; Ocholla-Ayayo, 2000), and identifying these values provides a window into the cultural context within which these business-owning families operate. Our study fosters a better understanding of the traditions, norms, and practices that influence the IBSA family businesses. In this study we argue that the enduring presence of family values contribute to preserving cultural heritage across successive generations and within family businesses. Consequently, business-owning families are vital in ensuring that these values, handed down through the generations, continue to shape the business’s identity and reputation as well as maintain its meaningful connection to the broader cultural context. As observed in our study, the families view it as their responsibility to teach family values that encompass moral, ethical, economic, spiritual, religious, and cultural precepts, to the NextGen members, which will help sustain their families and businesses over the long-term.

Contributions to theory

The aim of our study was to identify the family value sets upheld by IBSA business-owning families and in doing so, several contributions are made to our understanding of the types and nature of values upheld by these families in an African context.

First, based on Idang’s (2015) initial value classification our study develops and identifies several family value sets upheld by IBSA business-owning families and, in doing so, provides detailed insights into the nature of family values from an indigenous African perspective. Prior studies (Bika et al., 2019; Pagliarussi & Leme, 2020; Ruf et al., 2021) on values in family businesses have not developed a systematic and unified value classification framework for family values. Using the family as a unit of analysis, we confirmed Idang’s (2015) value classification in that family value sets in the context of IBSA business-owning families consist of moral and ethical, economic, spiritual and religious, as well as cultural values. However, our value classification framework provides more details on the various values within each of the four family value sets identified and has the potential to provide other researchers with a theoretical foundation on which to conduct further research. Although many of the values identified are common among families in general, worth noting are those identified in our study as specific to the African context, namely familial sacrifice, spirituality, familism, respect for elders, humanness, and African traditions. The family value sets identified in this study serve different functions and objectives in the family and among family members, as such, business-owning families introduce the NextGen to a value set that they consider acceptable and necessary for them to navigate the different facets of their lives, in and outside the family settings. As observed from our findings, not only do the senior family members teach the NextGen values relating to moral and ethical development, but they also instill values relating to economics, spirituality, and religion as well as culture, notably their African culture.

Second, by focusing on family values only we advance our understanding of values from a family perspective and provide a clear picture of the nature of family values. Several studies (Olejniczak, 2014; Tàpies & Fernández-Moya, 2012; Zwack et al., 2016) in the field of values in family businesses have used a one-dimensional approach when investigating values in family businesses. With this approach, studies have combined and infused the values found in the business-owning family with those found in the business without attempting to provide a distinction between the two. Similarly, to date, research on values tends to assume that the business-owning family upholds the same value sets as the family business. Furthermore, these studies do not clarify the level or unit of analysis at which they investigate values in family businesses. Following several scholars (e.g. Aldrich & Cliff, 2003; Nordqvist & Melin, 2010; Sharma et al., 2012), who suggest focusing mainly on the family household as a unit of analysis to evaluate the family embeddedness in entrepreneurship, our study focusses on and primarily identifies the family value sets of the IBSA business-owning families. With the increase of family science in the study of family businesses (Litz et al., 2012), studying family values as distinctive characteristics of a business-owning family helps to explain the value sets that contribute to the heterogeneity among family businesses (C. B. Astrachan et al., 2021). As observed by Azizi et al. (2017), there are different dimensions and levels of aggregation that values such as trust can be conceptualized and analyzed in family businesses. Our study, therefore, classifies family values from a business-owning family’s perspective helping us obtain a detailed grasp of the values at this level. By focusing on the family as a unit of analysis, our study responds to research calls for a more nuanced understanding of the business-owning family behind the family business (C. B. Astrachan et al., 2021). For example, although our findings concur with Idang’s (2015), who observes that traditional African values are founded on hard work and cooperation, it is important to note that the literature on values in business-owning families is limited, particularly on the values of hard work and loyalty. Therefore, our study further contributes to the theory by identifying and highlighting values found in business-owning families that are not commonly discussed in the literature.

Third, our study contributes to the ongoing debate on family business heterogeneity in that some of the values upheld by the indigenous Black African families were found to be different from those upheld by their Western counterparts. Our study reveals that the philosophy of Ubuntu is especially relevant in the context of IBSA business-owning families. It reveals how and explains why members of these families interact with and relate to each other, as well as the external world, in the manner that they do. It is this philosophy that underlies the values they uphold that make IBSA business-owning families differ from their Western and Eurocentric family business counterparts. IBSA business-owning families uphold values associated with intense humanness, caring, sharing, and compassion, and this is demonstrated by the importance they place on having positive relationships with people and how they place the well-being of others and their communities above their own.

Last, our study contributes to the literature by responding to several calls on the need to investigate values in different cultural settings. Our study investigates family values from an indigenous African perspective, providing a non-Western perspective to understand the nature of values. Despite much research existing on values in family businesses (e.g. Fathallah et al., 2020; Olejniczak, 2014; Rau et al., 2019; Ruf et al., 2021; Zwack et al., 2016), research on values in an indigenous African context is non-existent. By conducting this study on IBSA business-owning families, we respond to several research calls that advocate for taking an ethnic approach to studying family businesses (Gupta et al., 2010; Litz et al., 2012; Yan & Sorenson, 2006) since the family values, cultural structures and relationships in these contexts differ across societies and countries (Kaunda & Nkhoma, 2013). As observed in the literature (Garcia et al., 2014; Schwartz, 1992), different countries and cultural settings have different norms and value sets, which are the basis for cultural and behavioral understanding. In addition, as globalization and internationalization advance in Africa, there is a need for non-African families and other businesses to understand the African cultural settings by understanding the value sets that African family businesses uphold.

Implications to practice and recommendations

Business-owning families, as important social units, should uphold value sets that accommodate the needs of individual family members, the business-owning family, and their respective cultures. Furthermore, business-owning families should teach and instill value sets that help individual family members and the family as a whole to function economically, socially, and ethically in both the business environment and society in general. It is these values that define how family members interact with each other and other non-family members. Besides well-known values that facilitate business relationships, common to indigenous and non-indigenous family businesses in general (e.g. respect, honesty, hard work, loyalty, and trust), African values such as family sacrifice, humanness, familism, and African traditions should also be acknowledged and considered. Knowing and understanding these African values may enhance business relationships between indigenous and non-indigenous African businesses. As highlighted in the literature (Duh et al., 2010; Hall et al., 2001), the dominant family culture found in many family businesses is the result of the beliefs and values that are rooted in the family, its history, and social relationships. Therefore, practitioners and consultants need to recognize and be sensitive to the family and cultural values of IBSA business-owning families when advising these families and their businesses. Failure to recognize and consult with these value sets could result in the business-owning families and their businesses not taking the advice given because of a misalignment between the advice and their values. However, as highlighted by Weber (1904), strong culturally predetermined family values may place constraints on the development of capitalist economic activities, which require a more individualistic form of entrepreneurship and the absence of nepotism.

Study limitations and future studies

The present study has several limitations. First, it focused on identifying the family value set among IBSA business-owning families only. Future studies could focus on other themes, such as values development among business-owning families and parents’ perception of their children’s personal values in the IBSA context. Barni et al. (2019) suggest, for example, that knowing how parents’ perceptions of their children are formed and examining the forces that most strongly drive these perceptions can help researchers to understand better parents’ beliefs and behaviors as well as the parent-child relationship. In addition, future studies could attempt to answer research questions such as: What value set configuration is needed to ensure business performance and success among family businesses? What is the impact of different types of value sets on the performance of family businesses? How does the founding generation socialize the NextGen into the value sets? How do the indigenous African business-owning families align their values and those found in their family businesses?

Second, this study utilized a one-dimensional view of the family by treating all members of the business-owning family as one unit of analysis. In this study, attempts were not made to identify and separate the different value sets upheld by different family member groups, such as parents versus children or founders versus NextGen family members. Future research could also investigate differences between the value sets of the senior and younger generations of family members and what has led to these differences. Future research could further investigate the different value sets that may exist among different age groups and at what stage the senior generation should start socializing the NextGen. For example, Schönpflug (2001) asserts that the value transmission process tends to emphasize different value sets in relation to different age groups.

Third, as is inherent to the qualitative design, the study used a small sample size of 17 participants drawn from seven IBSA business-owning families, which limited the capacity to generalize the findings. We are thus certain that we have not identified all the values evident in IBSA business-owning families. Therefore, future research should be conducted utilizing a relatively larger sample size to gain further insights into the family value sets found among IBSA families and their family businesses in general. Undertaking this will advance our understanding of the nature of values in family businesses in an indigenous context. Furthermore, the findings of this study are based on data collected from seven IBSA family businesses mainly operating in service industries. Future studies could focus on those in other industries, possibly providing deeper insights into different value sets held and contributing to the generalization of findings (Jiménez et al., 2015).

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Data availability statement

The data that support the findings of the study are available upon reasonable request from the corresponding author WK. The data are not publicly available due to containing information that could compromise the privacy of research participants.

Additional information

Funding

The Nelson Mandela University’s Research Development Office partly sponsored this research. All the researchers, WK, SMF and EV, privately sourced some of the funds.