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Abstract
When disaster occurred in Qing Dynasty, some of the rich people, say gentry and merchants, were willing to make great contributions on relief. According to sources, donations for relief had some benefits for them. Not merely can they gain official titles with self-identity and superiority, but can convert “cultural capital” into upwardly mobile political chances and strengthen a say in local politics, propelling them into positions of power. Therefore, when making a substantial payment on relief, in exchange, contributors using symbols paid attention on the importance of cultural hegemony in maintaining their positions in local society. The observation of the relief donation in the Qing Dynasty made it a site to study not just how people dealt with the famine policy within structure and what the social mechanism at the time developed.
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Notes
1 Zhou Meihua 周美华, “晁错 ‘纳粟授爵’ 与汉文帝军功爵制度改革”, 2013, 19–32; Xu Zhongwei 徐钟谓, Famine Policy in Chinese History 中国历代之荒政制度, 1936, 77.
2 Relevant study see Xu Daling 许大龄, Juanna System in Qing Dynasty 清代的捐纳制度, 1977; Wu Yue 伍跃, Juanna System and Society in China中国的捐纳制度与社会, 2013; Chen Kuanqiang 陈宽强, 《清代捐纳制度—陈宽强毕业论文之二》, 2014. Lawrence Zhang, Legacy of Success, 2013.
3 Li Xiangjun concluded that Juanna System was “a supplementary form of governmental relief.” See Li Xiangjun 李向军, The History of Famine Relief 中国救灾史, 1996, 142. It was “to make up for the shortfall in national finance.” See Zhongguo diyi lishi dangan guan 中国第—历史档案馆 (ed.), “Shangyu tiaoli” 上谕条例, 2002, 21.
4 Wu Yue 伍跃, Juanna System and Society in China, 2013, 359.
5 Quiet a bit of research has gone into investigating the correlation between the development of clan and Juanna. See Chang Jianhua 常建华, “捐纳、乡贤与宗族的兴起及建设—以清代山西洪洞苏堡刘氏为例”, 2017, 114–126; Yang Jinpeng杨金鹏, “Clan and Juanna 家族与捐纳”, 2017.
6 Ma Minggang 马鸣岗 was always ready to help. His neighbors erected a monument honoring his general deeds. Lintong xian xu zhi 2 volumes 临潼县续志2卷, 1890, 25a. In the eighth year of Guangxu (1882), Zheng Youyong 郑有庸rescued the desperately poor and help those who were in difficulty in the famine. Thereupon, the imperial throne granted him the right to build an honorific arch 牌坊 (paifang). Gao Zhaohui 高兆辉, Wei Zhenhuan 韦镇寰, Sanxiang fenghua 三乡风华, 2011, 152;
7 Shangyu xianzhi jiao xu 50 volumes 上虞县志校续50卷, 1899, 31a.
8 Zhang Zhidong 张之洞, “光绪十五年十二月初十日京报全录”, Shenbao申报, 1890, 12/12.
9 Huang Jianchun 黄建淳, 《晚清新马华侨对国家认同之研究：以赈捐， 投资，封爵为例》, 1983, 328.
10 Ibid.
11 Joseph W. Esherick and Mary Backus Rankin, Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance, 1990, 38.
12 Most scholars who have studied the motivation for donations categorized it as being driven by a traditional mindset. See Nie Xuanhua 聂选华, Gu ben an bian 固本安边, 2022, 339–342; Li Xixia 李喜霞, Research on Modern Chinese Philanthropic Thought 中国近代慈善思想研究, 2016, 48–54; Zhou Qiuguang 周秋光, Zeng Guilin 曾桂林, The Brief History of Chinese Charity 中国慈善简史, 2006, 29; Zeng Guilin 曾桂林, “从‘慈善’到‘公益’:近代中国公益观念的变迁”, 2018, 44–49; Zhou Qiuguang 周秋光 and Li Huawen 李华文, “中国慈善的传统与现代转型”, 2020, 61–72. Some of scholars manifestly asserted that the belief was the fundamental reason for donating behavior. See Gao Jianguo 高建国and Xia Mingfang 夏明方(eds.), China Disaster 中国灾害志, 2021, 397.
13 Relevant papers see Liu Changxi 刘长喜, “利益相关者、社会契约与企业社会责任:—个新的分析框架及其应用”, 2005; Zhou Qiuguang 周秋光, Zeng Guilin曾桂林, “近代慈善事业与中国东南社会变迁(1895-1949)”, 2002, 84–94.
14 Joanna Handlin Smith, The Art of Doing Good, 2015, 15.
15 Liang Qizi 梁其姿, Charitable Organizations in the Ming and Qing Dynasties 施善与教化:明清的慈善组织, 2001, 61.
16 Wang Fansen proposed historians should pay more attention to historical characters’ activism. Wang Fansen 王汎森, Rethinking the History of Modern Chinese Ideas 思想是生活的—种方式, 2018, 350.
17 Timothy James Brook, Praying for Power, 2005, 195–237.
18 Ibid., 215.
19 Zhang Zhongli 张仲礼, The Study on Chinese Gentry, 2008, 3, 11; Ma Min 马敏, Between Government and Merchants, 2022, 23. “The relationship between wealth and status became the closest only when the purchase of official or academic titles from the government possibly achieves,” said Qu Tongzu, an eminent scholar. See Qu Tongzu 瞿同祖, Local Government in the Qing Dynasty, 2003, 286.
20 Relevant study on gentry’s privilege, see Qu Tongzu, 2003, 295; Zhang Zhongli, 2008, 26–33; Ma Min, 2022, 26.
21 Wang Xianming 王先明, “历史记忆与社会重构：以清末民初绅权变异为中心的考察”, 2010, 4–23.
22 It was one of the important social functions of the gentry as leaders and representatives of the community that was to “state the local needs, propose specific plans and take appropriate measures.” See Zhou Rongde 周荣德, Class and Mobility in Chinese Society, 2000, 94. From some of scholars’ view, Gentry acted as local spokesmen and this played a significant role in improvement of their local prestige. Zhang Zhongli, 2008, 43. Scholar Handlin used diary to elaborate an impressive picture that a gentry of the late Ming Dynasty argued strongly with local officials on disaster relief. See Joanna Handlin Smith, The Art of Doing Good, 2015, 241. Examples also can be seen in literature written as a great deed in honor of charity. In the early Qing Dynasty, Tan 谭氏, the son of the Guangdong clan, asked for relief and then “hundreds of loads of grain were given out to the poor, while he left with empty loads, without resentment.” See Tan Jianjian 谭建兼,《中山谭敦本堂族谱》, 1932, 247–248.
23 Liu Weiying 刘卫英 and Wang Li 王立, 《明清灾害叙事、御灾策略及民间信仰》, 2022, 484–485.
24 Bai Ling 百龄, “奏报江苏省夏令雨未霑足并高阜山田不及栽种情形”, Gong zhong dang zouzhe宫中档奏折, 1814, 1–3 .
25 Li Shixu 黎世序, Bailing百龄, Zhang Shicheng张师诚, “奏为泾河淤垫急需挑挖深通恭恳圣恩俯准借项以资减泄以利农田事”, Gong zhong dang zouzhe 宫中档奏折, 1815, 1–5.
26 Cheng Qiyu 程其珏 – Yang Zhenfu 杨震福 (eds.), Jia ding xian zhi 32 volumes 嘉定县志32 卷, vol. 6, 1881, 10b.
27 Zhang Shicheng张师诚, “奏为黄渡潮弱河浅重运漕船蹔由黄浦泖湖行走奏请圣鉴”, Gong zhong dang zouzhe 宫中档奏折, 1815, 1–5.
28 Bo Run 博润, Yao Guangfa 姚光发, Songjiang fu xu zhi 4 volumes 松江府续志40卷, 1883, 2a.
29 Sun Yuting 孙玉庭 – Chen Guisheng陈桂生, “为查明江省高邮甘泉宝应睢宁四州县秋田被淹成灾分数及句容等十五州县歉收情形事”, Wai ji dang 外纪档, 1817, 1.
30 Chen Guisheng 陈桂生, “为疏濬吴淞江河道现在兴工办理情形恭摺奏闻事”, Wai ji dang 外纪档, 1818, 1.
31 As stipulated, the poor in the affected areas would be provided one-month ration of food, no matter how seriously the place was affected. Dai Zhaochen 戴肇辰, Xue shi lu 16 voulumes 学仕录16 卷, vol. 16, 1867, 3b.
32 Bo Run 博润, Yao Guangfa 姚光发, Songjiang fu xu zhi 4 volumes 松江府续志40 卷, vol. 7, 1883, 7b.
33 Since the Qing Dynasty, there was no lack of exempt from tax payment in disaster-stricken areas. See Hu bu ze li 户部则例; Qin ding hu bu ze li 钦定户部则例, 1830, vol. 82–89.
34 Wang Xinjing王心敬, “Dawen xuanju 答问选举”, Qing jingshi wenbian 120 volumes 清经世文编120卷, 1886, 27a. In Xianfeng fourth year (1854), when Huiqing 惠庆 in Guangxi was in charge of tuanlian团练 (militia training), he saw gentry as crucial element and summarized that because of alternation of assignment, officials were not as close to local community as gentry. So, gentry for the development of public affairs played a very important role. Hui Qin惠庆, “奏陈粤西团练日坏亟宜挽救疏”, 1854, Qing jingshi wen xu bian 120 volumes清经世文续编, vol. 82, 1897, 45a.
35 Wang Fengsheng 王凤生, “Shenshi” 绅士 (Gentry), Mu ling shu 牧令书, vol. 14, 1849, 26b.
36 Wang Fengsheng 王凤生, “Huang zheng bei lan” 荒政备览, Zhongguo huangzhengshu jicheng 中国荒政书集成, vol. 5, 2010, 3017.
37 Yang Shida 杨士达, “书张武昌救荒事”, Huangchao jingshi wen xu bian皇朝经世文续编, vol. 38, 1898, 10b.
38 Huang Liuhong 黄六鸿, “Dai shenshi” 待绅士 (Treat Gentry), Fu hui quan shu 福惠全书, vol. 4, 2018, 72.
39 Shao Tinglie 邵廷烈, “Si jiu ji lue” 饲鸠纪略, Zhongguo huangzhengshu jicheng 中国荒政书集成, vol. 5, 2010, 3089.
40 Tai cang zhou zhi 28 volumes, vol. 28, 1919, 45a.
41 Fang Guancheng方观承, “Quan yu ren xu” 劝谕任恤, Zhen ji 8 volumes 赈纪8卷, vol. 9, 13a.
42 Dai Zhaochen advised that the gentry and rich households “endeavored to donate money and silver or rice and grain, chose a spacious public office close to where they lived, conducted mutual relief. Everything was at their own discretion without intervention of official to be the manager. If it was inconvenient to provide relief, they were permitted to resort to the local officials and to submit their donations of silver and money. That would be fine.” Dai Zhaochen 戴肇辰, Xue shi lu 16 voulumes 学仕录16 卷, vol. 16, 1867, 8a. Zhang Huiyan 张惠言, a civil official, suggested that the prime managers of public bureau should be “selected from the local well-respected gentry and educated people,” and the selection of directors “was the collective decision rather than governmental employment.” He also pointed out that “when the gentry submitted the report, the local official acted as a persuader, rather than commander, and if there was any business, officials summoned simply the manager for negotiation. The directors took orders from the manager.” Zhang Huiyan 张惠言, “拟抚军札饬事例”, Ming ke wen bu bian wai bian 茗柯文补编外编, vol. 1, 1919, 29b.
43 Qi Yanhuai 齐彦槐, “Tu zhen fa” 图赈法, Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝经 世文编, vol.42, 1886, 23a
44 It was depicted that “rich men were active to donate for relief without exception.” Yang Jingren 杨景仁, “Chou ji bian” 筹济编, Zhongguo huangzhengshu jicheng 中国荒政书集成, vol. 5, 2010.
45 Revised Huating xianzhi 24 volumes 重修华亭县志24 卷, vol. 7, 1878, 14b.
46 In the third year of Daoguang (1823), Wang Fengsheng 王凤生, Vice Prefect of Zhejiang province 浙江同知, praised Qi Yanhuai's齐彦槐 constitution of tu zhen fa 图赈法, who was his fellow villager, Li Wenhai, Xia Mingfang, Zhu Hu 2010, 26. And he believed that there was nothing different with his approach to flood management in Taihu Lake 太湖. See Wang Fengsheng 王凤生, “Huang zheng bei lan” 荒政备览, Zhongguo huangzhengshu jicheng, 2010, 3027. Another official, Li Xingyuan 李星沅 “took tu zhen fa as an example” during his term of office in Daoguang years. See Li Xingyuan 1866, 74a. In the second to third years of Guangxu (1876-1877), this method was adapted in the drought in Shandong province. See Fang Jiaju 方家驹, Fenyang xianzhi 14 volumes汾阳县志14卷, vol. 10, 1884, 14b. Next decades of years, the local government tried to deal with the famine problems caused by floods in the way of tu zhen fa. “上海文报局浙赈收解处接到余上经佩卿先生书”, Shenbao, 1889, 4; “照录合赈局附启”, Shenbao, 1891, 4.
47 Taohuawu of Xie house in Suzhou 苏州桃花坞谢宅 was a collection site, established by Xie Jiafu and his colleagues, where they received the contributions and distributed materials for relief of Yu 豫 in the name of jiangzhe xiezhu yu zhen suzhou taohuawu江浙协助豫赈苏州桃花坞 or suzhou taohuawu zhe yu 苏州桃花坞浙寓. See “江浙协助豫赈苏州桃花坞收捐处十二日上旬接解捐款清单”, Shenbao, 1879, 4.
48 “Juan mi ji zhen”捐米继赈, Shenbao, 1879, 2.
49 “宜荆城乡筹济公所各项章程办法汇录”, Zhongguo huangzhengshu jicheng, vol. 11, 2010, 7449. We can see in many official documents that superiors asked their subordinates to “supervise all gentry to handle the matters properly”. Zhang Qingxuan 张青选, “Relief Donations” 捐赈事宜, Zhongguo huangzhengshu jicheng, vol. 4, 2010, 2575–2606.
50 Fu Majin 夫马进, Zhongguo shanhui shantang shi 中国善会善堂史, 2005, 504.
51 Zhang Bingquan 张秉铨, “宣化常平义仓禀稿章程”, Zhongguo huangzhengshu jicheng, vol. 8, 2010, 5917–5919.
52 In Guangxu reigning years, this warehouse repeatedly was misappropriated to run schools. Consequently, it failed to earn interest profits, after the Republic of China, Magistrate nationalized it. See Yu Fengsheng 余凤生 and Zhu Ruzhen 朱汝珍 (eds.), Qingyuan xianzhi 20 volumes 清远县志 20 卷, vol. 13, 1937, 18b.
53 Qu Tongzu 瞿同祖, Local Government in the Qing Dynasty, 2003, 267. Gentry were relatively in a highly respective position in the local place, and sometimes the magistrate had to rely on them.
54 A scholar Wang Xianming 王先明 put forward that “the rural gentry were not granted with system power, but had the natural authority of the local society, so that they had a flexible and broad power space in the social field between the officials and the people.” Wang Xianming, “历史记忆与社会重构： 以清末民初绅权变异为中心的考察”, 2010, 4–23.
55 Li Huaiyin 李怀印, “晚清及民国时期华北村庄中的乡地制—以河北获鹿县为例”, 2001, 75–88; Li Huaiyin李怀印, “Discourse and Power in Early Twentieth-Century of Rural North China”, 1999, 33–44.
56 Li Xiwen 李羲文, “Summary of Famine Policy” 荒政摘要, Zhongguo huangzhengshu jicheng, vol. 5, 2010, 3374.
57 Meng Zhaohua 孟昭华, Historical Record of Natural Disasters in China中国灾荒史记, 1999, 706.
58 Li Shixu 黎世序 and Pan Shien 潘世恩, Xu xing shui jin jian 156 volumes 续行水金鉴 156 卷, vol. 123, 1832, 25a.
59 Bai Ling 百龄, “奏为审明高邮州衿民钱华春等呈控该州冯馨承办挑工任听书差董事串扣方价苛敛钱文等情一案定拟具奏”, Gong zhong dang zouzhe 宫中档奏折, 1815a, 1–10.
60 Xu Lian 许莲, Ministry of Criminal Affairs 32 volumes 刑部比照加减成案 32 卷, vol. 24, 1834, 15a.
61 Li Xiangjun 李向军 also concluded the same opinion when making bureacracy corruption research. See Li Xiangjun 1995, 93. In Jiaqing 20th year(1815), Li Qiyan 李其言 and other shengyuan 生员 from shandong juye county 山东巨野县 went to the capital to charge county officers, like Li ZhenJia 李振甲, that embezzled warehouse rice, overly collect grain, hiding tenghuang 誊黄 (imperial edicts). Later, accusers got a sentence for creating trouble. In Daoguang 3th year (1823), there was Xiao shengwen 萧升文, a jiansheng 监生 (educated people) traveling over land and water to Beijing to accuse his Magistrate of the mishavior on famine relief. But due to this action, Xiao was punished by removing his educated title. Zhu Qingqi 祝庆祺, Criminal Case Review 60 volumes 刑案汇览60卷, vol. 48, 1886, 13b, 15a. In Daoguang thirteenth year (1833), according to what Jin Yinglin 金应麟, Supervising Secretary 给事中, reported about the details of famine relief business, Daoguang Emperor sharply pointed out, “for the past ten years or so, ostensibly the provincial governors were rare to impeach something like that; really it was all about fearing themselves to be reported. And this phenomenon definitely was not a sign of a better governance prospect, so there seemed hundreds of problems while nothing enhanced eventually.” Lin Zexu 林则徐 Grand Coordinator of Jiangsu 江苏巡抚 at the time, hurriedly argued that, “what Jin Yinglin stated was an accumulated issues in the past, not the latest information,” Additionally placing the primary responsibility on the people that, “it was victims’ fault rather than officials.” See Jin Yinglin 金应麟, Zhi hua tang wen chao 豸华堂文钞, vol. 7, 1875, 1–2; Lin Zexu 林则徐, Political letters of Lin Zexu, vol. Jiangsu 3, 1885, 2a; The Veritable Records of Emperor Xuanzongcheng 宣宗成皇帝实录, vol. 246, 1833, 8423; Lin Zexu, “Reply to the report on the investigation of Famine Relief” 覆奏查办灾赈情形疏, Huangchao dao xian tong guang zouyi 皇朝道咸同光奏议, vol. 33, 1902, 2a.
62 Bai Ling 百龄, “奏闻审明前任兴化县知县胡廷锡等办工不善任听董事书役勾串派累案定拟缘由”, Gong zhong dang zouzhe宫中档奏折, 1815b, 1–10.
63 Zhu Qingqi 祝庆祺, Criminal Case Review 60 volumes, vol. 48, 1886, 30a.
64 Sun Yuting 孙玉庭, Chen Guisheng 陈桂生, “为查明江省高邮甘泉宝应睢宁四州县秋田被淹成灾分数及句容等十五州县歉收情形事”, Wai ji dang 外纪档, 1817, 1–8.
65 Li Xiangjun, Research on Famine in Qing Dynasty, 1995, 90–93.
66 Qi Yanhuai 齐彦槐, “Tu zhen fa” 图赈法, Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝经世文编, vol. 42, 1886, 22b.
67 The life of Yao Ying was recorded. See Shi Liye 施立业, Chronicle of Yao Ying’s life 姚莹年谱, 2004, 80.
68 Yao Ying 1866, 19b.
69 The emperor praised Jin for brutal honest,outspoken, fearless traits. See Wang Xianqian 王先谦, Donghua xulu 60 volumes 东华续录（道光朝）60, vol. 32, 1884, 1a; Tian Mingyao 田明曜, Xiangshan xianzhi 22 volumes 香山县志22 卷, vol. 15, 1878, 37b.
70 Jing Yinglin 金应麟, “奏为安徽省劣绅把持乡曲请旨查究事”, Jun ji chu dang zhe jian 军机处档摺件, 1833, 1–2.
71 Jing Yinglin 金应麟, Zhi hua tang wen chao 8 volumes豸华堂文钞8 卷, vol. 12, 1875, 11.
72 Du Fengzhi 杜凤治, Diary of Du Fengzhi, vol. 7, 2021, 601.
73 Sun Baoxuan 孙宝瑄, Wang shan lu Diary 忘山庐日记, 1941, 29b.
74 Such as “falsely claiming the relief transport fee,” “selling inflated grain in the name of preferential price to earn the difference,” “embezzling accounts of victims.” She Wenquan 佘文铨, “奏为请整饬办赈事宜以广皇仁事”, Gong zhong dang zouzhe 宫中档奏折, 1823, 1–4.
75 Li Wenhai 李文海, The Ten Greatest Disasters of Modern China 中国近代十大灾荒, 1994, 306.
76 According to Qingpu County Annals, Zhang Qikun 张起鲲 had been active in charitable societies before working as an expectant director of a board, such as maintenance and management of abandoned bridge, ancient building, Confucius temple, charitable body at private expense. Wang Zushou 汪祖绶, Xiong Qiying 熊其英, Qing pu xian zhi 30 volumes 青浦县志 30 卷, 1878, vol. 3, 5, 21. He therefore came to prominence. An influential at the time had written a poem to praise him. Tang Yifen汤贻汾, Poetry Anthology of Qin yin yuan 36 volumes 琴隐园诗集 36 卷, vol. 36 1874, 7b. Finially, he got a position, Squads Leader把总, which supported him qualified to preside over the relief project in the twenty-ninth year of Daoguang (1849).
77 Bo Run 博润, Yao Guangfa 姚光发, Songjiang fu xu zhi 4 volumes 松江府续志40 卷, vol. 7, 1883, 7b.
78 The Ministry of Household rules 户部则例 stipulated that the transport of rice for relief was tax free along the way. Cai Luyuan 蔡履元, Qinding hubu zeli126 volumes 钦定户部则例 126 卷首 1 卷, vol. 55, 1781, 5a. And it’s practical in many cases. See Yu Fengsheng 余凤生 and Zhu Ruzhen 朱汝珍, Qingyuan xianzhi 20 volumes 清远县志 20 卷, vol. 3, 1937, 35a; Zhu Shoupeng朱寿朋, Dong hua xu lu 220 volumes东华续录 （光绪朝） 220 卷, vol.113, 1909, 6a.
79 Wang Zushou 汪祖绶, Xiong Qiying熊其英, Qing pu xian zhi 30 volumes青浦县志30卷, vol. 8, 1878, 35.
80 Wu Siwu 吴四伍, Juanna System and Governance in Qing China 清代捐纳与国家治理, 2021, Abstract.
81 Wang Zushou汪祖绶, Xiong Qiying 熊其英, Qing pu xian zhi 30 volumes 青浦县志30 卷, vol. 28, 1878, 88.
82 It started when Shi Liangcai, as official in Haizhou 海州, requested to raise and collect the levy around Guandu town 莞渎鎭. He was blamed for violation of “ the customary rules and regulations.” See Wang Ding’an 王定安, Liang huai yan fa zhi 160 volumes 两淮盐法志 160 卷, vol. 97, 1905, 37.
83 Ying He 英和, “原任海州知州师亮采坐赃非入己业全数完缴邀恩宽免事”, Wai ji dang 外纪档, 1821, 1.
84 Han Wenqi 韩文琦, Han da zhong cheng zouyi 12 volumes 韩大中丞奏议 12 卷, vol. 2, 81a.
85 Ibid., 34b.
86 Water Resources History Research Office, China Institute of Water Resources and Hydropower Research, Zai xu xing shui jin jian 再续行水金鉴, vol. Canal 1, 2004, 97–99.
87 Cheng Qiyu 程其珏, Yang Zhenfu 杨震福, Jia ding xian zhi 32 volumes 嘉定县志 32 卷, vol. 6, 1881, 9b.
88 Han Wenqi commented, “This officer had been a member of the Office of River Engineering, working as governors along the river, familiar with the river defense, with a good political reputation. … If we missed such a talent, it would be a pity.” Han Wenqi, 81a. In spite of the efforts, the emperor eventually did not agree to Han's request. See The Veritable Records of Emperor Xuanzongcheng, vol. 53, 1823.
89 The local activism was acknowledged by many scholars. Joanna Handlin Smith, The Art of Doing Good, 2015, 354; Wei Guangqi 魏光奇, Official Rule and Autonomy, 2004, 360; Zhou Rongde 周荣德, Class and Mobility in Chinese Society, 2000, 125; Timothy James Brook, Praying for Power, 2005, 230.
90 Joseph W. Esherick and Mary Backus Rankin, Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance, 1990, 101–105.
91 Li Hongzhang proposed Sheng to be awarded erpin dingdai二品顶戴(a second-class official button for his hat) due to his active relief work. See Li Hongzhang 李鸿章, “奏为查明南省官绅劝捐办赈出力酌拟奖叙缮单恭摺事 (附清单一件) (附片四件)”, Yue zhe dang 月摺档, 1873, 1–13.
92 Zhu Hu 朱浒, Foreign Affairs and Relief Services 洋务与赈务, 2021, 57.
93 They kept in touch with each other. See Xie Jiafu 谢家福, Xie Jiafu's Letters, 2015. In the sixth year of Guangxu (1880), when Sheng was in charge of the telegraph industry, he invited Xie. And later he also persuaded Xie to take the post of the general manager of the Telegraph Bureau. Zhu Hu 朱浒, Foreign Affairs and Relief Services, 2021, 164, 169.
94 Sheng Xuanhuai once said, “we, my peers and I, met with the relief services, and not ended with the telegraph services. We had moral friendship and shared our joys and sorrows.” the peers he mentioned mainly contained Jing Yuanshan, Xie Jiafu and Zheng Guanying 郑观应. See Yi Huili 易惠莉, Biography of Zheng Guanying 郑观应评传, 1998, 220–222. Due to the prominence of Zheng, Li Hongzhang put him in an important position successively—the machine textile business of Shanghai and the Telegraph Bureau 电报局. See Ma Min 马敏, Between Government and Merchants, 2022, 134.
95 Zhu Hu 朱浒, Foreign Affairs and Relief Services, 2021, 156.
96 Qing Historical Compilation Commission 清史编纂委员会 (ed.), History of Qing Dynasty 清史 1961, 4983.
97 See Xie Jiafu 谢家福, Xie Jiafu's Letters, 2015.
98 In February of Guangxu sixth year (1880), Zeng Guoquan, Grand Coordinator of Shanxi at that time, heard of Xie Jiafu's deeds from Jin Fuzeng and wrote to a visit. Zeng Guoquan 曾国荃, the Collected Writings of Zeng Guoquan, vol. 4, 2008, 110.
99 Anna 安娜, “清光绪年间晋鲁豫救灾中的民间慈善研究”, 2013.
100 In 1877, Iron Tears Brochure was written by Xie Jiafu and published everywhere. See Xie Jiafu 谢家福, Diary of Xie Jiafu, 2013, 67; Lin Lezhi 林乐知, Wan guo gong bao 万国公报, 1878, 440b–441a.
101 In the fourth year of Guangxu (1878), Jing Yuanshan operated an institution for collection of famine relief. When he received the brochure from Xie Jiafu, he agreed to have a cooperation. See Jing Yuanshan 经元善, Collection of Jing Yuanshan, 1988, 326; “照录苏州桃花坞谢氏经收河南铁泪图捐四月上旬收数”, Shenbao, 1878, 3; “照录苏州桃花坞谢氏经收四月中旬河南铁泪图捐清” Shenbao, 1878, 4.
102 At that time, Jing Yuanshan accumulated high social fame with his active participation in charity activities. Not only did Yu Zhi 余治, a famous philanthropist in the south of the Yangtze River, write letters to get acquainted with him, but he was also deeply appreciated by the government. See Zhu Hu 朱浒, “Jing Yuanshan” 经元善, 2014, 52–56.
103 See Zhu Hu 朱浒, Foreign Affairs and Relief Services, 2021, 155. In December of Guangxu eighth year (1882), Li Hongzhang appointed Sheng Xuanhuai, Zheng Guanying, Jing Yuanshan, Xie Jiafu to manage a telegraphic company. Xia Mingfang 夏明方, “清季 ‘丁戊奇荒’的赈济及善后问题初探”, 1993; Zhou Qiuguang 周秋光, Zeng Guilin 曾桂林, Xiang Changshui 向常水, Study of Philanthropy in Modern China I, 2013, 206.
104 Li Delin 李德林, Reform Scene, 2014, 27.
105 Huang Jianchun 黄建淳, 《晚清新马华侨对国家认同之研究》, 1983, 322.
106 Wu Siwu 吴四伍, Juanna System and Governance in Qing China, 2021, 248. An official named Ding Richang丁日昌 revealed that the money raised in Tongzhi years was exhausted to the extreme. Xu Daling 许大龄, Juanna System in Qing Dynasty, 1950, 111.
107 In September of the fifth year of Tongzhi (1866), facing military problem, the Ministry of households assumed the extension of the donating program was the only solution. Shi Zhihong 史志宏, Xu Yi 徐毅, Finance in the Late of Qing Dynasty, 1851-1894, 2008, 71. During Guangxu years, by expanding the scope of selling office, a fundraising application for relief from officials was it common. In Guangxu eighteenth year (1892), confronted with the serious disaster of Shun 顺, zhi直, Governor of Zhili Li Hongzhang 李鸿章 pointed out the financial crisis. See Gu Tinglong 顾廷龙, Dai Yi 戴逸, Collection of Li Hongzhang 14, vol. 14, 2008, 475.
108 Wu Siwu 吴四伍, Juanna System and Governance in Qing China, 2021, 246.
109 Anonymous, “述上海掮捐陋习”, Shenbao, 1874, 2.
110 Fang Yujin 方裕谨, “道光十年私造假照案概述”, 1997, 89–94; Mark McNicholas, Scamming the Purchase-of-Rank System in Qing China,Late Imperial China, 2013, 108–136.
111 Some scholars argued that as Juanna was a market transaction, the lower the Juanna commodity—offices and titles of nobility was priced, the cheaper the value was. Wu Siwu 吴四伍, Juanna System and Governance in Qing China, 2021, 331–332.
112 Zhu Shoupeng 朱寿朋, Guangxu chao donghualu光绪朝东华录, 1960, 692–693.
113 Yan Jingming 阎敬铭, “请道府州县四项无庸减成疏”, 1966, 496, quoted from Yang Guoqiang 2021. Li Shuguang 李曙光, Study on the Law on Officials in the Late Qing Dynasty 晚清职官法研究, 2000, 82.
114 Scholar has shown the number of loaning for contributions. Liu Fengyun 刘凤云, Trajectories of Power, 2013, 97.
115 Zhang Yinhuan 张荫桓, Diary of San zhou 8 volumes 三洲日记8卷, vol. 4, 1896, 32–33.
116 The Veritable Records of Emperor Dezongjing 德宗景皇帝实录, vol. 71, 1878.
117 National Library Document Development Center全国图书馆文献开发中心(ed.), Provincial Famine Administration Archives in Guangxu of Qing 清光绪筹办各省荒政档案, 2008, 222.
118 Zhu Shoupeng朱寿朋, Dong hua xu lu 220 volumes 东华续录 （光绪朝） 220卷, vol. 22, 1909, 8.
119 Wang Xinjing, “答问选举”, Huangchao jingshi wenbian 皇朝经世文编, 1886, 26; Lu Zuofan, 陆祚蕃, “Application of stopping Juanna”请停止捐纳知县疏, Huang Qing zou yi 68 volumes 皇清奏议 68 卷续编4 卷, vol. 20, 1936, 19.
120 Yang Guoqiang 杨国强, The Falling and the Western Technique 衰世与西法, 2014, 89.
121 The promotion depended on the acquaintanceship with a military general Ma Yukun 马玉昆 when He met him in his office. Wu Siwu 吴四伍, Juanna System and Governance in Qing China, 2021, 9–14.
122 Xu Ke 徐珂, “五人公捐知县”, Qing bai lei chao 清稗类钞, vol. 10, 1916, 120.
123 Zhu Mingzhai, “Juanna guan” 捐纳官, Three Hundred Pieces of Qing Poetry 清诗三百首译析 2014, 177.
124 Wu Yue 伍跃, Juanna System and Society in China, 2013, 361. The regulations in clothing and manners see Huang Jianchun 黄建淳, 《晚清新马华侨对国家认同之研究》, 1983, 327.
125 Hunt, an American businessman in Guangzhou in the late Qing Dynasty, had close dealings with merchants, and he clearly realized that “hangshang” 行商 in order to improve their status and consolidate their privileges, adopted the strategy to buy official titles.” William C. Hunter, The Fankwae at Canton 1825-1844, 1993, 28.
126 Zhang Zhidong 张之洞, “署两江总督张之洞奏江苏并无勒借派捐摺”, Jiangsu Materials in Finance 江苏财政史料丛书, vol. 1, 1999, 440.
127 Yang Guoqiang, The Falling and the Western Technique, 2014, 79.
128 Joseph W. Esherick and Mary Backus Rankin, Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance, 1990, 103.
129 Huang Jianchun黄建淳,《晚清新马华侨对国家认同之研究》, 1983, 323–324.
130 After donating for titles, merchants could directly communicate with the ministry and other local officials in a formal way, and “merchants who had been rewarded with titles by the ministry should be treated as more courteous.” Wang Jingyu汪敬虞 (ed.): Material on Modern Industrial History of China II, 1895-1914中国近代工业史资料第二辑 (1895-1914年), 1962, 640–641.
131 The expanding power theory of gentry in late Qing China was prevailing. See Yang Guoqiang 杨国强, The Falling and the Western Technique, 2014, 61.
132 Ma Min 马敏: Between Government and Merchants, 2022, 27.
133 Tie Ya 铁崖, “Warning to Sichuan” 警告全蜀, 1908, 7, quoted from Wang Xianming 王先明, Gentry in Modern, 1997, 58.
134 Zhou Rongde 周荣德, Class and Mobility in Chinese Society, 2000, 9. The same view can be seen in Weifeld's writings that the Qing government needed the help of local gentlemen to rule the vast territory. See Frederic Wakeman, The Decline of the Chinese Imperial System, 2010, 30.
135 Pierre-Etienne Will, Bureaucracy and Famine Policy in Eighteenth-Century China, 2006, 85.
136 “In different historical periods, those who donated for relief were for their purpose in the name of integrity and righteousness ethics.” Yang Shuangli 杨双利, “皇权视域下清代赈捐事业的历史走向”, Anhui shifan daxue xuebao 安徽师范大学学报, 2023, 54–65.
137 They could be Weng Xincun 翁心存 who was unwilling to be involved in relief affairs but had to. Sometimes, they were one of people, say Lin Weiyuan 林维源 from a fishing family, engaged in charitable relief work and helping with government affairs after being adult, who sold family properties to relieve the distress of people in famine. Weng Xincun翁心存, Dairy of Weng Xincun, vol. 2, 1841, 443; Ding Richang 丁日昌, “奏为台属绅士禀定捐输巨款以济时艰仰吁天恩俟缴清后破格从优奖励”, Yue zhe dang 月摺档, 1877, 1–2; Wei Xiamenxiuzhiju 伪厦门修志局 (ed.), Xiamen shi zhi 35 volumes 厦门市志35 卷, vol. 31, 1947, 35; Chen Peigui 陈培桂, Danshui ting zhi 16 volumes淡水厅志16 卷, vol. 3, 1871, 25.
138 Luo Xiaoxiang, “The Power of Gentry and Crisis of Trust in Jiangnan area in the Late Qing Dynasty: Example of Changshu”, Jindaishi yanjiusuo jikan 近代史研究所集刊, 2018, 47–89.
139 Fu Majin 夫马进, Zhongguo shanhui shantang shi 中国善会善堂史, 2005, 427–428.
140 Michael Szonyi, The Art of Being Governed, 2017, 21.
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Chen Yuqing
Chen Yuqing, a graduate student, specializes in the field of Chinese History at Jinan University, Guangzhou, China. His research interests include History on modern China, especially the social history and the relationship between disaster and society.