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Global Public Health
An International Journal for Research, Policy and Practice
Volume 19, 2024 - Issue 1
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Research Article

Legislating for Good Governance in the Pharmaceutical Sector through UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) Compliance

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Article: 2350649 | Received 05 Sep 2023, Accepted 27 Apr 2024, Published online: 16 May 2024

ABSTRACT

Pharmaceutical sector corruption undermines patient access to medicines by diverting public funds for private gain and exacerbating health inequities. This paper presents an analysis of UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) compliance in seven countries and examines how full UNCAC adoption may reduce corruption risks within four key pharmaceutical decision-making points: product approval, formulary selection, procurement, and dispensing. Countries were selected based on their participation in the Medicines Transparency Alliance and the WHO Good Governance for Medicines Programme. Each country’s domestic anti-corruption laws and policies were catalogued and analysed to evaluate their implementation of select UNCAC Articles relevant to the pharmaceutical sector. Countries displayed high compliance with UNCAC provisions on procurement and the recognition of most public sector corruption offences. However, several countries do not penalise private sector bribery or provide statutory protection to whistleblowers or witnesses in corruption proceedings, suggesting that private sector pharmaceutical dispensing may be a decision-making point particularly vulnerable to corruption. Fully implementing the UNCAC is a meaningful first step that countries can take reduce pharmaceutical sector corruption. However, without broader commitment to cultures of transparency and institutional integrity, corruption legislation alone is likely insufficient to ensure long-term, sustainable pharmaceutical sector good governance.

Introduction

Frequently defined as ‘the abuse of entrusted power for private gain,’ corruption has been identified as a barrier to economic growth, the achievement of the right to health, the attainment of the United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and the equitable distribution of public resources to those most in need (Kohler et al., Citation2014; Mackey et al., Citation2016; Transparency International, Citationn.d.). Corruption in the public sector has been described as a key element of economic underperformance and a major obstacle to poverty alleviation and development, with UN Secretary-General António Guterres declaring it to be ‘criminal, immoral, and the ultimate betrayal of public trust’ (Guterres, Citation2020; United Nations, Citation2003). Globally, its impact is borne unequally, with the effects of corruption often amplified within low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) (Guterres, Citation2020). In turn, this compounds the challenges to providing basic health services already faced within many of these countries (Brunelle-Quraishi, Citation2011; United Nations, Citation2003).

Corruption exacerbates inequities in access to healthcare services and has been linked to poor health outcomes through the diversion of government health systems spending and the distortion of incentives held by healthcare decision-makers and providers (Botero-Rodríguez et al., Citation2022; Lessig, Citation2013). The pharmaceutical sector is characterised by unique risk factors that make it particularly vulnerable to corruption (Rodwin, Citation2013). These risk factors largely arise due to the sector’s governance complexities and high number of public-private decision-making points concentrated within a highly regulated environment. These risks are also associated with the sector’s substantial information asymmetries between stakeholders, technical complexities, and the large flows of money and high-value goods that are available for corrupt actors to exploit (Mackey et al., Citation2016). Key decision-making points along the pharmaceutical value chain are especially exposed to corruption risks, due in large part to their importance in determining the availability and price of pharmaceutical products. These include product approval, formulary selection procurement, and dispensing (Kohler et al., Citation2014; Kohler & Ovtcharenko, Citation2013; Mackey et al., Citation2016; Publications Office of the European Union, Citation2013). This in turn threatens to undermine the attainment of Universal Health Coverage (UHC), a UN SDG target, since timely patient access to affordable, quality, and effective essential medicines is directly harmed by pharmaceutical sector corruption (Bruckner, Citation2019). By contrast, increased pharmaceutical sector accountability and integrity have been shown to have a robust positive correlation with patient health outcomes (Kohler & Ovtcharenko, Citation2013; Mackey et al., Citation2016; MacKey & Liang, Citation2012).

This paper presents an analysis of Ghana, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, Peru, the Philippines, Uganda, and Zambia’s compliance with select provisions of the UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC), an internationally binding anti-corruption treaty to which all countries are parties. In particular, it examines how UNCAC compliance may reduce pharmaceutical sector corruption risks within the four identified pharmaceutical decision points: product approval, formulary selection, procurement, and dispensing. We find that while these countries display high compliance with UNCAC provisions on procurement and the enactment of certain public sector corruption offences, several countries do not penalise private sector corruption or provide statutory protection to whistleblowers and/or witnesses in corruption proceedings. This outcome suggests that pharmaceutical sector actors may face the fewest legal consequences for engaging in corruption when dispensing pharmaceuticals to patients as compared to the other examined decision points, since this is where non-procurement-related private sector corruption is most likely to occur within the pharmaceutical value chain.

The UNCAC and the international anti-corruption legal framework

In 2003, the UN General Assembly adopted the UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC), the world’s first and only comprehensive global anti-corruption instrument, which subsequently entered into force on 14 December 2005 (Rose, Citation2015; Weilert, Citation2016). The adoption of the UNCAC marked the culmination of nearly three decades of anti-corruption activity pursued by countries domestically and on the international stage, as well as a concerted post-Cold War push by international organisations to include corruption within their development agendas (Rose, Citation2015; The World Bank, Citation2022; U4 Brief, Citation2007; Vlassis, Citationn.d.; Webb, Citation2005; Weilert, Citation2016). Negotiations of the UNCAC, which were completed between January 2002 and October 2003 in Vienna by the UN Ad Hoc Committee for the Negotiation of a Convention Against Corruption, progressed at a speed unusual for an international anti-corruption instrument of its size (Rose, Citation2015). International participation in the UNCAC was also notably high (Rose, Citation2015). Throughout negotiations, an average of over 100 states attended each session, with the final draft commanding broad support from all regional groups (Weilert, Citation2016). 140 countries signed the UNCAC at the time of its adoption, with very few reservations to its substantive provisions on corruption prevention, criminalisation, international enforcement cooperation, asset recovery, and technical assistance (Rose, Citation2015). Today, all but nine UN members have ratified the UNCAC, resulting in its characterisation as a truly global anti-corruption instrument (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Citation2021).

The UNCAC contains 71 Articles, addressing substantive anti-corruption provisions as well as provisions on the administration and enforcement of the UNCAC itself. Key anti-corruption components of the UNCAC include provisions on public employee codes of conduct, transparency and accountability measures, and punishable corruption offences. Compliance with the UNCAC primarily requires country parties to implement the Convention’s substantive provisions into their national legal systems. While there is no general provision in the UNCAC requiring state parties to adopt all UNCAC standards into their domestic law, five Articles describing various corruption offences contain unambiguously mandatory implementation language: Articles 15 (bribery of domestic public officials), 16 (bribery of foreign public officials), 17 (embezzlement by a domestic public official), 23 (laundering of the proceeds of crime), and 25 (obstruction of justice). All other UNCAC provisions contain language allowing party implementation with varying degrees of flexibility. For example, compliance with Article 8 requires states to ‘endeavour to apply, within [their] own institutional and legal systems’ codes of conduct for public officials, while Article 21 merely requires states to ‘consider adopting’ measures to criminalise private sector bribery.

Country compliance with the UNCAC is formally evaluated through the UN Office on Drugs and Crime Implementation Review Mechanism, which employs a country self-assessment coupled with a peer-review process. To date, two rounds of formal peer-review cycles have been implemented and/or scheduled for all country parties to evaluate country compliance with different UNCAC Chapters (UNODC, Citationn.d.). While the self-assessment and peer-review system enables countries to proactively self-monitor for compliance against defined standards in a non-adversarial implementation environment, it has also been criticised for its lack of civil society involvement and inability to levy enforceable penalties against non-compliant parties (Conzelmann, Citation2011; Hechler et al., Citation2011; Trivunovic et al., Citation2013; UNODC, Citation2011).

Anti-corruption initiatives for global health

Following the adoption of the UNCAC by the UN General Assembly, access to medicines campaigns in LMICs increasingly sought to incorporate anti-corruption strategies – framed as transparency and accountability efforts – into broader global health initiatives (Paschke et al., Citation2018). Over the next decade, these notably included the WHO Good Governance for Medicines (GGM) programme and the Medicines Transparency Alliance (MeTA), two international initiatives focussed on strengthening pharmaceutical sector governance to improve health outcomes in LMICs.

The WHO GGM was launched in 2004 as a programme designed to address the need for transparency and corruption prevention in domestic health sectors. Over 38 countries participated in the three-phase programme, which involved national pharmaceutical sector transparency and corruption vulnerability assessments, the development of action plans based on the WHO Model GGM Framework, and the implementation of country-tailored programmes within participating Ministries of Health (Baghdadi-Sabeti & Serhan, Citation2010; Kohler & Baghdadi-Sabeti, Citation2011; John Martin & Ollier, Citation2012). The GGM programme development and implementation phases focussed on institutionalising and enforcing codes of conduct, sanctioning corrupt behaviour by enforcing domestic anti-corruption legislation, providing adequate avenues for whistleblowing, and strengthening the transparency and accountability of pharmaceutical sector administrative procedures (Baghdadi-Sabeti & Serhan, Citation2010; Kohler & Baghdadi-Sabeti, Citation2011).

MeTA was established in 2008 with the goal of improving transparency and accountability in the pharmaceutical system through multi-stakeholder evidence review and collaboration, based on the underlying hypothesis that patient access to medicines could be improved by enhancing evidence-based pharmaceutical sector decision-making (Vian & Kohler, Citation2016). The programme has been credited with facilitating enhanced data collection, disclosure and drug pricing policy changes in the seven LMICs in which it operated (J Martin & Schurmann, Citation2016; Vian & Kohler, Citation2016). Unlike the GGM programme, whose broad range of anti-corruption efforts included a focus on enforcing offence-based corruption legislation and levying penalties for non-compliance, MeTA was uniquely focussed on reducing information asymmetries between pharmaceutical sector stakeholders to curtail opportunities for embedded actors to engage in corrupt behaviour (Anello, Citation2008; J Martin & Schurmann, Citation2016; Vian & Kohler, Citation2016).

The GGM programme and MeTA both implicitly recognised that the adoption and enforcement of anti-corruption laws, while necessary, would be insufficient to improve good governance and reduce corruption within country pharmaceutical systems. Domestic leadership promoting ethical and transparent behaviour among pharmaceutical sector decision-makers was considered vital (Anello, Citation2008; Baghdadi-Sabeti & Serhan, Citation2010) but much more challenging to achieve. The anti-corruption approaches adopted by both the GGM programme and MeTA align strongly with the UNCAC, which in addition to its requirement that parties prohibit and penalise certain types of corrupt behaviour within their domestic legal systems, provides a baseline set of anti-corruption policies for the broader prevention, detection, punishment, and deterrence of a wide range of corrupt activities (United Nations Convention Against Corruption, Citation2004). All seven MeTA countries (Ghana, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, Peru, the Philippines, Uganda, and Zambia) are parties to the UNCAC. Jordan, the Philippines, and Zambia also participated in the GGM programme.

This paper evaluates these seven countries’ adoption of and compliance with a subset of UNCAC provisions that complement their GGM and MeTA participation by reducing the risk of corruption in domestic pharmaceutical product approval, formulary selection, procurement, and dispensing processes. It contributes to ongoing discussions examining the effectiveness of the UNCAC at enabling country parties to strengthen their domestic anti-corruption measures and explores the limitations of international instruments at curbing pharmaceutical sector corruption. The results also highlight the role of comprehensive anti-corruption laws and policies at strengthening baseline governance across the pharmaceutical value chain to promote access to medicines and UHC, in line with the WHO Global Action Plan for Healthy Lives and Wellbeing for All (SDG 3) and the UHC2030 initiative (The Global Action Plan for Healthy Lives and Well-Being for All, Citationn.d.; UHC2030: Our Mission, Citationn.d.).

Methods

This study engaged in a multi-country investigation of national anti-corruption laws and policies applicable in the pharmaceutical sectors of all seven MeTA countries (Ghana, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, Peru, the Philippines, Uganda, and Zambia). The research classifies and critically analyses these legal texts against selected UNCAC provisions that are directly applicable to actors who manage the flow of pharmaceuticals within the four pharmaceutical sector decision-making points of interest: (1) regulatory approval, (2) formulary inclusion, (3) procurement, and (4) dispensing (see and Annex A). UNCAC provisions that were excluded for the purpose of this study included the Convention’s general preambular and organising provisions (Preamble and Chapter I) and provisions on money laundering and asset recovery (Chapter V), international cooperation (Chapter IV), and the administrative management of the Convention (Chapters VII and VIII).

Table 1. UNCAC anti-corruption provisions included for analysis.

A country-by-country and UNCAC Article-by-Article analysis was employed to evaluate country compliance with the selected UNCAC Articles, with specific consideration of whether countries have adopted the selected UNCAC Articles into their domestic law or policy. UNCAC Articles were grouped topically by anti-corruption objective (see ), with country adoption also analysed contextually based on whether each examined UNCAC Article contained mandatory or non-mandatory adoption language. The selected UNCAC Articles were chosen based on their applicability to the four pharmaceutical sector decision-making points of interest, and country anti-corruption laws and policies were included for analysis if they were of general applicability or of specific applicability to the pharmaceutical sector.

Domestic adoption of the selected UNCAC Articles was evaluated by cross-referencing the selected UNCAC Articles with country laws identified in official UNCAC Implementation Review Mechanism country reports and the UN Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Tools and Research for Anti-Corruption Knowledge (TRACK) Legal Library database (Country Profiles, Citationn.d.; Legal Library, Citationn.d.). Manual searches within domestic legal databases using keywords from each selected UNCAC Article were also conducted to ensure that amended versions of the recorded legislation, newly enacted statutes, or other subsidiary policy documents were not omitted. An additional search through Ministry of Health and national pharmaceutical regulatory body databases was conducted to identify the existence of codes of conduct applicable to government employees working in pharmaceutical regulatory approval bodies, formulary selection committees, and pharmaceutical procurement bodies, as well as pharmacists and healthcare workers involved in directly dispensing pharmaceuticals to patients. All searches were conducted in April 2023. The majority of documents were available in English, either in their original form or as official institutional translations. A small subset of documents was not available in English, and these documents were either read in their original language or read with the assistance of unofficial web-based translation tools. Identified laws and policies that were clearly no longer in force were not included for analysis. Once each country’s laws and policies were identified, their inclusion in this study was determined based on their substantive incorporation of each selected UNCAC Article (ex. use of verbatim or near-verbatim UNCAC Article language or clear use of non-UNCAC language which either fully or partially incorporated the substance of each selected UNCAC Article).

Results

116 laws and policies were included in the analysis of all seven MeTA countries’ UNCAC compliance. The number of identified laws and policies per country ranged from 11 in Uganda to 22 in the Philippines (see Annex B).

Peru adopted all examined UNCAC Articles through legally binding instruments (see ). All other countries did not adopt at least one of the examined UNCAC provisions, with Zambia adopting the fewest examined provisions overall. While all countries primarily used domestic law to adopt the examined UNCAC Articles, Ghana, Jordan, the Philippines, and Uganda also employed non-binding domestic policies to substantively address one or two additional UNCAC Articles (most commonly Article 60(1), for the provision of anti-corruption training to public officials). In all countries but Peru, laws or policies adopting all four of the examined non-mandatory UNCAC corruption offences could not be identified (Articles 18-21). Most commonly, laws and policies adopting UNCAC Article 18 trading in influence, Article 20 illicit enrichment, and Article 21 private sector bribery could not be identified, as well as laws and policies adopting UNCAC Articles 32(1) and 33 for witness and whistleblower protection. By contrast, all countries uniformly adopted domestic legislation incorporating the three examined UNCAC Articles with unambiguously mandatory implementation language (Article 15 public official bribery, Article 17 public official embezzlement, and Article 25 obstruction of justice). All countries also uniformly adopted domestic laws incorporating the non-mandatory UNCAC Articles on transparent and accountable procurement procedures (Article 9(1)), the removal and disqualification of persons engaged in corruption from public office (Articles 30(6) and (7)), and the implementation of codes of conduct and conflict of interest disclosures for public officials (Articles 8(2), (3) and (5)).

Table 2. Country compliance with UNCAC provisions relevant to pharmaceutical sector corruption.

All countries adopted a combination of specific codes of conduct and conflict of interest policies governed at the Ministry of Health, drug regulatory authority, medicines selection committee and/or procurement body levels, with a residual general code of conduct and conflict of interest policy applicable to all civil servants when no decision-level code of conduct or conflict of interest policy was available (see ). These codes were generally consistent with one another, differing primarily in their applicability to particular groups of civil servants and the specificity of their prescribed behavioural standards. For example, in Kyrgyzstan all civil servants are required to declare information about their or their immediately family members’ property and income (Law No. 114 on Civil Service, 2004, Art. 33), but state and municipal employees are specifically required to notify immediate supervisors of conflicts of interest upon becoming aware of them (Law No. 153 on Combatting Corruption, 2012, Art. 9).

Table 3. Country implementation of pharmaceutical sector codes of conduct and/or conflict of interest policies.

Furthermore, all countries but Ghana maintained a separate publicly available code of conduct for pharmacists – professionals responsible for dispensing publicly reimbursed medicines to patients but who frequently work as private sector employees rather than as civil servants subject to public codes of conduct (see ). Since the penalties for a pharmacist’s failure to comply with their professional code of conduct often include their suspension or removal from the profession, the enforcement of pharmacist codes of conduct may serve as a remedial corruption deterrence measure in Jordan, the Philippines, and Zambia, where domestic legislation does not explicitly penalise private sector bribery. By contrast, in Ghana, where domestic legislation also does not penalise private sector bribery, the absence of a pharmacist code of conduct suggests that medicines dispensing may be particularly vulnerable to corruption since pharmacists face comparatively fewer legal and regulatory consequences for soliciting bribes from patients or engaging in embezzlement, fraud, or other corruption offences.

Discussion

While all seven MeTA countries display high compliance with most examined UNCAC provisions – particularly Articles on transparent and accountable procurement standards and adopting the UNCAC’s mandatory public official corruption offences – several countries do not penalise private sector corruption or provide statutory protection to whistleblowers and/or witnesses in corruption proceedings. These results suggest that pharmaceutical sector actors may face the fewest legal consequences to engaging in corruption when dispensing pharmaceuticals to patients (ex. by soliciting informal payments from patients) compared to pharmaceutical regulatory approval, formulary inclusion, or procurement processes, since this is where private sector, non-procurement related corruption is most likely to occur within the pharmaceutical value chain.

Though a core element of the WHO GGM programme explicitly included a focus on enforcing anti-corruption laws, the three evaluated MeTA countries that also participated in the WHO GGM (Jordan, the Philippines, Zambia) did not demonstrate greater adoption of the examined UNCAC provisions. Notably, all three of these countries did not recognise the offence of private sector bribery (UNCAC Article 21). This is particularly relevant as the direct burden of corruption borne by an individual patient is generally greater when they are personally solicited for a bribe (ex. by their dispensing pharmacist) rather than when they sustain the costs of upstream corruption (ex. price fixing within a pharmaceutical procurement body) that are subsequently spread across the entire pharmaceutical value chain. Since a pharmacist’s likelihood of engaging in corruption decreases when they face greater legal consequences to being caught (Karpoff et al., Citation2017), this suggests that patients in Kyrgyzstan, Peru, and Uganda – where private sector bribery is considered an offence – may benefit from greater legal protection against direct exposure to pharmaceutical sector corruption than those patients in Jordan, the Philippines, Zambia, Ghana. Here, the assumption that active enforcement of these corruption provisions is pivotal. If certain corruption offences are in fact rarely enforced, the deterrent effect of corruption legislation will be significantly attenuated (Forzley et al., Citation2013; Hussmann & Peñailillo, Citation2007). Similarly, when countries do not enact legislation that provides individuals with adequate whistleblower or witness protection (UNCAC Articles 33 and 32(1)), the deterrent effect of corruption offence legislation may be undermined when actors know that the actual likelihood of being caught and successfully prosecuted is low. This raises further corruption risks in the Philippines and Zambia, since in addition to not recognising the offence of private sector bribery, the Philippines does not maintain codified whistleblower protection laws while Zambia does not maintain witness protection legislation.

The varying degrees of substantive UNCAC compliance observed in this study reflect the limitations of an international agreement frequently criticised for achieving wide country participation at the cost of reduced enforcement capacity (Rose, Citation2015). The limited number of provisions that impose firm obligations on state parties, coupled with a self-assessment review mechanism that carries few penalties for non-compliance, create opportunities for countries to eschew implementation of the broad range of provisions originally envisioned in the UNCAC as essential for the creation of a robust and harmonised legal system capable of preventing corruption at both the domestic and international levels (Brunelle-Quraishi, Citation2011; Rose, Citation2015). When the degree of substantive compliance rests largely at the discretion of each state party, it becomes difficult to pinpoint the precise factors driving compliance within each country. While some posit that the likelihood of self-governing compliance driven by domestic policy is greater in democratic nations responsive to the pressures of their electorate and subject to the rule of law, UNCAC compliance among the seven MeTA countries does not correspond to their relative rankings on popularly cited democracy indices (Brunelle-Quraishi, Citation2011; Economist Intelligence Unit, Citation2023). Peru’s full adoption of all examined UNCAC provisions instead suggest that compliance may be driven by pre-existing country alignment with the UNCAC’s substantive provisions, as evidenced by the country’s prior participation in the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, the first binding multilateral agreement on corruption and a precursor of the UNCAC (Webb, Citation2005). It also suggests that the adoption of non-mandatory provisions may be more comprehensive when countries are given a greater period of time to effect any prerequisite legislative changes. This is particularly true when a particular legislative change requires harnessing the political will of legislators subject to status quo party alignments or competing policy priorities.

Studies demonstrate that country success at reducing corruption likely operates independently from the mere adoption of anti-corruption legislation (Forzley et al., Citation2013; Hussmann & Peñailillo, Citation2007; Mungui-Pippidi & Kossow, Citation2016). Instead, anti-corruption efforts are frequently dependent on an underlying domestic commitment to principles and practices of institutional transparency and accountability among both public and private sector actors, monitored by an engaged civil society and enforced by an independent judiciary (David-Barrett et al., Citation2017; Kohler & Ovtcharenko, Citation2013). Viewed in this light, country enactment of corruption legislation may be seen as the by-product of a pre-existing government interest in tackling corruption, while the enforcement of enacted legislation may signal government willingness to expend real resources on reducing corruption – with the benefit of both holding existing corrupt actors accountable and prospectively deterring future corrupt behaviour. Country compliance with the UNCAC, as measured through country enactment of domestic law or policy that implements the UNCAC’s substantive provisions, thus provides an important but incomplete picture of a country’s total anti-corruption efforts. Importantly, the mere adoption of UNCAC Articles cannot capture a country’s long-term success at implementing the administrative, technical, and institutional machinery required to operate and enforce these laws and policies, including earmarking dedicated financial resources, developing standardised transparency and accountability procedures, and providing updated training across all levels of decision making. Within the pharmaceutical sector, UNCAC implementation can contribute to the deterrence and reduction of opportunities for corruption within the regulatory approval, formulary inclusion, procurement, and dispensing processes. However, in the same way that country compliance with the UNCAC may falter without a strict enforcement mechanism, domestic anti-corruption legislation alone, without adequate institutional support and enforcement, is insufficient for the elimination of pharmaceutical sector corruption.

The results of this study indicate that private sector corruption remains a key area that stands to benefit from concerted anti-corruption legislative activity as it is an area that is among the least regulated yet the most likely to directly affect patients. Despite criticism of the UNCAC’s enforceability, this study also underscores the UNCAC’s value at providing countries with a strong legal framework for identifying, penalising, and deterring corruption. By establishing clear behavioural standards that carry penalties for non-compliance, anti-corruption law is an important tool that policymakers can leverage to strengthen public health systems. As such, UNCAC compliance can serve as a useful benchmark when evaluating broader domestic legal approaches to reducing pharmaceutical sector corruption and promoting access to medicines. Additional research exploring country UNCAC implementation beyond mere Article adoption, including research that develops evidence-based methods for measuring country adherence to and enforcement of adopted anti-corruption laws and policies, would provide further insight into how legal tools can be practically applied to reduce pharmaceutical sector corruption.

Conclusion

A review of MeTA country compliance with UNCAC provisions relevant to pharmaceutical sector governance demonstrates that countries have successfully adopted the UNCAC’s mandatory provisions recognising bribery, embezzlement, and the obstruction of justice as penalisable offences, as well as its non-mandatory provisions on codes of conduct for public officials and procurement transparency and accountability. However, countries have inconsistently adopted the UNCAC’s non-mandatory provisions recognising trading in influence, illicit enrichment, and private sector bribery as penalisable offences, as well as its provisions on whistleblower and witness protection. Correspondingly, this study identifies medicines dispensing as a pharmaceutical value chain decision-making point particularly vulnerable to corruption, as the heightened presence of private sector decision-makers allows this transaction to escape the purview of the UNCAC’s mandatory corruption offences – which are only applicable to the behaviour of public officials. While private sector codes of conduct enforced through professional regulatory bodies may serve to mitigate this effect, these results suggest that patients in countries that both do not recognise private sector corruption as an offence and do not maintain adequate codes of conduct for pharmacists are protected by fewer legal safeguards against corruptionwhen seeking to obtain medicines. Strengthening countries’ anti-corruption legal regimes by fully adopting the UNCAC’s non-mandatory provisions is a meaningful first step that countries can take to increase the costs of engaging in corruption, and thus, reduce the likelihood that actors in fact choose to engage in corruption. However, without broader commitment to cultures of transparency and institutional integrity, corruption legislation alone is insufficient to ensure long-term, sustainable pharmaceutical sector good governance.

Acknowledgements

The authors thank Veronika Wirtz and Lisa Forman for their review and editorial contributions.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by Leslie Dan Faculty of Pharmacy, University of Toronto [grant number New Initiative and Innovation Award]; Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research and the Amsterdam University Funds [grant number Veni Talent Grant].

References

Appendices

Annex A: Full text of UNCAC Articles included for analysis

Annex B: Instruments used to adopt the selected UNCAC Articles