The new scramble for Africa in a post-colonial era and the challenges of inclusive development: a semi-systematic literature review

ABSTRACT

The African populace met the end of colonialism in Africa with jubilation. There was hope that its demise would lead to socioeconomic emancipation after decades of segregation, discrimination and denial of local values and traditions. Nevertheless, what emerged has been the total opposite: corruption, never-ending conflict, the rise of violent non-state actors, elitism, poverty, and inequality. This gave rise to a new scramble for Africa, as major powers compete for influence on the continent. To investigate the difficulties of consolidating inclusive development in post-colonial Africa, this paper employed a semi-systematic research approach. The authors searched for peer-reviewed, English-language literature published from 1998 to 2023 through five online databases (Google Scholar, Sabinet, SAGE journals, Social Science Citation Index, Web of Science and EBSCOhost). The new scramble for Africa appeared to have presented so far both opportunities and risks. As great powers compete for influence and deeper relations, Africa is caught in the middle. It remains to be seen whether this scramble will be different from the previous colonization and whether it will foster the consolidation of inclusive development in Africa.

KEYWORDS:

• Development
• colonialism
• Africa
• inclusion
• neo-colonialism

Introduction

Development is an ideological concept and a pragmatic and multidimensional practice. It is contested because no universally accepted truths and realities exist for defining development (Bernstein 2006). Even though the concept relates to economic growth and improved living standards, one must reflect that a great deal of inequality characterizes the status quo in many countries. Development in pre-colonial Africa was characterized as primitive; communities lived in close-knit areas, shared resources, practiced communal forms of life and were content (Diala and Kangwa 2019). African communities were developing without massive industrialization, which has come to inform the definition of development in contemporary society. Although economic growth and mass industrialization define the term development in modern times, it does not mean everyone plays a role in the process. In contrast, inclusive development argues that perverse growth may lead to the exclusion of some people, the concentration of wealth, and segmented labor markets. Theoretically, development encompasses a holistic approach mainly associated with economics and politics that may not be responsive to the lives of the people on the ground.

There has been a clarion call in Africa since the periods of decolonization for the continent to take a coherent and united stand within the context of inclusive development. Widianingsih & Paskarina’s work on inclusive development agrees with human rights values without leaving any individual behind because of their poor socioeconomic background. Inclusive development was sparked by the recognition of international interventions, including (i) universal human rights in the 1940s, (ii) investing in countries ‘lagging behind’ in development in the 1950s, and (iii) human rights to protect political, economic, and social rights in the 1960s. In 1966, two human rights declarations were established to protect the vulnerable and marginalized and to ensure dignity for all – one on political rights, the other on socioeconomic rights. Considering the detrimental effects of colonization, there was pressure for the post-colonial African leaders to consolidate inclusive development. This is demonstrated in the African Union’s Agenda 2063, which sees a peaceful, stable, and socioeconomically inclusive continent characterized by rapid economic development and improved quality of life (Austin 2010; Pihama and Lee-Morgan 2019).

Nevertheless, contrasting arguments and debates have been about whether Africa could ensure a smooth socioeconomic and political transition in the post-colonial era. Central to this argument was the observation that after independence, gained through popular national struggles, armed resistance, and political negotiations, Africa’s political elite maintained the geopolitical status quo (Ikome and Pere 2007). Some countries implemented policies resembling national projects that recognized Africa’s diversity in culture, language and tradition, underpinning socioeconomic and political frameworks that still reflected those of the colonizers/colonists.

The post-independent African state, therefore, tended to be overbearing, wanting to be everywhere and claiming to be doing everything for everybody. Ordinarily, it was associated with a personality, or a small group of individuals aligned to the individual in power (Ikome and Pere 2007; Tsheola and Molefe 2019). Inclusive development has been elusive in the global South, driven by numerous socioeconomic and political challenges. Implementing policies that support inclusive development depends on various factors, such as good governance, adherence to the rule of law and respect for human rights.

The question revolved around how the post-colonial leaders would consolidate a shared and united vision while keeping some of the laws and policies that informed colonialism? How would the post-colonial leaders ensure control and the rule of law without adopting colonial-era tactics such as force and unjust detention? Lastly, how would the post-colonial leader consolidate inclusive development that spoke to the needs of African people?

Methodology

A review of literature will be suitable research methodology for this paper, as it will give insight into scholarship already undertaken. Necessary steps will be taken to ensure that the review is accurate, precise and reliable. Taking into consideration the research question for this study, a semi-systematic review was adopted to understand the challenges in achieving inclusive development in Africa. A semi-systematic review, also known as the narrative review approach, partially follows guidelines of a systematic review in literature survey and selection. The approach, furthermore, includes steps of framing a written discourse about literature that can be used as part of the research process (Zunder 2021). This type of review is designed for topics conceptualized differently and studied by various groups of researchers within diverse disciplines (Snyder 2019).

Information sources and data collection process

A search strategy for identifying relevant literature was developed and conducted between November 2022 and April 2023 under five electronic databases: Google Scholar, Sabinet, SAGE journals, Social Science Citation Index (Web of Science), and EBSCOhost. Table 1 below presents the total results for each database during the preliminary literature search. The selected search terms included were ‘inclusive development’ AND ‘Africa’ AND ‘colonialism’ OR ‘post-colonialism’ OR ‘neo-colonialism.’ These terms are directly related to the research question of this review. For examining and tracking trends and challenges of inclusive development in Africa, we searched for literature within the past 25 years.

Table 1 . Results of the preliminary literature search using databases.

Databases	Total number of results	Peer-reviewed papers	Included for review
Google Scholar	587	203	30
Sabinet	860	434	45
SAGE journals	23	16	5
Social Science Citation Index (Web of Science)	146	38	3
EBSCOhost	256	120	6

Source: Authors own compilation.

Article selection

As shown in Table 1, our search yielded 1,872 articles, after which duplicates and studies irrelevant to inclusive development in Africa and the post-colonial era were removed, leaving a total of 811 articles. After a further rigorous review process and consideration of all the inclusion criteria (discussed in detail below), only 89 articles were selected for analysis. Data extraction was in the form of reading abstracts first and making selections, followed by reading full-text articles later before making the final selection. Once this step was completed and the initial articles had been collected, the texts were screened in full to ensure they met the inclusion criteria. As an additional strategy, references in the selected articles were scanned to identify other potentially relevant articles. Findings were synthesized through thematic analysis, a method commonly used for identifying, analyzing and reporting patterns in the form of themes within a text (Snyder 2019). Data abstracted was based on findings and conceptualization of inclusive development. The information of interest was themes in literature, perspectives and a historical analysis of inclusive development during the post-colonial era.

Inclusion and exclusion criteria

Regarding research quality, deciding on inclusion and exclusion criteria is one of the most critical steps when conducting a review (Snyder 2019). The inclusion criteria were the year of publication (between 1998 and 2023), language (strictly English), conceptual and empirical papers, and media sources as well as reports from institutional organizations. Studies considered were qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods. The sources that were not talking about inclusive development were excluded.

Contextualising inclusive development in the pre- and post-colonial Africa

There have been questions about how Africa would have developed without colonial intervention. The argument was that Africans were developing at their own pace, and agriculture was at the center of development. There were setbacks, however, for inclusive development in Africa due to unfavorable economic conditions emanating from colonial structures and systems which did not favor the African way of development (Green 2013). The Afrocentric school argued that pre-colonial African leaders were responsible and responsive to their subjects and avoided corruption as much as possible. It maintains that traditional African leaders in the pre-colonial period could hardly be considered corrupt because of the communal spirit that guided their operation (Igboin 2016). The decolonisation school contended that corrupt practices were broadly defined in pre-colonial Africa since corruption is a universal concept. It further argues that many traditional African leaders were and are still corrupt, independent of colonial influence. Africa’s struggle with inclusive development has reignited the debate between these two schools to understand Africa’s developmental challenges (Igboin 2016). Before colonialism, African societies were much smaller and were characterised by people living in close-knit communities.

Africa’s struggle with inclusive development has reignited the debate between these two schools to understand Africa’s developmental challenges (Igboin 2016). Before colonialism, African societies were much smaller and were characterized by people living in close-knit communities. Immediately after decolonization, governance and political stability were undermined by conflict, thus limiting the developmental prospects of a post-colonial Africa. African leaders fail on democracy, as evidenced by the fact that African/ their countries experience political instability, corruption, poverty, poor public service delivery, and inequality. (Thusi et al. 2022).

Therefore, a post-colonial Africa can be summed up by two important statements. Firstly, the emergence of post-colonial African leader gave hope that such leaders would understand the plight of Africans who suffered segregation and discrimination under colonialism. Furthermore, neo-colonial practices have become essential to ensure that the African developmental process is still largely dependent on former colonizers.

Meylahn (2017), however, contemplates that there is more to why Africa is perceived as a backward and governance-plagued continent. For example, how is this crisis constructed within the politics of the global village? Western-influenced media often portray African leaders as beasts if they shun the wishes and dictates of the Western capital. or are characterised as puppets of Western capital, a puppet of the Western sovereign. Thus, describing good leadership in Africa has been confined to what Western media think, which may distort facts to suit one’s agenda. Different narratives and opinions deliberate how Africa should look in a post-colonial era. The Westphalian model has been the standard framework for statehood everywhere, including independent Africa (Matshanda 2022).

However, the formation of modern statehood in Africa failed to decolonize the legally inscribed political identities in the eyes of Mamdani (2001). This was one of the major sources of the nation-state crisis (Mamdani 2001). Conversely, political independence did not mean decolonization; as argued by political scientist and anthropologist Partha Chatterjee, that many post-colonial states replicated the form of the Western modern state (Gathara 2022; Matshanda 2022). The post-colonial leaders rushed to consolidate power more than anything; thus, the tentacles of colonialism can be seen throughout the post-colonial statehood. The post-colonial state takes various forms depending on geographical location and history. Nevertheless, across regional and historical contexts, it presents itself in the different forms of political fragmentation and violence we have seen in the post-colonial period.

Such conflicts, however, are directly linked to colonialism and the failure to decolonize after independence (Matshanda 2022). Most African countries were created with new borders and ethnic groups that were mashed together by Europe, disregarding Africa’s diversity. Further, Hirsch and Lopes (2020) argue that Congo emerged from colonization; it had no indigenous middle class, no socioeconomic infrastructure except extractive infrastructure.

Despite the continued exploitation of its mineral wealth, the outcome was no significant economic nor social development (Wrong 2000). Former African Union Ambassador to the US, Dr. Arikana Chihombori-Quao deliberated that the colonialists never left; they are still very much involved in everything Africa does, including presidential succession. Africa has to. realize that when it got its independence in the ‘50s and ‘60s, the continent only got political independence and even that is still limited (Arinder 2020). Post-colonial Africa has never recovered from colonialism, let alone let go of its socioeconomic and political frameworks. The post-colonial leader has adopted colonial-era tactics to enforce control, such as unlawful arrest, use of force, lack of civil liberties, and dictatorial governance processes. The post-colonial state was built on the ashes of the colonial state and its institutions. As such, the colonial hierarchies and classifications became reproduced in the fundamental categories of citizens and subjects (Matshanda 2022)

Development in Africa in the new scramble

The term ‘Scramble for Africa’ is used by historians to describe the event of European empires expanding into Africa during the era of Imperialism. The term ‘scramble’ describes European powers’ rapid and competitive conquest of territories as they sought to extend their empires (Beck 2019). The period known as the Scramble for Africa is recognized to have occurred between 1870 and 1914, coinciding with the outbreak of World War I. During this historical period, the majority of African territories were subjected to the dominion of prominent European nations, namely Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Italy, Portugal, and Spain (Beck 2019).

Conklin (1998) maintains that the primary objective of colonialism was not centered on Africa itself but aimed to facilitate the extensive industrialization efforts in Europe. The perception of Africa’s backwardness led to the belief that European intervention would benefit the continent. Walter Rodney critically examined Europe’s rapid development, juxtaposed with the detrimental consequences imposed upon Africa (Fletcher 2022). Colonial violence was pervasive across the continent, driven by the primary aim of coercive measures to quell resistance and optimize economic benefits (Fletcher 2022).

The European dominance over most of Africa through the transatlantic slave trade lasted 440 years, from 1444 to 1885. In addition, the slavery trade resulted in the forced displacement of millions of individuals from the African continent, including several proficient tradesmen (Nunn 2017). The European countries exhibited hesitancy in providing support to accelerate the advancement of technology in Africa, subsequently intensifying the continent’s reliance on Europe. Instances of brutality characterized the historical context of European colonization in Africa, the suppression of African values and culture, and the erosion of African identity. These factors and a rise in acts of violence ultimately led to a growing demand for freedom and independence among African populations (South African History Online 2019). Following the achievement of independence by African nations, a sense of optimism arose concerning the potential trajectory of the continent toward inclusive economic and social advancement (Dimkpa 2015).

However, such feelings soon turned into despair, misery, and oppression. These emotions were soon overshadowed by the multitude of developmental obstacles that defined Africa in the post-colonial era (Mlambo 2023). Amoateng (2022) argues that governance problems on the continent revolve around the management of states, resulting from the inability to properly manage economies, diversities, and political inclusion. However, from a colonization perspective, it is naïve to observe Africa’s governance challenges without considering its colonial past. For example, colonial powers utilized clandestine territory expansion and demarcation tactics, including deception, fraudulent practices, intimidation, and bribery (African Union 2013).

However, Mahmood Mamdani as cited by Gathara (2022), argues that following the attainment of independence, politicians, particularly in Africa, directed their attention toward the process of de-racialization. This process involved dismantling the system of white dominance through the implementation of Africanization and nationalization policies. The emphasis on deradicalization took precedence over the objective of decolonization. When local elites gained positions of power, they focused on enriching themselves and did not pursue a more profound process of decolonization, as reflected by Mahmood Mamdani (Gathara 2022). This paper argues that the absence of decolonization has rendered national governments prone to external influence, as their ties to colonial-era systems and practices remain intact. Despite achieving independence in the early 1980s, Africa experienced the immediate outbreak of civil wars, primarily attributable to the unfavorable delineation of borders (African Union 2013).

This resulted in the coexistence of hostile ethnic groups inside the same nation-state. Implementing the colonial division and rule policy resulted in political instability, religious tensions, and tribal clashes, which have contributed to impoverishment and oppression (Achankeng 2013).

Conversely, Kwame Nkrumah, the former Ghanaian president, cautioned that though colonizers of had left, they would still find ways of exerting control over Africa. These ways would include financial contributions towards the state’s operational expenses, the strategic elevation of civil servants to influential positions enabling them to exercise authority. In addition, they exert monetary control over foreign exchange through implementing a banking system that privileges imperial power. Nkrumah perceived neocolonialism as a current manifestation of the imposition of hegemony over African societies’ economic, social, cultural, and political dimensions (Nnamdi 2016). The insights above have led to a new battle for influence and control of Africa by major powers, sometimes called the ‘new scramble for Africa.’ Notably, this era witnessed a shift in tactics, with ideological influences assuming prominence as a preferred method of exerting power instead of direct physical occupation. There is increasing concern that the African continent is gradually becoming the focal point of a power struggle between the United States (US) and China. In addition to the United States and China, Russia has emerged as a significant partner for African nations, particularly in security (The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (2023)). Other powers such as Turkey, the European Union, India, Japan, Brazil, and Israel have also increased their engagement with Africa.

The current report by the General Administration of Customs of China states that the bilateral trade between China and Africa in 2021 reached a total value of USD 254.3bn, an increase of 35.3% compared to the previous year. The value of Russian commerce with Africa in the year 2021, based on the most recent complete annual data, amounted to $15.6 billion. The Foreign Minister of India, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, emphasized that the bilateral commerce between India and Africa witnessed an increase totaling $89.5 billion (€86.45 billion) for the year 2021–2022, in contrast to the previous year’s $56 billion (Subban 2022; Mujumdar 2022 & Wilson 2023). In 2021, the total value of goods and services traded between the United States of America and Africa amounted to $83.6 billion (Anami 2023). Despite the potentially favorable implications suggested by these statistics, this paper posits that Africa’s primary exports predominantly consist of crude oil, gold, coal, and minerals.

Consequently, this export profile imposes constraints on the urgency with which Africa must prioritize implementing initiatives to foster industrialization. The emergence of China as an economic power has expedited the continent’s shift in focus towards the Eastern regions. From 2000 to 2019, Chinese financiers have allocated a substantial amount of $153 billion to African public sector debtors (Usman 2021). Furthermore, the Chinese perceive Africa as a mutually equitable collaborator, hence obviating the necessity to impose any prerequisites on their bilateral interactions. China has emerged as a highly sought-after partner for African nations due to its capacity to facilitate growth by significantly enhancing infrastructure provision. China is perceived as a dependable ally for Africa, demonstrating respect for African interests and refraining from imposing its own agenda. Therefore, African leaders continue to hold China in high esteem. China has recently demonstrated a gesture of benevolence by declaring its intention to waive 23 interest-free loans for 17 African nations. This act follows the prior cancellation of a substantial debt amounting to $3.4 billion and the restructuring of an additional $15 billion in debt, all of which occurred between the years 2000 and 2019. Consequently, China has further solidified its socioeconomic and political influence in Africa (Bartlett 2020).

South Africa, Nigeria, and the DRC: the elusive nature of inclusive development

Inclusive development remains a challenge in Africa. After independence, many countries underscored the need for development and economic growth. However, several challenges hinder the attainment of development that embraces inclusivity. To better reflect on these, this paper looks at three African countries, namely, South Africa, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo, concerning inclusive development and its associated challenges.

Despite the end of apartheid and the implementation of multiparty politics in South Africa, the country continues to encounter numerous challenges that impede equitable growth. As of 2022, an estimated population of over 18.2 million individuals in South Africa resided in abject poverty, defined by a poverty threshold of 1.90 U.S. dollars per day (Cowling 2023). This resulted in an estimated increase of 123,000 individuals falling below the poverty line compared to the previous year, 2021. Additionally, it is projected that by 2025, over 18.5 million individuals residing in South Africa will be living on a daily income not exceeding 1.90 U.S. dollars (Cowling 2023). Another concern faced by South Africa is the issue of unemployment, which continues to persist. According to analysts, the official unemployment rate fails to account for individuals discouraged in their job search and no longer actively seeking employment. Consequently, a more precise evaluation would suggest that approximately 42% of South Africa’s working-age population lacks employment opportunities (Magome 2023).

South Africa has the highest youth unemployment rate aged 15–24, estimated at 61%, and considering those who have ceased their job search, the figure rises to 71%. (Ivy-Panda 2023; Magome 2023). Furthermore, the impact of load-shedding has intensified the issues of unemployment, poverty, and inequality. The unstable provision of electricity in South Africa has significantly impacted its gross domestic product (GDP), as measured by the country’s central bank. It has been determined that load shedding results in a daily loss of $51 million (Naidoo 2023).

The World Bank stated that South Africa is the most unequal country. Racial dynamics primarily influence this inequality, as seen in a society where a mere 10 percent of the population possesses almost 80% of the total wealth (Al-jazeera 2022). There has been a noticeable rise in socioeconomic disparities, leading to a significant divergence between individuals with access to resources and those without (Sguazzin 2021). Furthermore, the documented escalation of corrupt practices has led to a substantial financial detriment, amounting to R1.5 trillion, from 2014 to 2019 (Buthelezi 2021), hence impeding inclusive development.

There is a growing concern that Nigeria, the most populated country in Africa and its largest economy, shares similar challenges to South Africa, including poverty, unemployment, and inequality. Poor economic growth in Nigeria has led to a deteriorating security environment, emigration of skilled individuals, banditry, and oil theft. In 2019, Nigeria experienced an unemployment rate of 23.1%, whereby the proportion of unemployed individuals among the youth demographic amounted to 55.4% (Olapeju and Peter 2021). Banditry in northwest Nigeria presents appealing and financially rewarding opportunities, particularly in a region characterized by poverty and limited socioeconomic prospects (Olapeju and Peter 2021). Banditry, poor economic growth, unemployment, and lack of a deteriorating security environment have also resulted in a significant exodus of over 9,000 medical practitioners who emigrated to Western nations such as the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States of America (Onah et al. 2022).

Although the Nigerian government has invested a significant sum of over $2 billion towards training medical practitioners, it is noteworthy that many of these professionals have decided to emigrate to a better country? (Chima 2018). Inequality and poverty have been persistent macroeconomic challenges faced by a significant portion of the Nigerian population. The prevalence of poverty in Nigeria can be attributed to socioeconomic disparity. The Nigerian economy has been adversely affected by inequality and poverty. In any economy, inequality contributes to poverty (Ashakah 2022). The presence of poverty in Nigeria has impeded the achievement of inclusive growth and development. Inequality results in the concentration of wealth within a limited number of individuals. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), over 83 million individuals in Nigeria were classified as impoverished in the year 2020, signifying that they resided below the poverty threshold of $1.90 per day (Ashakah 2022). Socioeconomic inequality in Nigeria also contributes to insecurity as a significant portion of the population cannot ensure their protection, leading to fatalities caused by criminals known as bandits (Ashakah 2022). Due to the issues above, consolidating inclusive development has been a challenge for Nigeria in a post-colonial era.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has seen no peace and stability since its independence. Despite the country’s abundant human capital and rich resource endowment, achieving peace has remained elusive, leading to many challenges to human security (Human Rights Watch 2018). The conflict in the eastern part of the DRC has been globalized due to the region’s abundant natural resources and scarce minerals. This abundance of natural resources is valued at over US$24 trillion. Gold, diamonds, cobalt, and zinc are included in this group (Ojewale 2022). More than half of the mines located in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo are under the control and management of diverse rebel factions and militia organizations (Council on Foreign Relations 2023). This has resulted in approximately 16.7% of individuals in extreme poverty within Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) being in the DRC, which has hindered inclusive development (Ojewale 2022). The developmental challenges experienced by the DRC point directly to the effects of colonialism. Furthermore, Tunamsifu (2022) notes that the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) experienced a brutal colonial regime characterized by a segregated judicial system with a weak educational system that was used to support colonial policies. Moreover, the post-colonial legal framework was designed to avoid prosecution for colonial-era crimes.

The instability that colonizers created in the DRC persists today, with political unrest and division rampant among the different groups fighting to control the country’s precious natural resources (Venkatanarayanan 2020). The structural dependency of the DRC on the international market during and after colonialism is still visible. The Human Development Index for 2019 ranked the DRC 179 out of 189 countries (Venkatanarayanan 2020). According to World Bank data, only 43 percent of households in the country have access to drinking water, and only 20 percent have access to sanitation. In 2018, 72 percent of the population was living in extreme poverty, that is, surviving on less than $1.90 a day, making inclusive development impossible (Venkatanarayanan 2020).

Challenges to inclusive development in Africa in a post-colonial era

Governance and political instability

Governance challenges in a post-colonial era were immediately visible after independence. Widespread conflicts driven by the need to control resources and ethnic and religious differences have impacted state revenues. Financial resources have had to be diverted to address these issues to the detriment of social welfare services. While one cannot isolate the notion that the governance issues in Africa are linked to colonialism decades after its demise, inclusive development in Africa continues to be a challenge. In 2020, 30 state-based conflicts were recorded, compared to 27 in 2019. Fifteen conflicts were fought over territory, setting another record (Palik, Obermeier, and Aas Rustad 2022). Of 486 attempted or successful coups worldwide since 1950, Africa has seen 214, the most of any region, with 106 successful (Duzor and Williamson 2022). The rise in military coups has given rise to one crucial question: Can Africa ensure inclusive development using policies and frameworks developed in Africa and without the influence of former colonizers?

There are many causes of military coups in Africa. Factors such as modernization, cultural pluralism, soldiers’ motivation driven by greed and grievances, inadequate governance, corruption, autocratic regimes, constrained economic growth, and low levels of income contribute to the overall situation. The prevailing discourse surrounding the origins of military coups in Africa has predominantly centered around internal players and variables, neglecting the significant influence exerted by foreign players. The modern African state inherited its political structures from colonial regimes established to exert economic, political, and social control over the indigenous population (Ntile 2023). Legitimacy was based on imperialistic desires and decisions from the ‘mother country’. The military, police, and prisons were not connected to the people in any way Africans could perceive as their institutions.

The governing institutions functioned based on the premise that the master possessed superior knowledge, imposing control over the populace and anticipating their obedience and admiration. The perspective resulted in a lack of legitimacy for the colonial state among the African population (Ntile 2023). The period referred to as the ‘winds of change,’ witnessed the attainment of independence by numerous African states through both constitutional means and the armed struggle. It is noteworthy, however, that a significant portion of the politico-bureaucratic elites opted to retain the colonial state structures, institutions, and mindsets (Ntile 2023).

Most politico-bureaucratic elites persisted in neglecting the complex makeup of the societies within their jurisdictions. They maintained centralized governments with power vested in the executive, initially through single-party authoritarianism and later through multi-party politics. These often-favored political elites and foreign nations to the detriment of the masses (Ntile 2023). Inclusive development cannot occur in the presence of anarchy. The emergence of armed non-state actors in Africa will reduce investor appetite, as evidenced by the insurgency in Mozambique. In the Horn of Africa, around 130,000 people, according to the UN World Health Organization, are looking at death in the eye, and approximately 50 million face food insecurity because of climate shocks, violent insecurity, and disease (UN World Health Organization 2023).

The state’s post-colonial formation based on ethnicity, tribalism, and religious intolerance has contributed to African governance and instability. Without a clear road to stability, the elusive nature of inclusive development will continue to characterize Africa.

Poverty and inequality

Inclusive development occurs when a country’s policies can reduce poverty and inequality. When there is a positive change in these issues, it allows people to play a meaningful role in developing a country. Patel (2018) comments that the number of people living in poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa grew from 278 million in 1990–413 million in 2015. As of 2015, most of the global poor live in sub-Saharan Africa.

High rates of social disorganization and poverty levels can cause crime rates to increase. Therefore, with so many people living in poverty, inclusive development becomes a ruse rather than a potential reality. This paper reflects that poverty prevents people from playing a role in the economy and from accessing opportunities they could use for self-development. Sustainable Development Goal number ten argues for reducing inequality within and among countries.

It is essential to reflect that economic growth cannot be seen as the only measure to ensure such becomes achievable. Other factors, such as fiscal wage, and social protection policies, are critical contributors to the goal of increased equality (Bhorat 2015). Basu, Calamitsis, and Ghura (2000) highlighted the following challenges for Africa: raising growth, reducing poverty, and integrating itself into the world economy.

Economic growth rates are still not high enough to make a real dent in the pervasive poverty and enable these countries to catch up with other developing nations. What is needed is a sustained and substantial increase in real per capita GDP growth rates in these countries, coupled with significant improvements in social conditions (Basu, Calamitsis, and Ghura 2000).

Lack of progress towards access to education and health care

An educated and healthy population will likely play an essential role in economic development, governance, and political stability. An educated population is likely to partake in entrepreneurial activities, thus helping cushion the issue of unemployment. However, access to education in Africa has proven to be rather a problematic aspect. Kaledzi (2022) asserts that one-fifth of African children between the ages of 6 and 11 are not in school, while nearly 60% of youth between the ages of 15 and 17 are not enrolled. In the same vein Ozturk (2008) declares that education, in every sense, is one of the fundamental factors for development. Every country can achieve sustainable economic development with substantial investment in human capital.

Education enriches people’s understanding of themselves and the world. It improves the quality of their lives and provides broad social benefits to individuals and society. There are various reasons for this, as reflected by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (2020), such as the lack of infrastructure, lack of educators, poverty and inequality (which force school children to work at a young age), the lack of ‘quality’ education itself and current and traditional practices that in most cases hinder women from accessing education.

These challenges hinder collaborative development. Equally important as education, is access to healthcare. A healthy population is vital for economic development. Over the years, healthcare systems in Africa have suffered from man-made issues that cut across institutions, resources (human, financial, technical), as well as political developments.

Most African countries need help to meet the basic requirements for sound healthcare systems (Oleribe et al. 2019). Poor governance and human resource challenges are linked to ineffective integration of services in resource-limited nations. This places considerable strain on the well-being of people and limits their ability to play a role in development (Oleribe et al. 2019).

Inadequate support for regional integration initiatives

The formation of the post-colonial state emphasized collaboration and coordination to ensure development. For this to happen, the formation of regional economic communities (RECs) was seen as key. The formation of the Organization of African Unity gave impetus for continental cooperation underpinned by Pan-Africanism. The African Union states the purpose of the RECs as to facilitate regional economic integration between members of the individual regions and through the wider African Economic Community (AEC), established under the Abuja Treaty. The AEC further identifies eight regional economic communities (Erasmus and Hartzenberg 2022).

However, the growth and integration have been challenging. Economic integration in Africa differs from that of the more developed countries because the latter enjoy political stability and have advanced economies with requisite institutions and infrastructure. Challenges have prevented RECs from fulfilling their mandates effectively: political stability and integration, sovereignty and nationalism, non-state actors and integration, weak infrastructures, weak institutions, weak implementation of protocols, and multiplicity of RECs and integration (Olaniyan 2008). Therefore, RECs cannot be expected to spearhead inclusive developmental initiatives while confronted with issues that need urgent addressing.

From the preceding discussion, it becomes observable that Africa’s developmental conundrum is multifaced. For example, the rise of military coups in Africa can be attributed to colonialism and its associated forms of governance. Ocheni and Nwankwo (2012) note that when Europeans arrived with coercion measures to divide Africa, Africans were forced to accept a rule-based governance system that exploited them, disregarded African values and traditions.

Colonialism disregarded the ethnic and tribal makeup of Africa. Instead, border demarcations were made based on the needs of and at the will of the colonizer. Subsequently, when decolonization arrived, the post-colonial African leader struggled to forge unity amongst the many ethnic groups. As a result, African politics today has become characterized by the politics of tribalism, culture, and ethnic affiliation. For example, Nsereka (2019) notes that Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups and tribes, each with its own culture and traditions, including different languages. However, due to lack of initiatives to establish political parties that compete based on ideological differences, numerous African nations have resorted to relying on tribal affiliations as basis for political rivalry. Leaders frequently utilize tribal loyalty to further their interests, parochial agendas, and patronage systems (BBC Africa 2012).

Neocolonialism is evident in how previous colonizing powers, such as France and Britain, have subverted Africa’s political stability through coup d’états. For example, the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) received support from Britain regarding financial assistance, strategic planning, and operational guidance to orchestrate the ousting of Kwame Nkrumah in 1966 (Quist-Adade 2016). The collaboration was motivated by the perception that Nkrumah posed a significant challenge to their interests. Moreover, it has been asserted that the previous colonizers have been associated with numerous African political assassinations. France has faced allegations of involvement in the assassinations of a minimum of 22 African leaders, including Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso, from 1963 (Chiwanza 2019). Another worrying factor is that as of 01 September 2023, eight former French colonies in West and Central Africa have experienced a transition of power to military regimes in the last three years (Busari 2023). These transitions have been accompanied by a surge in anti-France sentiment attributed to perceived involvement from the former colonial power. For instance, Mali has successfully expelled French military forces and broken off from defense accords with France. Furthermore, there has been a shift in the official language from French to Malian national languages in Mali.

In addition in Senegal, there have been instances of targeted actions against French corporate interests (Busari 2023). Therefore, Africa’s colonial past still manifests differently in its development trajectory. With increased incidences of terror in the continent, former colonizers have used this (under the pretext of fighting terrorism) to consolidate their influence on Africa to ensure their interests are protected. This is affirmed by Amoateng (2022), who notes that the link between external powers and instabilities in Africa necessitates acknowledging the participation of domestic and global actors in military coups across the continent.

Concluding remarks

Africa remains challenged in terms of inclusive development. Decolonization brought great hope for the many who were oppressed. There was hope that the post-colonial leaders would lead Africa into socioeconomic and political stability. However, such hopes faded quickly, and then conflicts arose that led to economic instability. Instead, the formation of modern statehood and its inheritance of the colonial era statehood model has seen Africa producing minimal changes to the continent’s socioeconomic development. Even though one cannot isolate African development problems from colonization, it becomes essential to note that decades after its demise, socioeconomic and political stability would have been envisioned. The great power competition and Africa being in the middle means the continent stands to gain despite the risks associated with such. However, should the continent struggle to consolidate peace and stability, inclusive development would remain elusive, placing Africa at the hands of colonizers and at the detriment of Africans who seek effective leadership. Therefore, this suggests that African leaders need to lead their people toward inclusive development without disconnecting itself from the global political and economic perspectives. While policies need to reflect the continent’s development trajectory and responsiveness to the development needs of the people, it must consider global partnerships for socioeconomic upliftment.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).