Süreyya Ağaoğlu and the emerging liberal order in early Cold War Turkey

Abstract

This article discusses the life, career, and associations of Süreyya Ağaoğlu, Turkey’s first female lawyer, in the years leading up to Turkey’s watershed 1950 election, in order to understand Turkey’s liberal opposition. Considering her writings and experiences reveals not only the contested nature of liberalism in this period but also ways in which postwar liberalism was intertwined with the networks undergirding the emerging American-led Cold War order. Not only did she interact in her professional life with champions of liberalism from around the world, but she was also connected through her family to important figures in Turkey’s own liberal tradition. Her experience as a both a product of the ‘Kemalist’ state-building project and a critic of its excesses helps us think about the nature of political opposition during Turkey’s late 1940s democratization.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the supportive community at Stockholm University’s Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS), including Paul Levin, Jenny White, and Kimberly Michelle Parke. I would also like to thank several other people who have been supportive in the writing process: Hasan Kayalı, Michael Provence, Charles Silverman, Jenepher Reeves, and Özlem Yılmaz.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 In the introduction to their edited volume, Post-Post-Kemalizm: Türkiye Çalışmalarında Yeni Arayışlar [Post-Post-Kemalism: New Investigations in Studies on Turkey] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2022), İlker Aytürk and Berk Esen have called for increased focus on the years after 1945, inclusion of political actors beyond the early republican elite, and consideration of how parties changed internally and in relation to the electorate (pp.16-17).

2 In recent years, for example, Halide Edib Adivar, once the focus of articles that primarily emphasized her literary work and critique of Mustafa Kemal, has received heavy criticism for her role as administrator of an orphanage in Antoura that imposed Islam and Turkish language on Armenian children whose parents had died in the genocidal relocations and massacres engineered by the Ottoman state. The rapidity with which her depiction has changed can be seen by comparing works by Erdağ Göknar and Elizabeth Thompson (who engages briefly with the issue) with works by Selim Deringil and Hazal Halavut: Thompson, Justice Interrupted: The Struggle for Constitutional Government in the Middle East (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013), pp.91–116; Göknar, ‘Turkish-Islamic Feminism Confronts National Patriarchy: Halide Edib’s Divided Self’, Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies Vol.9, no. 2 (2013), pp.32–57; Deringil, ‘“Your Religion is Worn and Outdated”: Orphans, Orphanages and Halide Edib during the Armenian Genocide: The Case of Antoura’, Varia Vol.19 (2019), pp.33–65; Halavut, ‘Loss, Lament and Lost Witnessing: Halide Edib on “Being a Member of the Party Who Killed” Armenians’, Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association, Vol.8, no. 2 (2021), pp.313–18.

3 Christine Philliou, Turkey: A Past Against History (Oakland: University of California Press, 2021), p.211.

4 In fact, ‘independence’ had been something of a fiction for quite some time: by 1939, Turkey had become highly dependent on Germany as a trading partner, constricting its freedom of action on the eve of the Second World War (Yayha Sezai Tezel, Cumhuriyet Döneminin İktisadi Tarihi, 1923-1950 [The Republican Era’s Economic History, 1923-1950] (Istanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, (1982) 2015), pp.210–12).

5 Ahmet Ağaoğlu’s colorful life has been the subject of numerous monographs including A. Hollie Shissler, Between Two Worlds: Ahmet Agaoglu and the New Turkey (New York: I.B. Taurus, 2002), which focuses on his ideas of nationalism, and Ozan Özavcı, Intellectual Origins of the Republic: Ahmet Ağaoğlu and the Genealogy of Liberalism in Turkey (Leiden: Brill, 2015), which focuses on his liberalism.

6 When referring to people in a context prior to the 1934 Surname Law, I generally put the last name they would adopt in brackets. The exceptions are those cases where people had already adopted a last name – for example, Ahmet Ağaoğlu, whose name was printed as ‘Ağaoğlu Ahmet Bey’.

7 As Ahmet İnsel explains, the Arabic-derived word hürriyet generally had an abstract sense (‘spiritual freedom’, ‘intellectual freedom’) rather than material one. ‘Free’ market would more likely be expressed using the Persian-derived word serbest. In other words, hürriyet was often a word used by those concerned with state indoctrination rather than those concerned with freeing people from material deprivation or heavy regulations. Berna Turnaoğlu argues that hürriyet was seen by the early 1900s as freedom to act as one wanted, constrained only by laws established by a representative government. In this sense, the term mirrors the ‘liberal’ notion of political authority as contractual and limited (İnsel, ‘Türkiye’de Liberalizm Kavramının Soyçizgisi’ [The Genealogy of the Concept of Liberalism in Turkey], in Tanıl Bora and Murat Gültekingil (eds), Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce 7: Liberalizm [Political Thought in Modern Turkey 7: Liberalism] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2005), pp.41–42; Turnaoğlu, The Formation of Turkish Republicanism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017), pp.126–28).

8 Özavcı, Intellectual Origins of the Republic, pp.185–86.

9 Gülay Sarıçoban, ‘Demokrat Partiden Bir Siyasi Portre: Samet Ağaoğlu’ [A Political Portrait from the Democrat Party: Samet Ağaoğlu], Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol.9, no.17 (2013), p.83. In Süreyya’s account of this conversation, she mentions Atatürk’s use of the rather offensive term sığıntı but not the term zat, which is less rude but still rather dismissive to use toward a long-time acquaintance. In her brother Samet’s account, both are used (Süreyya Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti [A Life Passed Like That] (Istanbul: İshak Basımevi, 1975), p. 65; Samet Ağaoğlu, Babamın Arkadaşları [My Father’s Friends] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, (1956) 1998), p.237).

10 Erik Zürcher argues that Turkey’s founders’ lack of territorial ties to the country was a distinguishing feature of the regime (‘How Europeans Adopted Anatolia and Created a Country’, European Review 13 (July 2005), pp.379–94).

11 Muzaffer Çandır, Manisa Milletvekili: Yazar Samet Ağaoğlu: Hayatı, Sanatı, Eserleri [Manisa Representative: Writer Samet Ağaoğlu: His Life, Art, and Works] (Manisa: Çözüm Ajans, 2013), pp.25–26.

12 Samet Ağaoğlu, ‘Memur Meselesi’, Demokrat İzmir, 16 February 1949, pp.1, 4.

13 Ağaoğlu, Siyasi Günlük: DP’nin Kuruluşu [Political Diary: The DP’s Establishment], ed. Cemil Koçak, 2nd ed. (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1993), pp.28–29. Tezer Taşkıran (née Ağaoğlu) studied philosophy at Istanbul University before marrying a cancer researcher and moving to Germany. She returned to Turkey in the mid-1930s and became a teacher, working her way to the head of the prestigious Ankara Girls School. There, she caught the eye of President İnönü and was added to the candidate list in 1943. She remained in the CHP despite her siblings’ opposition and was reelected in 1946 and 1950. In 1951, however, she withdrew from the CHP and became an independent, accusing her fellow party members of treating her like a ‘spy’ because her brother’s Democrat Party now controlled the government. Gültekin, the youngest of the five siblings, became a pediatrician (Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, pp.85, 121; Cüneyt Arcayürek, Yeni İktidar Yeni Dönem, 1951-1954 [New Government, New Era, 1951-1954] (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1985), p.154; Günseli Naymansoy, Türk Felsefesinin Öncülerinden Tezer Taşkıran [Tezer Taşkıran, from the Trailblazers of Turkish Philosophy] (Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi, 2013), pp.2–22).

14 Kazım Karabekir, Fethi Okyar, and Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın re-entered parliament after a by-election on 31 December 1939 (Cemil Koçak, Türkiye’de Milli Şef Dönemi, 1938-1945, Cilt 1 [The National Chief Era in Turkey, 1938-1945, Volume 1] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları 1996), pp.179–80; John Vanderlippe, The Politics of Turkish Democracy: İsmet İnönü and the Formation of the Multi-Party System, 1938-1950 (Albany: SUNY Press, 2005), pp.34–35).

15 Samet Ağaoğlu, Hayat Bir Macera! Çocukluk ve Gençlik Hatıraları [Life is an Adventure! Memories of Childhood and Youth] (Istanbul: Kitap Yayınevi, 2003), p.15. Samet claims that their father desired a male first child.

16 Yaprak Zihniog˘lu, Kadınsız İnkılap: Nezihe Muhiddin, Kadınlar Halk Fırkası, Kadın Birliği [Womanless Revolution: Nezihe Muhiddin, Woman’s People’s Party, Union of Women] (Istanbul: Metis Yayinlar, 2003), pp.59–60.

17 As discussed in footnote 2, Halide Edib would be the administrator of a controversial Armenian orphanage in Lebanon. Nakiye Elgün would also play a role in designing the curriculum for schools in the region (Mustafa Özyürek, ‘Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyete Bir Eg˘itimci: Nakiye Elgün’ [An Educator from the Ottoman Era to the Republic: Nakiye Elgün], Atatürk Dergisi Vol.3, no. 2 [2004], pp.38–41).

18 Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, p.10; Mustafa Selçuk, ‘Üsküdar'dan Darülfünun'a: Kız Öğrencilerin Eğitimi’ [From Üsküdar to the Darülfünun: The Education of Girl Students], Tarih Dergisi, Vol.48 (2008), pp.65–83.

19 Ağaoğlu, Hayat Bir Macera, p.96.

20 Foreign Office, British National Archives (TNA) (hereafter FO) 424 287 (1947), p.60. Among many criticisms, the 1947 British report on Süreyya also emphasized that ‘she veers from a liberal view of racial problems to acute racism’ – which is likely a reference to Turkish chauvinism. By 1949, the assessment had moderated, and the report stated that she had ‘not lately shown signs of the violent nationalism’ previously mentioned. However, it added that she was ‘a mischievous tale-bearer’ who ‘should be treated with caution as she is said to work for the Turkish Secret Police’ (FO 424 289 [1949], p.20).

21 Ağaoğlu, Hayat Bir Macera, p.78; Bilge Criss, İşgal Altında İstanbul 1918-1923 [Istanbul Under Occupation, 1918-1923] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1994), p.92.

22 Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, pp.22–3. Her classmates were Bedia Onar (whose husband Siddik Sami Onar was already an assistant at the law school); Melahat Ruacan (née Senger), who would go on to become the first female judge in Turkey’s highest court of appeal (Yargıtay); and a peer referred to only as ‘Saime’.

23 Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, pp.38–42. For a discussion of Mahmut Esat Bozkurt, see Hans-Lukas Kieser, ‘An Ethno-Nationalist Revolutionary and Theorist of Kemalism: Dr Mahmut Esat Bozkurt, 1892-1943’, in Hans-Lukas Kieser (ed.), Turkey Beyond Nationalism: Toward Post-Nationalist Identities (New York: I.B. Taurus, 2005), pp.20–27.

24 Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, pp.51–55, 66; Adil Giray Çelik, Osmanlı Darülfünun Mekteb-i Hukuk'da İlk Çiçek Süreyya Ağaoğlu [The Ottoman Darülfünun School of Law’s First Flower: Süreyya Ağaoğlu] (Ankara: Türkiye Barolar Birliği, 2018), p.180. [Adrien?] Billioti represented many foreign firms operating in Turkey, but since he was not a Turkish citizen, he needed lawyers like Süreyya to represent him in court. It is unclear from Süreyya’s explanation (‘Türk vatandaşı olmadığı’) whether he was barred from legal practice because he was not a citizen of Turkey or because he was not a ‘Turkish’ citizen. Since the founding of the republic, a series of laws had been passed to make it difficult for non-Muslims to work as lawyers. A 1924 law removing hundreds of lawyers who had cooperated with the occupation in 1920-1922 disproportionately affected non-Muslim lawyers. A 1926 law requiring would-be lawyers to serve two years as an employee of the courts, in combination with a 1924 that limited government employment to Muslims, effectively denied non-Muslims a means of joining bar associations (Ahmet Yıldız, Ne Mutlu Türküm Diyebilene: Turk Ulusal Kimliginin Etno-sekuler Sinirlari, 1919-1938 [How Happy Is One Who Can Say ‘I Am a Turk’: The Ethno-Secular Limits of Turkish National Identity] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2001), p. 282; Murat Koraltürk, Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Ekonominin Türkleştirilmesi [The Turkification of the Economy in the Early Republican Era] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2011), p.206).

25 Özavcı, Intellectual Origins of the Republic, p.158.

26 Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, p.70.

27 ‘Vefat’, Milliyet, 22 October 1957, p.2.

28 Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, pp.85–87.

29 Ibid., p.83. As Süreyya recalls, she told the prime minister that, ‘Maybe I’ll be prime minister [of Israel], but I can’t even make you the head secretary; I have no tolerance for injustice.’

30 Ibid., p.84.

31 Ibid., pp.84–90. David Levering Lewis, The Improbable Wendell Willkie (New York: Liveright, 2018), pp.225–65.

32 Jan-Werner Müller, Contesting Democracy: Political Ideas in Twentieth-Century Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), p.153.

33 Early accounts of the transition to democracy presents it as the result of CHP policy. In the words of Bernard Lewis, ‘the electoral defeat of the People's Party was its greatest achievement.’ İnönü’s role is emphasized in the work of his son-in-law, Metin Toker. These works contrast with more recent explanations by authors such as M. Asım Karaömerlioğlu, who emphasizes bottom-up pressure (Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (2nd ed, Oxford: Oxford University Press, (1961) 1968), p.303; Metin Toker, Tek Partiden Çok Partiye, 1944 -1950: Demokrasimizin İsmet Paşa'lı Yılları [From One Party to Many Parties, 1944-1950: Our Democracy’s İsmet Paşa Years] (3rd ed, Istanbul: Bilgi Yayınevi, (1970) 1990); M. Asım Karaömerlioğlu, ‘Turkey’s ‘Return’ to Multi-party Politics: A Social Interpretation’, Eastern European Quarterly 40 (2006), pp.89–107).

34 Cemil Koçak points to the role of former Business Bank officials like Yusuf Ziya Öniş in organizing the party in 1946. Öniş had been the general director DenizBank when Bayar was prime minister (1938-39), but he had been removed once Bayar lost power (Koçak, İktidar ve Demokratlar: Türkiye’de İki Partili Siyasi Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları, 1945-1950, Cilt 2 [Government and Democrats: The Two-Party Political System’s Founding Years in Turkey] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2012), pp.132–33).

35 Ağaoğlu publicly explained his decision to resign and run as a DP candidate by publishing an announcement in the pro-DP paper Vatan on 1 July 1946 (Ağaoğlu, Siyasi Günlük, p.36).

36 Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, p.102.

37 Abdurrahman was the third eldest of the Ağaoğlu siblings and the first boy; as such, he played an outsize role in the internal politics of the family. He attended Galatasaray Lycée before traveling abroad to study electrical engineering at the University of Grenoble. Returning home, he worked briefly for the Istanbul Electrical Corporation before going into private business. By the late 1940s, he was representing Siemens and its Turkish partner firm, Koç (Ağaoğlu, Hayat Bir Macera, pp.16–17, 35).

38 Ağaoğlu, Londra’da Gördüklerim [The Things I Saw in London] (Istanbul: İsmail Akgün Matbaası, 1946), pp.34–35. At least in front of foreign audiences, she continued to present the situation in Turkey as one of pure legal equality. In a speech given in the early 1950s, ‘Today in Turkey women enjoy all rights …Their sex is not a handicap for Turkish women. Today a woman has complete freedom of action.’ (‘Role of the Modern Woman in Turkey’, Kadın Eserleri Kütüphanesi ve Bilgi Merkezi Vakfı [The Women’s Library and Information Centre Foundation] (hereafter KEKBMV) Archives).

39 Ağaoğlu, Londra’da Gördüklerim, p.14.

40 Ağaoğlu, Londra’da Gördüklerim, p.37.

41 H. M. Burton, ‘Opening of a Turkish “Halkevi” (people's house) in London’, Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society, Vol.29, no. 2, pp.141–42; Ilgın Aktener and Neslihan Kansu-Yetkiner, ‘Sir Wyndham Henry Deedes: A Portrait of the Translator as a Cultural Ambassador’, Folia linguistica et litteraria /Journal of Language and Literary Studies, Vol.40 (2022), pp.193–95.

42 ‘Süreyya Ağaoğlu …’, Cumhuriyet, 17 October 1945, p.5; Ağaoğlu, Londra’da Gördüklerim, p.17. Süreyya mentions meeting Howard Kelly, a retired British admiral who had advised Greece during Turkey’s War of Independence and served as the UK naval representative to Turkey during the Second World War, and Lady Glenconner (Pamela Winefred Paget), whose family controlled large mining and chemical firms and whose mother, Muriel, had been active in humanitarian work.

43 Ağaoğlu, Londra’da Gördüklerim, pp.31–32; Oliver Blaiklock, ‘Advising the citizen Citizens Advice Bureaux: Voluntarism and the Welfare State in England, 1938-1964’ (PhD thesis, Kings College London, 2013), pp.33–34.

44 Ağaoğlu, Londra’da Gördüklerim, p.22.

45 Ibid., p.26.

46 Ibid., p.28.

47 Ibid., p.28.

48 Pelin Helvacı describes Baban as a ‘conservative liberal’, which seems accurate considering his nationalism and hostility to socialism (‘Gazeteci ve siyasetçi kimliğiyle Cihat Baban, 1911-1984’ [Cihat Baban, His Identity as a Journalist and Politician] (PhD thesis, Galatasaray University, Istanbul, 2021), p.91).

49 Süreyya Ağaoğlu, ‘Türk Kadını Amerikada’, Tasvir, 5 February 1947, 3 (from KEKBMV Archives).

50 Ağaoğlu, Londra’da Gördüklerim, p.40.

51 ‘Türkiye İngilizlere …’, Kadını Gazetesi, 19 April 1947.

52 ‘Süreyya Ağaoğlu …’, Kadını Gazetesi, 26 January 1948. Whether Süreyya attended the Amsterdam conference is not clear from my research. About six weeks after this news report, however, she did pen an article for the gazette in which she described London and complained, ‘documents are necessary for everything. For everything, you need to wait’ (‘Bugünku Londra …’, Kadını Gazetesi, 8 March 1948, pp.1, 6).

53 The firm Süreyya worked at in London, Edwards & Edwards, represented the Ottoman Bank (Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, p.94).

54 In addition to Ağaoğlu, Başgil, and Yalman, founding members included Burhan Apaydın (a lawyer close to the DP); Enver Adakan (a former CHP representative from Balıkesir who would later return to parliament as a DP representative), Muvaffak Benderli (a lawyer and professor), Mehmet Ali Sebük (a lawyer and later a DP representative), Nihat Reşat Belger (a veteran of the Independence War, doctor, and later DP representative), Osman Fethi Okyar (an economist), Rauf Ahmet Hotinli (a journalist and former CHP representative), Raif Necdet Meto (a journalist and press officer for the DP), Selim Ragıp Emeç (the owner of the newspaper Son Posta and later a DP representative), Şinasi Hakkı Erel (a professor and former naval officer who had served previously in parliament), Tevfik Remzi Kazancıgil (a professor and medical doctor), Ziyaeddin Fahri Fındıkoğlu (a sociology professor), and Yavuz Görey (a sculptor) (Ahmet Emin Yalman, Yakın Tarihte Gördüklerim ve Geçirdiklerim 2 [Things That I Saw and Experienced in Recent History, Volume 2] (Istanbul: Pera Turizm, 1997), p.1410; Hüseyin Sadoğlu, ‘Hür Fikirleri Yayma Cemiyeti’ [Society for the Spread of Free Ideas], in Tanıl Bora and Murat Gültekingil (eds), Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce 7: Liberalizm (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2005), pp.307–08).

55 Aliyar Demirci, ‘Ahmet Emin Yalman’, in Tanıl Bora and Murat Gültekingil (eds), Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce 7: Liberalizm (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2005), pp.473–79.

56 Mükkerem Sarol, Bilinmeyen Menderes, Cilt 1 [The Unknown Menderes, Volume 1] (Istanbul: İnkılap, 2014), p.164.

57 In addition to running the newspaper Vatan, Yalman was also involved with his family-business, Tatko, which was the distributor in Turkey for Goodyear tires, Dodge automobiles, and Caterpillar tractors.

58 Joakim Parslow, ‘Jurists of War and Peace: Sıddık Sami Onar (1898-1972) and Ali Fuat Başgil (1893-1967) on Law and Prerogative in Turkey’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.50 (2018), p.51.

59 Aliyar Demirci, ‘Ali Fuat Başgil’, in Tanıl Bora and Murat Gültekingil (eds), Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce 7: Liberalizm (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2005), pp.283–90.

60 ‘Türk liberalizimi …’, Vatan, 2 October 1947, pp.1, 4.

61 Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, p.95.

62 Five days later, the Society organized a second talk featuring Alfred Newell, a professor of international relations, titled ‘Our Era is an Era of Thinking Broadly’. Though living in London by 1947, Newell had taught for many years at Robert College in Istanbul (‘Prof. Ali Fuad…’, Vatan, 28 November 1947, pp.1, 5; ‘Küçük Haber,’ Cumhuriyet, 3 December 1947, p.2; ‘Obituary…’, The Times [London], 20 February 1976, p.16).

63 ‘Prof. Ali Fuad…’, Vatan, 28 November 1947, pp.1, 5.

64 Mahmut Kocaağa, ‘Eminönü Halkevi ve Faaliyetleri, 1935-1951’ [The Eminönü People’s House and Its Activities] (Master’s thesis, İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2015), p.34.

65 Ali Fuat Başgil, ‘Başlarken’, Hür Fikirler (November 1948), p.3.

66 Yalman was an active member of avowedly ‘liberal’ international organizations. In December 1946, for example, Süreyya’s acquaintance Peter [Derwent?] wrote to her from England to see if she would ask Yalman about attending the World Liberal Union in Oxford in April 1947. Promoted as an alternative to the Communist International, the organization backed American aid to Turkey and Greece (Dervent to Ağaoğlu, 12 December 1946, A.14.6 21 21 (from KEKBMV Archives); ‘24 Nations’ Liberals …’, The New York Times, 12 April 1947, 8; Yalman, Yakın Tarihte, pp.1397–1400).

67 Ahmet Emin Yalman, ‘1848-1948’, Hür Fikirler (November 1948), p.14.

68 Osman Fethi Okyar, ‘İktisatta Plan Veya Plansızlık’, Hür Fikirler (November 1948), p.28.

69 Massimo Salvadori, ‘Birleşik Amerikada Liberalizm’, Hür Fikirler (November 1948), pp.32–35.

70 Osman Okyar was a candidate on the CHP’s Istanbul list in the 1957 election but was not elected (‘C.H.P. nin Istanbul …’, Milliyet, 5 October 1957, p.1).

71 Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, p.95.

72 ‘Kadın hukukçular …’, Cumhuriyet, 11 July 1952, 1, 5; Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, 102, pp.113–14.

73 The archives in Turkey contain at least one document showing Süreyya, Samet, and their siblings buying a chrome mine in Manisa, the province which Samet represented in parliament, and on at least one occasion, British officials mention her calling them with a business proposition (Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet Arşivi [Prime Minister’s Republican Archive] [BCA] 030.18.01.02 134 97 18; C.B.B. Heathcote Smith to D. M. O’Brien, 5 June 1957, FO 371/130202).

74 Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War (New York: Vintage Books, 1996), pp.265–71; Jennifer Delton, Rethinking the 1950s: How Anticommunism and the Cold War Made America Liberal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp.1–12.

75 ‘Dört gazeteci …’, Cumhuriyet, 5 July 1959, pp.1, 5; ‘72 yaşındakı …’, Cumhuriyet, 8 March 1960, pp.1, 5; Ağaoğlu, Bir Ömür Böyle Geçti, p.130. Yalman’s offense consisted of publishing translations of English-language articles by Eugene Pulliam, the publisher of The Indianapolis Star, and his wife, who both visited Turkey in 1958 and subsequently wrote articles titled ‘Vain “Dictator” Bankrupts Turkey: U.S.-Aided Ally Slips Back into “Sick Man” Role’ and ‘Turkey Premier Wastes Funds to Build Power’ (The Indianapolis Star, 1 and 2 October 1958).