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Abstract
Most of the first Jewish rural settlements established in Ottoman Palestine in the late nineteenth century have something in common that has not yet been systematically analyzed. This common factor is their physical location: on low or high ground. Most of the first Jewish settlements were established in plains and valleys for several reasons, while Arab rural settlements were located in the hills and mountains. The article discusses how Palestinian notables (effendis) who purchase or leased the usufruct rights to state land after the promulgation of the Ottoman Land Code in 1858, subsequently sold all or part of their landholdings in the valleys and plains of Late Ottoman Palestine to Jewish purchasers until the British conquest of Palestine in 1917.
Acknowledgments
I am indebted to my wife for her diligent proofreading and comments on earlier versions of this paper.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1 I. Cohen (ed.), Zionist Work in Palestine (London: Fisher Unwin, 1911), pp.194-97, in Appendix II, listed 31 Zionist colonies in plains or valleys, and only eight in hilly areas. See also Y. Porat, The Palestinian Arab Movement: From Riots to Rebellion (London: Frank Cass, 1977), p.81.
2 ‘ Aliyot’ means, literally, ‘goings up’. The meaning of the word is ‘immigration’. The implication is that immigration to Palestine (or Israel) has a positive moral and symbolic loading.
3 Y. Ben-Artzi, Early Jewish settlement patterns in Palestine, 1882-1914 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1997), p.12.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid, pp.83-86.
6 Y. Katz and S. Neuman, ‘Agricultural Land Transactions in Palestine, 1900-1914, A Quantitative Analysis’, Explorations in Economic History Vol.27 (1990), pp.29-45.
7 Ibid., p.34.
8 Y. Katz, The ‘Business’ of Settlement (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1994), p.304.
9 Ibid., p.306.
10 D. Ben-Gurion, Zichronot [Memoirs], Vol.4 (Tel-Aviv: Am Oved, 1937), pp.297-99; also cited in B. Morris, ‘Revisiting the Palestinian Exodus of 1948’, in E. E. Rogan and A. Shlaim (eds), The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp.37-59, at p.42.
11 D. Grossman, ‘The Relationship between Settlement Pattern and Resource Utilization: The case of North-Eastern Samaria’, Transactions of the British Institute of Geographers, Vol.6 (1981), p.21; B. Doumani, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700-1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), pp.25, 116.
12 S. Tamari, ‘Shifting Ottoman Conceptions of Palestine: Part 2: Ethnography and Cartography’, Jerusalem Quarterly, Vol.48 (2011), pp.6-16, at p.12.
13 M. Aumann, ‘Land Ownership in Palestine, 1880-1948’, in Michael Curtis, Joseph Neyer, Chaim L. Waxman et. al (eds), The Palestinians: People, History, Politics (New Jersey: Transaction Books, 1975), p.124.
14 Palestine Royal Commission Report, Cmd. 5479 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1937), p.21.
15 D.H.K. Amiram, ‘The Pattern of Settlement in Palestine’, Israel Exploration Journal, Vol.3, (1953), pp.65-78, 192-209.
16 Elisha Efrat, ‘The Relationship of Settlement and Population in Israel to its Topography, Studies in the Geography of Israel, Vol.8, (1972), pp.26-41.
17 Ibid., pp.17-19, 27-29. It is thus not surprising that of the 64 ‘mitzpim’ (lookout posts) that were established in the Galilee by the Jewish Agency between 1979-1983, only two were on plains, and the rest at much higher elevations, since these were the only unsettled areas remaining in the Galilee.
18 Ibid., pp.27-29. In Gaza, of course, all the settlements are at low elevations.
19 Ibid., p.29; Katz, The ‘Business’ of Settlement, p.307.
20 Ibid.
21 Gerald D. Sack, Unpublished Research Notes: 1980-1984. During the past 15 to 20 years, village histories of Galilean villages have begun to be published in Arabic. While many lack historical documentation, the book about the Christian village of Elabun, for example, includes several Ottoman documents.
22 Ben-Artzi (1997), p.83; S. Farsoun, Palestine and the Palestinians (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997), pp.22-23.
23 Wolf Dieter Hütteroth and Kamal Abdulfattah, Historical Geography of Palestine, Transjordan and Southern Syria in the Late 16th Century (Erlangen: Fränkische Geographische Ges., 1977).
24 Ben Artzi (1997), p.84.
25 Ibid. Ben-Artzi’s assertion that limestone aided the digging of wells is unclear.
26 Edward Robinson, Eli Smith et al., Biblical Researches in Palestine and the Adjacent Regions (London: Murray, 1838), p.260.
27 Ben-Artzi, Table 1, p.28.
28 Ben-Artzi, Table 3, p.33. These figures include urban settlements which are excluded from this analysis.
29 E. N. Adler (ed.), Jewish Travellers in the Middle Ages: 19 Firsthand Accounts (New York: Dover (1930), 1987), pp.109, 123, 150.
30 N. Schur, ‘The History of the Jews in the Galilee in the Ottoman Period’, in A. Shmueli et. al. (eds), The Lands of the Galilee. (Haifa: The University of Haifa Press, 1983) [Hebrew], p.303; compare A. Rokach, Rural settlement in Israel (Jerusalem: The Jewish Agency for Israel, Rural Settlement Department, 1978), p.4.
31 A. N. Adler, ‘The Travels of Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela: 1160-1173’, in T. Wright, Early Travels in Palestine (London: Bohn, 1848), pp.81, 89.
32 M. Gilbert, Exile and Return: The Struggle for a Jewish Homeland (New York: J. B. Lippincott, 1978).
33 Adler, pp.115, 120-28, 147-50.
34 Schur, p.303; Rokach, p.4.
35 W. F. Lynch, Narrative of the United States’ Expedition to the River Jordan and the Dead Sea (Philadelphia: Lea and Blanchard, 1859), pp.465-66, however noted several small cultivated plots in the valley east of Nazareth, and also mentioned ruined villages in the area, with no signs of cultivators. This suggests that they may have been fields of winter wheat sowed in November by Bedouins taking their livestock to winter pastures elsewhere.
36 William Hepworth Dixon, The Holy Land (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1868), pp.60-70.
37 J. Fynn, Byeways in Palestine (London: Nisbet, 1868), pp.265-77.
38 W. K. Kelly, Syria and the Holy Land: Their Scenery and their People (London: Chapman and Hall, 1844), p.319.
39 J. Madox, Excursions in the Holy Land, Egypt, Nubia, etc., (London: Bentley, 1834), pp.204-05.
40 H. B. Tristram, The Land of Israel - A Journal of Travels in Palestine (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1844), pp.118, 123, 130-61.
41 C. Ritter, The Comparative Geography of Palestine and the Sinaitic Peninsula, (New York: Appleton, 1866), p.260.
42 Ibid., p.266.
43 Ibid., pp.267-68, 292-301.
44 M. Seetzen, A Brief Account of the Countries adjoining the Lake of Tiberias, the Jordan and the Dead Sea (London: Palestine Association of London, 1810), p.22.
45 Y. Ben-Arieh, ‘The Population of Israel [sic] and Its Settlements on the Eve of the Zionist Enterprise’, in Geographical and Historical Researches into Israeli Settlements (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1987) [Hebrew], pp.1-14, at p.8.
46 Ibid., pp.9-10.
47 M. E. Rodgers, Domestic Life in Palestine (London: Kegan Paul, (1862) 1989), pp.160-62; A. Granott, The Land System in Palestine (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1952), p.55; Wolf Dieter Hütteroth, and Kamal Abdulfattah (1977), passim.
48 Ben-Arieh (1987), p.12, my emphases.
49 J. V. W. Shaw (ed.), A Survey of Palestine. Prepared in December 1945 and January 1946, for the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry (Jerusalem: Palestine Government Printer, 1946).
50 Fitzmaurice, A Cruise to Egypt, Palestine and Greece during Five Months of Absence (London: John Hill, 1834), p.58.
51 Katz (1994), pp.306-07, basing his argument on Efrat (1972); see also H. Maundrell, ‘Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter, A.D. 1697’, in T. Wright, Early Travels in Palestine (London: Bohn, 1848), p.437.
52 M. Brawer, ‘Transformation in Arab Rural Settlement in Palestine’, in R. Kark (ed.), Redemption of the Land of Eretz-Israel: Ideology and Practice (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Tzvi, 1990) [Hebrew], pp.167-68; S. J. Frantzman, and R. Kark, ‘Bedouin Settlement in Late Ottoman and British Mandatory Palestine: Influence on the Cultural and Environmental Landscape, 1870-1948’, New Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.1, (2011), pp.4-5, 21; Granott, pp.34-38; Hütteroth and Abdulfattah; B. Lewis, The Middle East: 2000 Years from the Rise of Christianity to the present day, (London: Phoenix, 1995), p.286; Lynch, p.489; Tristram, pp.120, 490, S. Frantzman, The Arab settlement of Late Ottoman and Mandatory Palestine: New Village Formation and Settlement Fixation, 1871-1948, PhD Thesis (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 2010), pp.94, 96, 113, 193; B. J. Walker, ‘The Phenomenon of the “Disappearing” Villages of Late Medieval Jordan, as Reflected in Archaeological and Economic Sources’, Bulletin d’études orientales, Vol.60 (2012), p.162; R. S. Abujaber, ‘Agriculture and Population Movement in East Jordan during the Nineteenth Century’, at http://publication.doa.gov.jo/uploads/publications/28/SHAJ_2-273-278.pdf.
53 Wolf Dieter Hütteroth, ‘The Pattern of Settlement in Palestine in the Sixteenth Century: Geographical research on Turkish Muffasal’, in M. Maoz (ed.), Studies on Palestine during the Ottoman Period (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1975), pp.3-9; Figures II and III, between pages 8-9.
54 F. Ongley, The Ottoman Land Code (London: W. Clowes and Sons, 1892), pp.34-35, 37-38, 41-42, 62, 65, 67, 69, 78-79, 83-84, 90-92, 98, 102, 105, 136, 139-43, 153, 178, 186-87, 189-90, 200, 212-15, 220-21, 226, 242, 262, 266. The large number of references shows the importance of the proceeds of the auctions for the Ottoman Treasury.
55 Brawer (1990), p.167; Doumani (1995), pp.34, 60, 71, 163, 308-09, 345; Hütteroth (1975), pp.6-8.
56 Wolf Dieter Hütteroth and Kamal Abdulfattah, pp. 469; Hütteroth (1975), pp. 8-9; Robinson and Smith, 1838, 548; Frantzman (2010), pp.291-300.
57 Doumani (1995), pp.115-16; Frantzman (2010), pp.94, 182-85.
58 M. Abir, ‘Local Leadership and Early Reforms in Palestine, 1800-1834’, in M. Maoz (ed.), Studies on Palestine during the Ottoman Period (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1970), p.284; J. Baratz, A Village by the Jordan (New York: Sharon Books, 1957), pp.79-80, 129-35; M. Dayan, Moshe Dayan: Story of my Life (New York: Warner, 1976), p.24, 56-57; Gino, Personal Communication (1999); Seetzen, p.29.
59 See J. S. Buckingham, Travels in Palestine through the countries of Bashan and Gilead, east of the River Jordan: Including a visit to the cities of Geraza and Gamala in the Decapolis (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, 1821), p.88; J. L. Burkhardt, Travels in Syria and the Holy Land (London: J. Murray, 1822), pp.162, 165; M. C. Twain, The Innocents Abroad (Pleasantville: Reader’s Digest, (1881) 1990), pp.564, 567; F. L. Mortimer, Far Off or, Asia and Australia Described, with Anecdotes and Illustrations (New York: Robert Carter, 1852), p.11; J. Parkes, Whose Land? A History of the Peoples of Palestine (London: Penguin, 1970), pp.117-18; Rodgers, pp.177-78.
60 W. E. Fitzmaurice, A Cruise to Egypt, Palestine and Greece (London: Hill, 1834), p.54; Sami Hidawi, Land Ownership in Palestine (New York: Palestine Arab Refugee Office, 1957), pp.4-7; Katz (1994), p.308. T. R. Jolliffe, Letters from Palestine, Descriptive of a Tour through Galilee and Judea, Vol.I (London: Black, Young and Young, 1822), p.26, noted rich untilled alluvial soil in the valley east of Nazareth; W. K. Kelly, Syria and the Holy Land: Their Scenery and their People (London: Chapman and Hall, 1844), p.335, noted that the rich alluvial soil north of the Sea of Galilee was almost entirely uncultivated, and just south of this area were several powerful Bedouin tribes. See also Hidawi, pp.5-7.
61 Ben-Arieh (1975), pp.65-66; Y. Alfassi, ‘Second Temple to Hibbat Zion’, in Israel Pocket Library III, History of the Land of Israel until 1880 (Jerusalem: Keter, 1973), pp 4-5; Parkes (1970), p.74; S. Safrai, ‘Destruction of the Second Temple to the Arab Conquest (70-634)’, in Israel Pocket Library III, History of the Land of Israel until 1880 (Jerusalem: Keter, 1973), pp.181-82. The so-called Jerusalem Talmud was in fact compiled in Tiberias at this time.
62 David Niv (ed.), Rosh Pinna: 100 years Old (1882-1982) (Rosh Pinna: Rosh Pinna Municipality, 1983) [Hebrew], pp.45-48.
63 Newspapers such as Ha-Melitz, Havazelet, Hatsfira, and Hatzvi, for example, at
http://www.jpress.org.il/view-hebrew.asp. Several articles also gave advice on the ‘baksheesh’ required to facilitate land purchase in Ottoman Palestine!
64 Niv (1983), p.12.
65 Niv (1983), pp. 24-25. Etrogs are citrons, and are used in the rituals performed during the Feast of Tabernacles.
66 Ibid., pp.12, 24-25.
67 Ibid., pp.45-47.
68 Ibid., pp.47-48.
69 Compare Robinson and Smith (1838), p.377.
70 Quran 2: 30; 36: 54.
71 M. S. Sait and H. Lim, Land, Law and Islam: Property and Human Rights in the Muslim World (New York: UN-Habitat and Zed Books, 2006), p.10, citing M. Abdul-Rauf, A Muslim's Reflections of Democratic Capitalism (Washington DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1984), p.19. See also F. Nomani, and A. Rahnema, Islamic Economic Systems (New Jersey: Zed Books, 1994), pp.66-77. Legitimate tenure of land implies an equitable distribution of land, and forbids a small group to monopolize it (M. M. S. Salsal, ‘The Concept of Land Ownership: Islamic Perspective, Bulletin Geoinformasi, Vol.2(2) (1988), p.288. At http://eprints.utm.my/4950/1/concept.pdf).
72 Ibid., p.288.
73 H. Inalcik, and D. Quataert (eds), An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire: 1300-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp.103-31, 142-78; C. Sahin, The Rise and Fall of an Ayan Family in Eighteenth Century Anatolia: The Caniklizades, PhD Thesis, Bilkent University (2003), p.3; Sait and Lim, pp.11-14; M. Maoz, Ottoman Reform in Syria and Palestine, 1840-1861 (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), p.17; E. Zamir, State Land in Judea and Samaria: The Legal Status (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, No.12, 1985), pp 14, 69.
74 Inalcik and Quataert, pp.103-31, 142-78; Sait and Lim, pp.11-14.
75 Granott, p.87; Inalcik and Quataert, p.104; A. Minkov, ‘Ottoman Tapu Title Deeds in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries: Origin, Typology and Diplomatics’, Islamic Law and Society, Vol.7 (2000), pp.1-29, at p.6; Ongley, p.8; Sait and Lim, p.12.
76 Minkov, p.6. Again, since virtually no fellah could read or write, the issuance of documents relating to the legal status of land was of interest primarily to the notables who traded in land and who frequently used their knowledge of the new law to dispossess peasant cultivators who could not prove usufruct rights to the lands they cultivated, Frantzman and Kark (2011), pp.6, 8, noted that tracts of land given to Bedouin in the Beit She’an area in the late 1920s by the Mandate authorities had passed into the hands of Nablus and Jenin notables by 1932.
77 According to Minkov all tapu deeds specified ‘the conditions of tenure, namely, the possession of usufruct rights’.
78 O. Gözel, The Implementation of the Ottoman Land Code of 1858 in Eastern Anatolia, MA Thesis, Ankara: Middle East Technical University, (2007), pp.7-9.
79 Gözel (2007), pp.7-8
80 Ibid., p.8.
81 Ibid., pp.8-9.
82 Ibid., p.8.
83 Ibid., p.9.
84 Ibid., p.13.
85 Ibid., p.13.
86 Ibid., p.31; Ongley, pp.113-20, 139-40, 161-63, 166, 172-74, 186, 188, 194, 197, 199, 205, 233-36, 245-48, 251-52, 264. Frequently heirs, waqfs or indigent people wishing to register property or usufruct rights could do so at greatly reduced rates.
87 Gözel, pp.31-32; D. Gavish, and R. Kark, ‘The cadastral mapping of Palestine, 1858-1928’, The Geographic Journal, Vol.159 (1992), p.74; R. C. Tute, The Ottoman Land Laws, with A Commentary on the Ottoman Land Code of 7th Ramadan, 1274 (Jerusalem: Greek Convent Press, 1927), p.48.
88 R. Kark, ‘Land Ownership and Spatial Change in Nineteenth Century Palestine: An Overview’, in M. Roscizewsky (ed.), Transition From Spontaneous to Regulated Spatial Organization (Warsaw: The Polish Academy of Sciences, 1984), pp.358, 360.
89 Ongley, p.1; W. P. N. Tyler, State Lands and Rural Development in Mandatory Palestine, 1920-1948 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2001), pp.8-9. Tamim (N. J. Tamim, ‘A Historical Review of the Land Tenure and Registration System in Palestine’, An-Najah University Journal of Research (Natural Science), Vol.3 (1995), pp.90-92, at http://www.najah.edu/researches/529.pdf) noted that the actual registration of plots under the Ottoman land Code only began in 1871 (p.92), and that very little land was mulk or privately owned.
90 ‘Mahlul’ in the Ottoman Land Code also referred to dwellings (Ongley, pp.18, 44, 224-27).
91 Tamim, p.92.
92 Ongley, pp.71-74; L. French, First Report on agricultural development and land settlement in Palestine
(London: Printed for The Palestine Government by The Crown Agents for the Colonies, 1931); L. French, Second Report on agricultural development and land settlement in Palestine (London: Printed for The Palestine Government by The Crown Agents for the Colonies, 1932), p.10; Sait and Lim, p.13; Shaw (ed.), p.233; Zamir, p.69.
93 Tyler, p.9.
94 For example, Ongley, pp.14-15, 29-30, 42, 70; Y. Reiter, “All of Palestine is Holy Muslim Waqf Land” – A Myth and Its Roots’ in R. Saham (ed.), Law, Custom, and Statute in the Muslim World. Studies in Honor of Professor Aharon Layish (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2007), pp.172-97, at pp.187-88; Salsal, pp.286-88, 292. Ayetkin, however, in his study of debt registers in Anatolia, argued that the Ottomans were at best indifferent to peasant indebtedness, unless it threatened the supply of agricultural foodstuffs to the towns. He showed that similar conditions prevailed in other parts of the Ottoman Empire, including Nablus and Damascus (E. A. Ayetkin, ‘Cultivators, Creditors and the State: Rural Indebtedness in the Nineteenth Century Ottoman Empire’, Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol.35 (2008), pp.292, 303-05, 308-09).
95 S. P. Halbrook, ‘The Alienation of a Homeland: How Palestine Became Israel’, Journal of Libertarian Studies, Vol.5 (1981), p.357. Holbrook thought that the Ottomans’ prime reason for codifying land law was to broaden their tax base, as registration as the owner of land or of usufruct rights to land also identified him as a taxpayer. See also Frantzman (2010), p.137.
96 Farsoun (1997), pp.30-31, 33, 35-36; Gershon Shafir, Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882-1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p.34.
97 Granott (1952), pp.38-53, 55-70; Kenneth W. Stein, The Land Question in Palestine, 1917-1939 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), pp.228-39.
98 Ruth Kark, ‘Consequences of the Ottoman Land Law: Agrarian and Privatization Processes in Palestine, 1858-1918’, in Raghubir Chand, Stanko Pelk and Ettiene Nel (eds), (Heidelberg: Springer, 2017), p.2.
99 B. Doumani, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700-1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), p.116.
100 O. Warburg, ‘Vegetation in Palestine’, in I. Cohen (ed.), Zionist Work in Palestine (London: Fisher Unwin, 1911), p.49. The price of such lands was noted to have risen from 8 to 30-40 francs per dunam (ibid., pp.49-50). Auman, p.121 stated that between 50 per cent and 9 per cent of all the land purchased by Zionists between 1880 and 1935 was in the form of ‘large tracts’. Szold’s summary of the state of the Zionist enterprise in 1915 noted in several places that the grain monocultures of the first 15 years of Zionist settlement had changed to fruit plantations and a mixed farm economy by the end of the nineteenth Century, with a consequent rise in farm income (H. Szold, ‘Recent Jewish Progress in Palestine’, in the American Jewish Yearbook (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1915), p.27-150). Mixed farming does not require extensive flat areas, and so the hills and mountains of Palestine began to attract more Zionist attention after the end of Ottoman rule in Palestine.
101 Horowitz, the Head of the Economic Department of the Jewish Agency, noted that if price had been a consideration, ‘At a distance of some kilometers east of Jordan, land of the same quality could be obtained at a fraction of this sum.’ D. Horowitz, ‘Jewish Colonisation and Arab Development in Palestine, 1945’, p.36, Central Zionist Archives (CZA), S90/File 76.
102 Granott, pp.35-37, 47, 51, 54-77; Porat (1975), p.365; Palestine Royal Commission Report, 1936-37 (Cmd. 5479) (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1937), p.44; Stein (1984), pp.228-39.
103 Granott, pp.56-70. Ayetkin, pp.302-04, argued that the Ottomans were indifferent to the indebtedness of the rural peasantry. This gave wealthy moneylenders unfettered access to the lands cultivated by their debtors in the second half of the nineteenth century. Formerly, before the monetarization of the rural economy, the Ottoman state occasionally intervened to prevent peasant dispossession for indebtedness, in order to ensure the supply and low price of food crops. Only after 1858 was peasant dispossession legally possible.
104 Granott, p.38-53, 55; Kark, ‘Consequences of the Ottoman Land Law’, p.3.
105 Granott, p.39.
106 Ibid. Other major landowning effendi families from whom the Zionists purchased land, were the Ruks (or Rocks) and Thwaynis (Tuenis) from Jaffa, and Salim Huri from Haifa (Ben-Artzi, p.32). Abdulfattah noted that other prominent Beiruti effendi families that owned large estates in the Upper and Lower Galilee were the Tayyans, Mutrans, Bhutrans, Busturs, Salaams, Farahs, Fadls and Jazairis (Granott, pp.80-82). The Tayyans and Farahs sold land to the early Zionists and during the Mandate period. Stein (1984), pp.223-25, listed large estates totalling over 872,000 Turkish dunams that were in the hands of wealthy notables in 1919.
107 Granott, p.39.
108 Ibid., p.80.
109 Ibid., pp.39, 43-45, 48-52, 78-84.
110 Ibid., p.255.
111 Table 2.4 in B. Kimmerling, Zionism and Territory: The Socio-Territorial Dimensions of Zionist Politics (Berkeley University of California Press, 1983), p.48.
112 Y. Shiloni, The Jewish National Fund and Zionist Settlement: 1904-1913 (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, (1990), [Hebrew], pp.182-208, 242-59. Substantial areas were also purchased around the Sea of Galilee (pp.209-44).
113 One reason for this was PICA’s decision to concentrate on purchasing contiguous land, so as to increase the physical strength of Jewish settlements in the region.
114 Ben-Artzi, pp.125-27.
115 Oscar Warburg, ‘Vegetation in Palestine’, in I. Cohen (ed.), Zionist Work in Palestine (London: T. Fisher Unwin, for the Zionist Central Office, 1911), pp.44-45.
116 A. Aaronsohn, ‘The Jewish Agricultural Experiment Station and its Programme’, in I. Cohen (ed.), p.118.
117 A. Ruppin, ‘The Return of the Jews to Agriculture’, in I. Cohen (ed.), p.137.
118 Quoted in R. Kark, and M. Oren-Nordheim, Jerusalem and Its Environs: Quarters, Neighborhoods, Villages: 1800-1948 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2001), pp.140-51. See also S. Abu Zaida, ‘“A Miserable Provincial Town”: The Zionist Approach to Jerusalem from 1897-1937’, Jerusalem Quarterly, Vol.32 (2001), pp.70-87, 74-75.
119 M. Sheinkin (1913). (Letter from Sheinkin to the Lovers of Zion Committee. CZA, A24/51/II).
120 L. Oliphant, Haifa or Life in Modern Palestine (Edinburgh and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1887), p.60.
121 K. W. Stein, ‘Zionist Land Acquisition: a core element in establishing Israel’, in M. J. Cohen (ed.), The British Mandate in Palestine: A Centenary Volume, 1920–2020 (London: Routledge, 2020), p.244.
122 P. F. Horton, ‘A Land with a People: The Political Economy of Jerusalem and Nablus in the Nineteenth Century’, (MA Thesis, Simon Fraser University, 1993), pp.33-35.
123 L. Schatkowski-Schilcher, Families in Politics (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1985), pp.53-54; 75-77.
124 Ibid., pp.9, 34, 38-39, 53, 56-57, 147, 215, 220.