Depoliticization or Americanization of Japanese Science Studies

Abstract

In this paper, I will describe the history of Japanese science studies (In the Japanese language, the term “science studies” [Kagaku-ron] is used to indicate a broad area, which covers the history, philosophy, and social studies of science and technology.) from the beginning of the twentieth century to around the mid-1980s, and will argue how depoliticization took place in its history. Japanese science studies was formed under the conspicuous influence of German philosophy before World War II (hereafter WW II), especially in its neo-Kantian tradition. During the military regime, science studies offered a hiding place for Marxists. However, after the end of the Asian-Pacific War, British influence became stronger in the history and sociology of science in two stages. First, logical positivism arrived, in this case, mainly from the USA under the name of “analytic philosophy.” Second, the American influence was furthered by the introduction of Kuhn’s theory of paradigm which unexpectedly depoliticized Japanese science studies. This trend seems to have reflected the course of the Cold War. After the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Disaster, one of the most significant legacies of Cold War Science, we need to review the history of science studies in order to retrieve its “critical” function. Even though this paper focuses on Japan, comparable reflections should be made worldwide.

Keywords:

• Depoliticization
• Science Studies
• Japan

Notes

[1] For pre-war history, see Nakajima (2007). Basic data for Japanese historians and philosophers of science are available from Ito et al. (1983); Kodansha (1993); etc. See also Dilworth et al. (1998); Shigeru et al. (2001–2006), esp. vol. 1, chap. 28; Onuma (1974), part 2, esp. 84–173.

[2] Although the Stanford article focuses on the Kyoto School in philosophy, we have several different definitions of this school.

[3] It was the name under the pre-war education system (“daiichi” means “the first”). Daiichi High School was to form the first two-year education of the University of Tokyo after the end of World War II (Komaba campus). In principle, students of the old system High Schools could enter any Imperial Universities, including those of Japanese colonies. However, most graduates of Daiichi High School proceeded to Tokyo Imperial University.

[4] For the life of Miki, an eminent description is given in Dilwort et al. (1998), 289–92.

[5] Iwanami Shoten Publishers is one of the most famous publishers in Japan. The firm’s liberal, intellectual, and elitist culture was (or is) known as “Iwanami Culture.” See Kodansha (1993), 642.

[6] Hani was one of the main contributors to Lectures on the History of the Development of Capitalism [Nihon Shihon Shugi Hattatsu-shi Koza] (Iwanami Shoten Pub., Tokyo 1932–33, in Japanese), a landmark collection of articles by Marxist scholars.

[7] Jun (or Atsushi) Ishiwara was a theoretical physicist and a popular science writer. From 1912 to 1914, he visited Germany and Switzerland for his overseas study. At Zurich, he studied under Einstein. He hosted Einstein’s visit to Japan in 1922.

[8] Published by Ohata Publisher, Tokyo, with the Japanese title Kiro-ni Tatsu Shizen Kagaku. Another translation was prepared by Proletariat Science Research Laboratory, and was published in 1932 from Kibokaku Publishers, Tokyo, under the Japanese title Shinko Shizen Kagaku Ronso.

[9] For Ogra’s important role, see Hiroshige (1965), chap. 2.

[10] Published in 1928 in Japanese from Soubun-kaku Pub. under the title Kaikyu Shakai-no Geijutsu. This is a booklet edited by Korehito Kurahara (1902–1991), a communist writer, and it published Plekhanov’s four representative pieces, including Art and Social Life.

[11] For details of the early Technology Controversy, see Nakamura (1975), vol. 1, pp. 5ff. Also see Shigeru, Goto, Yoshioka, 2001–6, vol. 2, chap. 18. Several extracts from original books on the topic are published in the History of Science Society of Japan, (1964–1970), vol. 6, chap. 7 and 8. An extract from Ogura’s paper titled “Mathematics and Ethnicity” is also seen in chap. 7.

[12] Riken was established in 1917, and it had a comparable role to the KGW in Germany. During WW II, an atomic bomb development project was undertaken in Riken.

[13] Some of Sakata’s essays are available in English on the Marxist Internet Archive: http://www.marxists.org/subject/japan/sakata/index.htm.

[14] The author of the chapter seems to evaluate Taketani’s historical role in the democratization of nuclear research too low. Indeed, in 1976, Taketani published Nuclear Power [Genshiryoku Hatsuden] (Iwanami Shoten Pub.), a “bible” for the anti-nuke power movement. Its 24th printing was published in April 2011, immediately after the accident at Fukushima.

[15] “Nihon ni okeru genshi-kaku oyobi genshi-ryoku kenkyū no shisetsu oyobi kenkyū-sha ni tsuite [Regarding Nuclear and Atomic Research Facilities and Scientists in Japan],” 2 February 1954, the National Archives, College Park, Maryland, RG 59, Country File: Japan, d. Fukuryu Maru, 1954, Part 2 of 2. The document was discovered by Masakatsu Yamazaki, professor emeritus of Tokyo Institute of Technology. It was composed by leaders of the Ministry of Education and MITI.

[16] Hidekichi Nakamura and Hikaru Furuta, Logic of the Development of Scientific Theory, Iwanami 1967–71, vol. 6, 171–201. Interestingly, this paper mentions not only Taketani but also Kuhn and N.R. Hanson.

[17] Alexandre Koyré’s direct influence was still limited in those days, although Ito was influenced by Koyré as we will see below.

[18] In retrospect, Ito presented a much more balanced view than Hiroshige insisted. Ito analyzed the advantages and disadvantages of the social and intellectual histories of science. For the pre-history of the controversy, see articles in a Special feature for the 50th volume of Kagakushi Kenkyu (Journal of the History of Science Society of Japan, in Japanese) in 1959.

[19] For pre-war interest in logical positivism inside technocratic movements, see Oyodo (2009), pp. 403ff.

[20] Interestingly, Akima evaluated Popper’s philosophy highly as a “side stream of analytic philosophy” (Akima 1974, 88).

[21] Official web page of HPS-Tokyo: http://hps.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp/about/history/index.php, Japanese Part.

[22] The chapter was written by Keiichi Noe. The GARIOA Program was succeeded by the Fulbright Program in 1952.

[23] In addition, Murakami edited 12 books during the same period. In 1986, he prepared the Japanese version of I. Lakatos’ The Methodology of Scientific Research Program. Basic publication data for Japanese books are available from the database CiNii run by the National Institute of Informatics, Japan (http://ci.nii.ac.jp/).

[24] There was another trend in science studies in Japan, which focused on “Alternative Technology,” “Radical Science,” and to the “critical” labor movement (e.g. at Lucas Aerospace). Fumihiko Satofuka (1942–2010) was a leader of the trend. See Shigeru (2011). I myself was introduced to Mike Cooley by Satofuka on his visit to Japan.

[25] As examples, I can cite the names of Masanori Onuma (1925–2001), an orthodox Marxist philosopher; Shoichiro Koide (1927–2008), a physicist; and Seiya Abiko (1942–), his student in physics. See Onuma (1986), 202–3; Abiko (2002).

[26] The record of the talk is transcribed and edited by Nakajima in 2010. To avoid unnecessary personal criticism, I do not cite the page or the name of the speaker.