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Original Articles

The new thinking on China's Asia diplomacy during the post-Cold War era: institutional model choices and Sino-U.S. compatibility

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Pages 303-320 | Published online: 18 Aug 2010
 

Abstract

Drawing support from international institution theory, this article analyzes China's new thinking about Asian diplomacy after the Cold War. Institutionalism was flexibly utilized by China in its peripheral regions—Central Asia, Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia and South Asia, which have adopted institutional models—dominant participation, deep participation, active participation, and moderate participation models. China tries to handle the presence of U.S. interests well and has responded reasonably to U.S. pragmatic institutional engagement. To realize the aim of compatibility and coexistence between China and the United States in Asia, the two countries should establish interconnecting institutions in both economic and political fields. With regard to the future interactive trends of China and the United States in Asia, the author, from the dimension of international institutionalism, works out an institutional interplay—nested and overlapping institutions—for China and the United States to achieve accommodation.

Notes

1. Ni Shixiong and Zhao Kejin, “Geo-Politics and the New Thinking of China's Neighboring Diplomacy,” in Multilateral Governance and International Order, ed. Pan Zhongqi (Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing House, 2006), 211–15 (in Chinese).

2. Zhoubianism is a term coined by Chinese scholar Su Changhe. It refers to the good-neighbor diplomacy idea that was formed in diplomatic practice with its neighboring countries since the 1990s. See Su Changhe, “Zhoubian Institutions and Zhoubianism: China's Approach to Governance in East Asia,” Shijie jingji yu zhengzhi [World Economics and Politics], no. 1 (2006): 7–14 (in Chinese).

3. Su Changhe, “Rediscovering Chinese Foreign Relations: Multilateral International Institutions and China's New Thinking on Diplomacy,” Shijie jingji yu zhengzhi [World Economics and Politics], no. 4 (2005): 11–16 (in Chinese); Su Changhe, “Zhoubian Institutions and Zhoubianism.”

4. Evan S. Medeiros and M. Taylor Fravel, “China's New Diplomacy,” Foreign Affairs 82, no. 6 (November/December 2003): 22–35.

5. Michael Yahuda, “China's Multilateralism and Regional Order,” in China Turns to Multilateralism: Foreign Policy and Regional Security, ed. Guoguang Wu and Helen Lansdowne (London: Routledge, 2008), 75–89.

6. U.S. Economic and Security Review Commission 2005, Report to Congress (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Office, 2005), 143–90.

7. John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), 4.

8. Zhu Liqun, “American Perceptions of China's Asian Policy,” Waijiao xueyuan xuebao [Journal of Foreign Affairs University], no. 81 (April 2005): 64–5 (in Chinese).

9. Robert Sutter, “China's Recent Approach to Asia: Seeking Long Term Gains,” NBR Analysis (Seattle, WA), The National Bureau of Asian Research 13, no. 1 (March 2002): 13–37.

10. David Shambaugh, “China's New Engagement with the Region,” The Asian Wall Street Journal, February 19, 2004, A9; Medeiros and Fravel, “China's New Diplomacy,” 22–35; David M. Lampton, “The Faces of Chinese Power,” Foreign Affairs 86, no. 1 (January/February 2007): 117–18.

11. Medeiros and Fravel, “China's New Diplomacy,” 34.

12. Robert B. Zoellick, “Whither China? From Membership to Responsibility,” Remarks to National Committee on U.S.–China Relations, New York City, September 21, 2005, http://www.ncuscr.org/files/2005Gala_RobertZoellick_Whither_China1.pdf (accessed July 15, 2010).

13. Robert Keohane, International Institutions and State Power: Essays in International Relations Theory (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1989), 3–5.

14. The literature on international institutions—theory, significance, and various manifestations—is vast. Leading theoretical statements include: Andreas Hasenclever, Peter Mayer and Volker Rittberger, Theories of International Regimes (London: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Stephen Krasner, ed., Institutional Regimes (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1982); Robert Keohane, After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984); and Stephan Haggard and Beth A. Simmons, “Theories of International Regimes,” International Organization 41, no. 3 (Summer 1987): 491–517.

15. Keohane, International Institutions and State Power, 6.

16. Su Changhe, “Zhoubian Institutions and Zhoubianism,” 12.

17. The “San Francisco System,” as the term is used here, refers to the comprehensive structure of interrelated political–military and economic commitments between the United States and its Pacific allies that was catalyzed by the San Francisco Peace Treaty process of 1950–51. Some elements, like the ANZUS (Australia–New Zealand–U.S.) Treaty of July 1951 and the U.S.–Philippine Mutual Security Treaty of August 1951, came in anticipation of San Francisco. Other portions, including mutual-security treaties with South Korea and Taiwan (both 1954), came in the wake of the peace treaty, expanding its logic more broadly throughout the Pacific. Kent Calder, “Securing Security through Prosperity: The San Francisco System in Comparative Perspective,” The Pacific Review 17, no. 1 (March 2004): 135–57.

18. Kai He, International Balancing in the Asia Pacific: Economic Interdependence and China's Rise (London and New York: Routledge, 2009), 49–79.

19. Wu Dahui, “The United States’ Military Security Policy in Central Asia,” Eluosi Zhongya Dongou Yanjiu [Russian, Eastern European and Middle Asian Studies], no. 2 (2008): 77 (in Chinese).

20. Officials from China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan first met in Shanghai in April 1996 and signed an agreement on the need to consolidate border issues, and decided to hold annual meetings.

21. International terrorism, ethnic separatism and political extremism are referred to as the “three evils” at the SCO.

22. Jiang Yi, “China's Multilateral Diplomacy and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization,” Eluosi Zhongya Dongou Yanjiu [Russian, Eastern European and Middle Asian Studies], no. 5 (2003): 46 (in Chinese).

23. Shi Yuanhua, “Trends in Northeast Asian Security Cooperation during the Period of the Post-DPRK Nuclear Issue,” Guoji Wenti Yanjiu [International Studies], no. 6 (November 2008): 57 (in Chinese).

24. Guoguang Wu, “Multiple Levels of Multilateralism: The Rising China in a Turbulent World,” in China Turns to Multilateralism, ed. Wu and Lansdowne, 270.

25. Shi Yuanhua, “The Institutionalization of Six Party Talks: Working Aims of Northeast Asia Security Cooperation,” Guoji Guancha [International Observer], no. 2 (March 2005): 15–20 (in Chinese).

26. Zhang Yunling, “East Asia Cooperation and the Construction of China–ASEAN FTA,” Dangdai Yatai [Contemporary Asia–Pacific Studies], no. 1 (January 2002): 8 (in Chinese).

27. Yin Chengde, “New State of U.S. Asia–Pacific Strategy,” Guoji wenti yanjiu [China International Studies], no. 1 (January 2008): 2 (in Chinese).

28. “Remarks at the ASEAN Regional Forum,” Hillary Rodham Clinton, Secretary of State, Laguna Phuket, Thailand, July 23, 2009, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/july/126373.htm (accessed July 15, 2010); “Press Availability at the ASEAN Summit,” Hillary Rodham Clinton, Secretary of State, Phuket, Thailand, July 22, 2009, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/july/126320.htm (accessed July 15, 2010).

29. Chen Qiaozhi et al., ASEAN's China Policy during the Post-Cold War Period (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2001), 17–18 (in Chinese).

30. N. Ganesan, “ASEAN's Relations with Major External Powers,” Contemporary Southeast Asia: Journal of International & Strategic Affairs 22, no. 2 (August 2000): 256–78.

31. Qian Tong and Hu Xiaoming, “China's Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi on Premier Wen Jiabao's Attendance at East Asia Summit Series Meetings and Visiting Singapore,” Xinhua net, November 22, 2007, http://news.xinhuanet.com/newscenter/2007-11/22/content_7123213.htm (accessed July 15, 2010).

32. Wen Jiabao, “Jointly Writing a New Chapter in China–ASEAN Relations: Premier Wen Jiabao's Speech at the Tenth China–ASEAN Summit,” Renmin Ribao [People's Daily], January 15, 2007, 3 (in Chinese).

33. Yahuda, “China's Multilateralism and Regional Order,” 75–89.

34. Zhang Guihong, “China and South Asian Regionalism: the Case Study of SAARC,” Nanya yanjiu [South Asian Studies], no. 2 (2008): 4–5 (in Chinese).

35. The suggestions of Li Zhaoxing include the following: China is ready to discuss with SAARC the possibility of establishing cooperation mechanisms for poverty alleviation, to strengthen cooperation on human resources training, personnel contacts and academic exchanges, infrastructure construction, economy, and trade and energy based on equality and mutual benefits. See Ren Yan and Chen Jihui, “China's Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxin said China Hope to Strengthen Cooperation with SAARC,” Renmin Ribao [People's Daily], April 4, 2007, 3 (in Chinese).

36. Hu Shisheng and Lou Chunhao, “Symposium Summary of SAARC's Role in China–South Asia Relations,” Xiandai Guoji Guanxi [Contemporary International Relations], no. 1 (January 2007): 60 (in Chinese).

37. Dipankar Banerjee, “China and South Asia in the New Era,” in Making New Partnership: A Rising China and its Neighbors, ed. Zhang Yunling (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2008), 214.

38. Fu Xiaoqiang, “The Current Situation and Prospects for Sino-Afghanistan Relations,” in Zhongguo yu zhoubian guojia: goujian xinxing huoban guanxi [China and Its Neighboring Countries: Constructing New Partnerships], ed. Zhang Yunling (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2008), 321 (in Chinese).

39. Qi Huaigao, “Analysis of the Advantages and Disadvantages of U.S. Troops to Afghanistan on China's Peripheral Security,” Xinmin net, December 2, 2009 (in Chinese), http://news.xinmin.cn/world/gjpl/2009/12/02/3013855.html (accessed July 15, 2010); Chen Weihua et al., “U.S. Troop Plan Set to Impact China,” China Daily 29, no. 9235 (July 15, 2010): 1.

40. Quansheng Zhao and Guoli Liu, “China Rising: Theoretical Understanding and Global Response,” in Managing the China Challenge: Global Perspectives, ed. Quansheng Zhao and Guoli Liu (London and New York: Routledge, 2009), 8.

41. David Shambaugh, “Sino-American Relations since September 11,” Current History 101, no. 656 (September 2002): 243–9.

42. In Young's terms, “nesting” means “linkages in which specific arrangements restricted in terms of functional scope, geographic domain, or some other relevant criterion are folded into broader institutional frameworks that deal with the same general issue area but that are less detailed in terms of their application to specific problems.” “Overlapping” means “individual regimes that were formed for different purposes and largely without reference to one another intersect on a de facto basis, producing substantial impacts on each other in the process.” Oran R. Young, “Institutional Linkages in International Society: Polar Perspectives,” Global Governance 2, no. 1 (January–April 1996): 1–24. In Alter and Meunier's opinion, “nesting” refers to a situation where regional or issue-specific international institutions are themselves part of multilateral frameworks that involve multiple states or issues. Institutions are imbricated one within another, like Russian dolls. An overlapping context is theoretically distinct from a nested context, though in practice they may not differ much. When institutions are nested, however, conflicting policies of the subsumed regime constitute a violation of the more encompassing institution. Karen J. Alter and Sophie Meunier, “Nested and Overlapping Regimes in the Transatlantic Banana Trade Dispute,” Journal of European Public Policy 13, no. 3 (April 2006): 362–82.

43. Qi Huaigao, “Contradictions and Compatibility between China's Multilateral Cooperation System and the U.S.-led Bilateral Alliance Structure in East Asia,” China International Studies, no. 14 (January/February 2009): 141.

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