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Original Articles

The vexed Taiwan issue and its implications

Pages 371-385 | Published online: 18 Aug 2010
 

Abstract

Taiwan is a vexed issue, and having no definite sovereignty status at the inter-state level, it carries the potential for conflagration. There is palpably a contradiction between its de jure and de facto status. Contradiction is also discernible in realizing the right brand of nationalism and the question of justice in adopting the appropriate hierarchical mode of governance. As such, there is a need to rethink its status and also the surrounding security architecture. The actors concerned may have to confront high stakes if its status quo is changed. The “one China” policy is accepted by all—but its varying interpretations and ambiguities in different official documents and pronouncements, made mostly keeping in view the geopolitical and nationalist compulsions, give rise to concern. It has turned out to be a flashpoint whose political status will, hopefully, be finally decided peacefully in a mutually accepted agreement through dialogue and confidence-building measures. This paper examines the present status of Taiwan and the suggested ways forward for its final settlement, keeping in focus the security, political and economic realities—both in the People's Republic of China and Taiwan, as well as the surrounding region. There is a suggestion for a people-centric, like people being masters of their own destiny (people-first) solution—maybe in order to preclude the geopolitical complexities.

Notes

1. Henry Kissinger, The White House Years (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1979), 703.

2. Umut Oz Kirimili, Theories of Nationalism—A Critical Introduction (London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 2000), 19.

3. Fareed Zakaria, “Does the Future Belong to China?” Newsweek, May 9, 2005.

4. Shaun Breslin, “Toward a Sino-centric Regional Order? Empowering China and Constructing Regional Order (s),” in China, Japan and Regional Leadership in East Asia, ed. Christopher M. Dent (Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 2008), 133–4.

5. Bill Gertz, “Flashpoint Taiwan,” in The China Threat—How the People's Republic Targets America (Washington, DC: Regency Publishing, Inc., 2002), 186.

6. One of the landmark developments in the cross-Strait dialogue was the creation of two non-official organizations, i.e., ARATS and SEF in the early 1990s. Both sides agreed to deal with the economic issues first—leaving the more complex political issues to be handled later. ARATS and SEF met in 2008 and 2009 a number of times “concluding numerous agreements designed to promote closer economic and social ties.” The aftermath of the talks was followed by direct air flights, shipping and postal services and establishment of a framework for financial cooperation and investment. There are now, reportedly, 270 direct flights between the two sides every week.

7. Xin Qiang, “Mainland China's Taiwan Policy Adjustments,” China Security 5, no. 1 (Winter 2009): 57–9.

8. “A Breakthrough Year in Cross-Straits Relations,” Beijing Review.com.cn, January 21, 2010.

9. “Trend of China's Taiwan Policy Crystallizes, Expert Analysis,” People's Daily Online, http://english.people.com.cn/200501/26/print20050126-172025.html (accessed November 24, 2009).

10. Wang Pengling, “Sources of Chinese Nationalism on the Transformation from Revolutionary Nationalism to Constructive Nationalism,” Modern China Studies, no. 2 (1997): 101–27.

11. Edward Freedman, “A Democratic Chinese Nationalism,” in Chinese Nationalism, ed. J. Unger (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1996), 180.

12. Chen Qimao, “The Taiwan Strait Crisis: Its Crux and Solutions,” Asian Survey 36, no. 11 (November 1996): 1056.

13. China's Constitutionalism Newsletter, no. 2 (June 1994): 24.

14. Zhang Quanyl, “Interpreting China's New Taiwan Policy,” UPI Asia Online, January 15, 2009, http://www.upiasia.com/Politics/2009/01/15/interpreting_chinas_new_taiwan_POLICY/529 (accessed November 13, 2009). Eight point propositions proposed by President Jiang Zemin in January 1995 included, among others, economic exchanges and cooperation, exchange of visits of leaders from both sides, and both sides should jointly inherit and carry forward the fine traditions of Chinese culture, etc. All such measures, in the long run, would contribute to peaceful reunification. See: China 2003, 1st ed. (Beijing: New Star Publishers, 2003), 71.

15. “Trend of China's Taiwan Policy Crystallizes.”

16. Gang Lin, “The Taiwan Dilemma in U.S.–China Relations,” prepared for the 29th Sino-American Conference on Contemporary China, Institute of International Relations, Taipei, May 28–29, 2000, 5.

17. “The Taiwan Question in China–U.S. Relations,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China Bulletin, November 17, 2000.

18. Kissinger, The White House Years, 714 and 783.

19. China 2003, 69.

20. Taiwan Relations Act, April 1979, Section 2 (b).

21. Shanghai II Communiqué, August 17, 1982, paragraph 6.

22. The six assurances are that the United States: (a) had not agreed to set a certain date for ending arms sales to Taiwan; (b) had not agreed to engage in prior consultations with Beijing on arms sales to Taiwan; (c) would not play any mediation role between Taipei and Beijing; (d) had not agreed to revise the TRA; (e) had not altered its longstanding position on the issue of sovereignty over Taiwan; and (f) would not attempt to exert pressure on Taiwan to enter into negotiations with the PRC. See: Press Release of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the ROC, August 17, 1982, 4–5.

23. Shirley A. Kan, “Summary—China/Taiwan: Evolution of the One China Policy—Key Statement from Washington, Beijing and Taipei,” Congressional Research Service, August 17, 2009, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL30341.pdf (accessed June 4, 2010).

24. Quoted in James C. P. Chang, “U.S. Policy Toward Taiwan,” Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, June 2001, 19–20.

25. Statement of Admiral J. Falcon, U.S. Navy Commander, U.S. Pacific Command before the Senate Armed Services Committee on the U.S. Pacific Command Posture, March 8, 2005.

26. Bernice Lee, “The Security Implications of the New Taiwan,” Adelphi Paper 39, no. 331 (1999): 11.

27. Chang, “U.S. Policy Toward Taiwan,” 15.

28. Masahir Akiyama quoted in Yongwook Ryu, “The Road to Japan's ‘Normalization’: Japan's Foreign Policy Orientation since the 1990s,” Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 19, no. 2 (Summer 2007): 75.

29. Qingxin Ken Wang, “Taiwan in Relations with China and the United States after the Cold War,” Pacific Affairs 73, no. 3 (Autumn 2000): 367.

30. Qingxin Ken Wang, “Taiwan in Relations with China and the United States after the Cold War,” Pacific Affairs 73, no. 3 (Autumn 2000): 368.

31. Rex Li, “A Regional Partner or a Threatening Other? Chinese Discourse of Japan's Changing Security Role in East Asia,” in China, Japan and Regional Leadership in East Asia, ed. Dent, 109.

32. Chalmers Johnson, “No Longer the ‘Lone’ Superpower—Coming to Terms with China,” Common Dreams News Center, November 27, 2005, http://www.williambowles.info/china/china_superpower.html (accessed June 4, 2010).

33. “Behind Japan's Foreign Policy,” Far Eastern Economic Review, June 2005.

34. Chu Shulong, “The Security Challenges in Northeast Asia: A Chinese View,” in East Asian Security: Two Views, U.S. Government (November 2007), 6–7, http:www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/.

35. “Time U.S. Eschewed its Faulty Taiwan Policy,” China Daily, May 14, 2009.

36. English.news.cn; English.Xinhua.com, January 30, 2010. The arms package includes 114 Patriot missiles, 60 Black Hawk helicopters, communications equipment for Taiwan's F-16 Fleet, Harpoon missiles, and mine hunting ships.

37. Allan Collins, The Security Dilemmas of Southeast Asia (Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan in association with Institute of Southeast Studies, 2000), 166.

38. John W. Garver, Face off: China, the United States and Taiwan's Democratization (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1997), 103.

39. China's National Defense in 2002, 12.

40. Gertz, The China Threat, 190.

41. Zhang Quanyl, “Interpreting China's New Taiwan Policy.”

42. Xin Qiang, “Mainland China's Taiwan Policy Adjustments,” 56.

43. In the forthcoming proposed economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA) between China and Taiwan, a landmark pact is likely to be signed in June 2010 that would give a big lift to the US$109 billion in bilateral annual trade. It has, however, encountered resistance on the use of the word “liberalization” from the Taiwanese side. There are skeptics who fear China is pursuing its political agenda of claiming sovereignty through this. However, Taiwan's government is interested in the ECFA to ensure competitiveness of its economy. See: “China–Taiwan Trade Deal Talks Hit Semantic Speed Bump,” News@AsiaOne, May 12, 2010, www.asiaone.com.sg. In the first 10 months of 2009, two-way trade reached US$83.64 billion. In the first 11 months of the same year 547,000 mainlanders visited Taiwan as tourists who brought US$1 billion in revenue to the island's tourism industry (see: “A Breakthrough Year in Cross-Strait Relations”).

44. “White Paper on National Defense Published,” China.org.cn, http://www.china.org.cn/government/central_government/2009-01/20/content_17155577_ (accessed January 25, 2010).

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