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Original

REVISITING SUB-SAHARAN AFRICAN COUNTRIES' DRUG PROBLEMS: HEALTH, SOCIAL, ECONOMIC COSTS, AND DRUG CONTROL POLICY

, Ph.D.
Pages 265-290 | Published online: 03 Jul 2009
 

Abstract

This article takes an international perspective on the drug problem in sub-Saharan Africa. This analysis borrows ideas from physical and economic geography as a heuristic device to conceptualize the global narcoscapes in which drug trafficking occurs. Both the legitimate and the illegal drug trade operate within the same global capitalist system and draw on the same technological innovations and business processes. Central to the paper's argument is evidence that sub-Saharan African countries are now integrated into the political economy of drug consumption due to the spill-over effect. These countries are now minor markets for “hard drugs” as the result of the activities of organizations and individual traffickers that use Africa as a staging point in their trade with Europe and the United States. As a result, sub-Saharan African countries have drug consumption problems that were essentially absent prior to 1980, along with associated health, social, and economic costs. The emerging drug problem has forced African countries to develop their own drug control policy. The sub-Saharan African countries mentioned below vary to some extent in the level of drug use and misuse problems: Burundi, Comoros, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Reunion, Rwanda, Seychelles, Somalia, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Angola, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Congo (Zaire), Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Sao Tome and Principe, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d'Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. As part of this effort, African countries are assessing the health, social, and economic costs of drug-use-related problems to pinpoint methods which are both effective and inexpensive, since their budgets for social programs are severely constrained. Many have progressed to the point of adopting anti-drug laws or legislation, or of establishing a drug control agency. They are also cooperating regionally to coordinate drug control measures and working with the Organization of African Unity (OAU). In addition, almost all the sub-Saharan African countries are signatories to all United Nations drug conventions. Since the drug problem in Africa has international origins, it will take concerted international cooperation and coordinated effort to combat the “social cancer” of drugs.

RÉSUMÉ

Ce projet de recherche prend une perspective internationale sur les problemes de drogue dans le sub-Sahara d'Afrique. Les idees d'analyse sont basées sur des données socioéconomiques et geographiques comme factors pour concevoir le réseau géneral dans lequel la distribution de drogue occurre. La vente de drogue légale comme illégale s'opère dans le même system capitaliste qui aboutit aux mêmes innovations technologiques et structurelles des affaires. Le point central de discussion de ce projet est l'évidence que les pays du sub-Sahara d'Afrique font parties intégrantes de la politique economique de consommation de drogue à cause du “Spill-over effect” (envahissement) effect. Ces pays representent maintenant de petits marchés de “hard drugs” drogues à cause des activités des organisations et des traffiquants individuels de drogue qui utilisent l'Afrique comme mise en scène dans leur commerce avec l'Europe et les Etats-Unis d'Amerique. En fin de compte, les pays du sub-Sahara d'Afrique font face aux problemes de consommation de drogue associés à la santé sociale, et des coûts economiques qui n'existaient pas dans les années avant 1980. L'émergence des problemes de drogue a forcé les pays africains à developer leur propre politique de control de drogue. La plupart des pays du sub-Sahara d'Afrique que voici varient selon les problemes de l'utilisation et non utilisation de drogue: Burundi, les îles Comores, Djibouti, Eritree, Ethiopie, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Reunion, Rwanda, Seychelles, Somalie, Tanzanie, Uganda, Zambie, Angola, Cameroun, Republique Centrafricaine, Tchad, Congo, Congo (Zaïre), Guinée Equitoriale, Gabon, Sao Tomé et Principe, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibie, Sud Afrique, Swaziland, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cap Vert, Côte d'Ivoire, Gambie, Ghana, Guinée, Guinée Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritanie, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Siera Leone, et Togo. Dans leur effort d'evaluer les coûts de sante, les coûts socio-economiques de problemes de drogue, les pays africains ont adopté des methodes qui sont effectives et à la fois moins chère à cause des constraints budgetaires pour des programmes de services sociaux. Beaucoup d'entre eux sont arrivés au point d'adopter des reglements et legislations contre la drogue afin d'etablir une agence de control de drogue. Les pays du sub-Sahara sont aussi en train de cooperer regionallement avec l'Organisation de l'Unité Africaine afin de coordonner des mesures de control de drogue. En addition presque tous les pays du sub-Sahara en Afrque sont signataires des conventions de drogue des Nations Unies, puisque le problem de drogue en Afrique a ses origines internationales, et il necessite une cooperation internationale et des efforts coordonnés pour combattre ce mal social et cancereux de drogue.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Yahya H. Affinnih

Yahya H. Affinnih received his Ph.D. in Sociology from New York University. He is an Assistant Professor in the Department of African American Studies, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, The City University of New York (CUNY). His research interests include the following areas: African studies, sociological theory of power, theory of alienation, social stratification, sociology of labor, complex organization, qualitative and quantitative research methods, and substance use research.

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