Heirlooms Under-‘Cover’: Identifying Curated Swords and Scabbards Deposited in Early Medieval Burials

Abstract

EARLY MEDIEVAL SWORDS have been a popular subject of historic and archaeological study in recent years. Swords have been found within the wealthiest early Anglo-Saxon furnished burials (the 5th–7th centuries ad) and have been recorded as highly decorated objects representing social status. From both archaeological and literary evidence, early medieval swords have been considered as likely ‘heirloom status objects’, curated and inherited over multiple generations. However, until recently there has been no direct study of the curation of swords. This is due to the problematic chronological nature of sword components, and because almost all are from burial contexts of the early Anglo-Saxon period. This study analysed graves containing swords from Kentish cemeteries of the 5th–7th centuries AD, and identified two examples of potential curation strategies through sword scabbard pieces chronologically older than the depositional context or individual within the grave. The evidence supports the belief that swords were recognisable heirlooms within early medieval communities, displaying the biography of the weapon, owner, and family. The recognition of an heirloom sword within a burial tableau would have been a socially noticeable action, affecting the collective memory of the mourners gathered at the funeral during a time of social and political stratification.

Résumé

Héritages « enfouis » : identification d’épées et de fourreaux conservés, déposés dans des sépultures du début du Moyen-Âge par Brian Costello

Les premières épées médiévales ont fait l’objet de plusieurs études historiques et archéologiques récentes. Des épées ont été retrouvées dans les plus riches sépultures mobilières de la période anglo-saxonne précoce (5^e–7^e siècles) et recensées en tant qu’objets très décorés, représentatifs d’un statut social. À partir d’éléments archéologiques et littéraires, les épées du début du Moyen-Âge ont été considérées comme de probables « objets ayant un statut patrimonial », qui étaient conservés et transmis au fil de plusieurs générations successives. Or, jusqu’à récemment, aucune étude n’avait été directement consacrée à la conservation des épées. Ceci s’expliquait du fait que la nature chronologique des composants d’épée posait problème et que, dans presque tous les cas, ils proviennent de contextes funéraires du début de la période anglo-saxonne. Cette étude a analysé des épées provenant de tombes de cimetières de la région du Kent datées des 5^e-7^e siècles et identifié deux exemples de stratégies potentielles de conservation, en l’occurrence des fragments de fourreau chronologiquement plus anciens par rapport au contexte des dépôts ou au défunt enseveli dans la tombe. Les éléments retrouvés appuient la conviction que les épées constituaient un patrimoine reconnaissable au sein des communautés du début du Moyen-Âge, mettant en évidence la biographie de l’arme, de son propriétaire et de la famille. La reconnaissance d’une épée patrimoniale au sein d’un tableau de sépulture aurait été une action socialement notable, affectant la mémoire collective des personnes rassemblées à l’occasion des funérailles à une époque de stratification sociale et politique.

Zussamenfassung

Verdeckte Erbstücke: Identifizierung kuratierter Schwerter und Schwertscheiden aus frühmittelalterlichen Bestattungen von Brian Costello

Frühmittelalterliche Schwerter waren in den letzten Jahren ein beliebtes Thema für historische und archäologische Studien. Schwerter wurden in den reichsten frühen angelsächsischen Gräbern mit Beigaben (5.-7. Jahrhundert n. Chr.) gefunden und als stark verzierte Objekte aufgezeichnet, die den sozialen Status repräsentieren. Sowohl aus archäologischen als auch aus literarischen Zeugnissen geht hervor, dass frühmittelalterliche Schwerter wahrscheinlich Erbstücke und Statusobjekte waren, die über mehrere Generationen hinweg kuratiert und vererbt wurden. Bis vor kurzem gab es jedoch keine direkte Studie über das Kuratieren von Schwertern. Das liegt an der problematischen chronologischen Natur der Schwertbestandteile und daran, dass fast alle aus Bestattungskontexten der frühen angelsächsischen Zeit stammen. In dieser Studie wurden Gräber mit Schwertern aus Friedhöfen in der englischen Grafschaft Kent aus dem 5. bis 7. Jahrhundert n. Chr. analysiert und zwei Beispiele für potenzielle Konservierungsstrategien anhand von Schwertscheidenstücken identifiziert, die chronologisch älter sind als der Ablagerungskontext oder die Person im Grab. Die Belege unterstützen die Annahme, dass Schwerter in frühmittelalterlichen Gemeinschaften erkennbare Erbstücke waren und die Biografie der Waffe, des Besitzers und der Familie widerspiegeln. Das Erkennen eines Erbstücks innerhalb eines Grabtableaus war höchstwahrscheinlich eine sozial auffällige Handlung, die das kollektive Gedächtnis der bei der Beerdigung versammelten Trauernden in einer Zeit der sozialen und politischen Schichtung beeinflusste.

Riassunto

Cimeli di famiglia sottotraccia: individuare spade e foderi conservati e depositati nelle sepolture altomedievali di Brian Costello

Negli ultimi anni, le spade altomedievali sono state frequente oggetto di studi storici e archeologici. Nei più ricchi corredi funerari del primo periodo anglosassone (V-VII sec. d.C.) si sono rinvenute spade descritte come oggetti riccamente ornati rappresentativi del rango di appartenenza. Dalle testimonianze sia archeologiche che letterarie le spade altomedievali venivano considerate ‘oggetti che avevano il valore di cimeli di famiglia’, quindi conservate ed ereditate nel corso di molteplici generazioni. Tuttavia fino a poco tempo fa non si è fatto uno studio diretto sulla conservazione delle spade. Questo è dovuto alla natura degli elementi che compongono la spada, cronologicamente problematici, e al fatto che quasi tutte le spade provengono da sepolture del primo periodo anglosassone. Questo studio analizza tombe di cimiteri del Kent del periodo dal V al VII sec. d.C. contenenti spade e identifica due esempi di potenziali strategie di conservazione mediante due pezzi del fodero della spada risalenti a un periodo cronologicamente precedente sia a quello dell’inumazione e che a quello dell’individuo sepolto. L’evidenza è a sostegno della convinzione che presso le comunità altomedievali la spada era un riconoscibile cimelio di famiglia che mostrava la biografia dell’arma, del suo proprietario e della famiglia di appartenenza. Nel contesto drammatico di una sepoltura, riconoscere la spada quale cimelio di famiglia doveva essere un evento di grande rilevanza sociale che avrebbe influito sulla memoria collettiva dei presenti al funerale in un periodo di stratificazione sociale e politica.

INTRODUCTION

Swords have received a large proportion of scholarly attention compared with other types of objects from early medieval north-western Europe. These weapons were symbols of social status (Davidson 1962; Kristoffersen 1999; Brunning 2019), with many elaborately decorated swords included as gravegoods within richly furnished early Anglo-Saxon burials (Carver 2000; Blackmore et al 2019). Scholarly studies of early medieval swords have focused on factors such as the interchangeable components of swords, position within graves, and their signification of elevated status (Davidson 1962; Hawkes and Page 1967; Menghin 1983; Brunning 2019; Sayer et al 2019). Through written records and recent archaeological studies, swords are interpreted as recognisable biographical objects, portraying their known histories and owners (Brunning 2019), and it has been acknowledged that swords were likely a chosen object type to continue in circulation as heirlooms (Brown 1915; Härke 2000; Ager et al 2006).

However, between the 5th and 7th centuries ad in southern and eastern Britain, swords are almost solely found within burial contexts, limiting our knowledge of how these items were circulated and curated in society (Härke 2000). Further problems arise from swords comprised of a mixture of older and later styled components, presenting some chronologically difficult and ambiguous objects for analysis (Dickinson 1977, 257–63; Brunning 2019, 83–5). The funerals of early medieval north-western Europe, which swords were occasionally included within burials, are understood to be times of social gathering, mourning and remembrance and were platforms for social negotiations and consolidating political stratification (Carver 2000; Lucy 2000; Halsall 2002; Williams 2006). The deposition of an heirloom during a funeral would have been a significant, public enactment, affecting the social remembrance of those gathered at the funeral (Williams 2006, 77; Costello and Williams 2019).

There have been examples of swords which have displayed ambiguous evidence of curation through a variety of parts of differing ages/typologies, referred to as the ‘Frankenstein effect’ (Dickinson 1977, 257–63; Brunning 2019). Other evidence is identifiable from disarticulated sword components, such as pommel caps, found in separate contexts or burials from the rest of the weapons (Parfitt and Anderson 2012, 51; Hills and Lucy 2013, 69), or from the unique case of the Staffordshire Hoard, which included a wide chronological spread of sword component types (Fern et al 2019). Combined, the evidence suggests that swords were composite objects and that their individual pieces were utilised as strategies to convey the biography of the sword within funerary rituals as mnemonic devices, with socially recognisable swords and/or recognisable sword pieces enacted as focal points within the grave tableau for the social remembrance of the mourners during the funeral (Costello and Williams 2019).

Through considering recent studies involving swords and early medieval burials (Klevnäs 2013; Brunning 2019; Fern et al 2019; Mortimer and Bunker 2019; Sayer et al 2019), this paper examines two burials with likely heirloom swords identified by older scabbard pieces. It has been suggested that certain components are thought to be favoured in written evidence, art, and surviving archaeological remains (Brunning 2019), however other components were still likely identifiable markers of the sword and its owners. The article addresses the funerary strategy of employing the heirloom status and biography of swords during the funeral, identified through their socially recognisability within daily life and during their final moments within the grave tableau.

THE STUDY OF HEIRLOOMS AND BIOGRAPHICAL OBJECTS

Baldwin Brown first inferred swords as heirlooms due to their low ratio of inclusion within early medieval burials, ‘the heirloom factor’ (Brown 1915), which has generally accepted throughout the study of the early Anglo-Saxon period. An heirloom is defined as ‘a valued object that has belonged to a family for several generations’ (OED 2022). The term heirloom originates from the two medieval English words heir, inheritor of property or rank, and lome, a tool (Lillios 1999, 241). However, the term has been used more fluidly to describe a variety of object-types across many different cultures (Lillios 1999). The curation and inheritance of material culture can convey vast amounts of socio-cultural information regarding familial and group structures and relations, gift exchange and the relationship with material culture (Mauss 1954; Appadurai 1986; Weiner 1992; Skeates 1995; Lillios 1999). Studies of various cultures’ heirlooms have investigated the interpersonal and personal investments of the objects, such as histories, memories, and emotional attachments of the family (Caple 2006, 205). Heirloom studies can indicate which types of objects were considered inalienable or were believed to have elevated value or importance to their owners (Gilchrist 2013, 2). Heirloom objects have also been utilised to display or differentiate social status during periods of social or political competition, such as the legitimacy of land claims (Komter 2001, 60; Wessman 2007, 71). These types of heirlooms were not available to all people, providing evidence of privilege or exclusivity (Lillios 1999, 236; Whitley 2002, 226).

In this sense, heirlooms are a subclass of biographical objects as their histories are known and connected to specific people, families, or kin groups (Lillios 1999). The biographical approach to objects can signify how they can accumulate their own histories over time, and in some cases become both well-known and mutually connected to the object owners (Kopytoff 1986; Gosden and Marshall 1999, 169; Holtorf 2008).

It has been suggested that the entries of heirlooms into the archaeological record could represent their loss of social importance (Lillios 1999, 257). However, in the context of burials of the 5th–7th centuries ad in southern and eastern Britain, the inclusion of important objects, such as heirlooms, signifies a noticeable statement during times of social gathering and remembrance (Williams 2006; Costello and Williams 2019). Furthermore, prevalent evidence indicates that the inalienability of swords necessitated their continuation within early Anglo-Saxon society ‘beyond burial’ (see Klevnas 2013). The visual presence of a known heirloom likely played a vital role within the heightened period of social stratification and competition of the 5th–7th centuries ad associated with the collapse of the Western Roman Empire and the emergence of competing successor states (Arnold 1997; Fleming 2010). Therefore, the inclusion of a sword may have been necessary for its mnemonic role as a part of the funeral’s technology of remembrance (Williams 2006, 33), not simply through the act of deposition, but through the collective knowledge of its extended biography, negotiating, consolidating, or elevating the social legitimacy of the family after the conclusion of the burial. While Howard Williams (2005) tackles this for early Anglo-Saxon cremation practices, this article engages with examples of swords with chronologically older components, specifically the scabbard, and the interpretation of their roles within early Anglo-Saxon inhumation burials.

EARLY MEDIEVAL SWORDS

Throughout historical and archaeological studies, early medieval swords have been understood as symbols of elevated status. Swords were consistently recorded as objects of wealth, as heirlooms, and as socially active within the interactions of people (Bazelmans 1999, 151; Brunning 2019, 125; Sayer et al 2019). Within the literature and poetry of the early medieval period, swords were named, attributed personhood and were described in great length and detail—sometimes more so than those who owned them (Sayer et al 2019, 544–5). Many swords within the epic poem Beowulf are described as heirlooms, frequently referred to as laf, an Old English word used interchangeably for both ‘sword’ and ‘heirloom’ (Sayer et al 2019, 545). Within early medieval poems such as Beowulf and The Battle of Maldon, the most valuable or famous swords tend to be described through their age as having been successful in combat, proving their reliability and worth to their wielders (Brunning 2019, 121; Sayer et al 2019, 545). The interchangeability of ‘sword’ and ‘heirloom’, and the highlighting of the age of the weapons as signs of trustworthiness correlates to the social importance of older or ancient swords.

Many of the later-Saxon wills of the 10th and 11th century ad also include descriptions of swords, either the monetary value of the weapon or its description or known history (Whitelock 1930; Härke 2000). Most of the wills involve the inheritance and gifting of wealth and land, but certain wills include very specific descriptions of swords, which implies that the named weapons were likely known. ‘The Will of the Aetheling Aethelstan’, includes the sword of the Mercian king Offa, which, although we don’t know whether it was truly a centuries-old weapon of the Mercian royalty, indicates the social importance and value of biographical swords (Whitelock 1930, 59). Another section of the same will bequeathed ‘the silver-hilted sword which belonged to Ulfketel’ (Whitelock 1930, 59). It is thought that Ulfketel was a person successful in combat against the Vikings, affirming the poetic evidence of the elevated value of old and ‘battle-tested’ swords (Whitelock 1930, 170; Sayer et al 2019, 545). Throughout the early medieval period, swords held an elevated status among other objects within the literary evidence, signifying their known biographies, martial ethos, and symbols of status within society.

Archaeological research has enriched and expanded considerably this understanding of early medieval swords. For instance, swords are almost only found within the furnished burials of the early Anglo-Saxon period (5th–7th centuries ad), as is most of the material culture from the period (Lucy 2000). These furnished burials (both cremations and inhumations) appeared in south-eastern Britain in the 5th century ad following migrations from continental north-western Europe after the collapse of the Roman imperial system (Lucy 2000; Fleming 2010). This period was a time of social reconstruction, competition and increased political stratification throughout the 5th and 6th centuries ad, followed by the consolidation of power and formation of the early Anglo-Saxon kingdoms during the 7th century (Arnold 1997; Scull 1999, 21; Scull 2001). This is evident through the furnished burials excavated across lowland Britain since the late 18th century and many found during modern archaeological investigations. Thanks to generations of researchers, we now know that rather than a monolithic early Anglo-Saxon burial custom, the number, type, and quality of gravegoods were unequally distributed between graves throughout the 5th to 7th centuries. The furnishing of graves was a component of the funerary ritual organised and constructed most likely by the family or relations of the deceased (Williams 2006; Welch 2011, 266; Sayer 2020). The dead were adorned with selected clothing and objects in order to create and convey an idealised, socially remembered identity of the deceased and their families (Härke 1997; Halsall 2002; Williams 2006; Devlin 2007, 35; Sayer and Williams 2009, 20–1; Sayer 2020). These objects were enacted as mnemonic devices during funerary rituals, visually engaging with the mourners to depict, reconstruct, or transform the identity of the deceased. It is interpreted that this was a stratagem for the improvement of the surviving family’s social standing; and utilised as a focal point in which past events, people, myths and legends were socially remembered (Carver 2000; Williams 2006, 40; Devlin 2007, 35). These funerals, the gathering of people, and the visual tableau of objects within the grave are understood as a vital platform for social competition and political stratification during the early Anglo-Saxon period (Halsall 1995; Scull 1999, 21; Carver 2000, 40; Semple 2008, 408). The objects deposited within the burials across southern and eastern Britain during the 5th–7th centuries ad were generally ‘gendered’ by type; with dress accessories such as brooches and necklaces as the main object types of the female gendered burials, and martial objects like shields, spears, and in rare occasions, swords most often associated with male-gendered burial assemblages (Härke 1989; Stoodley 1999; Lucy 2000).

The swords of the early Anglo-Saxon period are a cohesive type found across north-western Europe during the 4th to 8th centuries ad (Fischer et al 2013, 110). Compared with other martial objects such as shields or spears, swords appear within burials in the lowest ratio indicating a rarity within society of this period (Härke 1989; Stoodley 1999). Their deposition within burials of the most prestigious male-sexed graves, such as Mound 1 at Sutton Hoo, Suffolk (Carver 2000) and the Prittlewell chamber burial, Essex (Blackmore et al 2019), reinforced the interpretation of swords as objects of high social status. The materiality of swords added to this interpretation, with many being forged to display pattern-welded designs within the blade (Gilmour 2007), hilts adorned with precious metals and stones, such as gold, silver, and garnets (Davidson 1962; Brunning 2019), and scabbards with their own decorated front plates and fittings (Cameron 2000).

Early medieval swords are classified as ‘long swords’ with blades ranging between 75 and 95 cm (Gilmour 2007, 92), and are characterised by the interchangeability of their components, such as the hilt, scabbard, and belt fittings (Fischer et al 2013; Brunning 2019, 61). Several swords potentially portrayed rank through rings attached to either their guards or pommels. Known as ‘ring-swords’, these appeared in north-western Europe between the 6th and 8th centuries ad and are believed to represent retainer status or fealty to a lord or king, which would signify certain roles and social ranks among the sword-owning elites (Evison 1967, 63; Steuer 1987, 203–5; Brunning 2019, 50).

Initial studies of early medieval swords originated on the Continent with Ellis Behmer’s analyses and catalogue of swords focused upon the hilt, scabbard, and sword blades (1939). Hilda Ellis Davidson was the first to discuss swords within Anglo-Saxon England through their materiality, archaeological contexts, and within written records (1962), followed by Vera Evison’s study on ring-swords discovered within Britain (1967). Wilfried Menghin’s (1983) research continued to catalogue and categorise sword components and his typologies are still utilised today.

Esther Cameron’s analysis of early medieval scabbards and fittings was a much-needed addition to the study of sword-component typologies and is still one of the very few pieces of research which directly highlighted the significant detail and individuality of the sword components (Cameron 2000). Cameron identified certain traits in the preserved organic components and metal fittings of scabbards indicating chronological trends, such as the construction of the wooden scabbard plates, or changes in the use of certain scabbard mouth bands (2000, 35–41, Fig 1). The preserved organic scabbard remains also revealed significant decorative techniques created and visible upon them (Cameron 2000, 39–40).

FIG 1 Example of a copper-alloy scabbard mouth band from the cemetery of Riseley, Horton Kirby, grave 75 (scale: 66 mm × 19 mm). Photograph by author, courtesy of the Dartford Museum.

These typological studies have revealed several issues in the study of swords from the early medieval period. Firstly, swords are almost solely discovered within mortuary contexts, and were deposited in generally small numbers than other types of weapons assemblage objects. Secondly, the interchangeability of physical components has presented chronological challenges to accurate dating as many of these swords were in use over extensive periods of time. Preservation has also caused issues in interpretation. In most cases, the excavated iron blades are severely corroded and organic hilt or scabbard fittings rarely survive, providing little information. The metal hilt and scabbard fittings survive better and are more suited for chronological study. Metal hilt fittings of swords were constructed from softer metals such as copper alloy, silver, and gold which survive better than iron within the archaeological record. Very few have been found in Britain with surviving, intact organic components, such as bone or antler grips or guards, or leather or wooden scabbards (Filmer-Sankey and Pestell 2001: 107). This has prevented the further analysis of most excavated swords and has complicated typological chronologies and curation identification due to the even smaller sample size of surviving hilt fittings.

Sword wear and modification

More recently, the multidisciplinary work by Sue Brunning analysed the role of swords within early medieval society (2019). Most notably, Brunning (2019, 62) identified asymmetrical abrasion upon sword hilts, specifically pommel caps and the upper guard, indicating the daily adornment of the weapon upon the belt during life. This suggests that swords worn daily would likely be publicly recognised within their communities. Furthermore, the identification of swords with evidence of repairs, modifications or combinations of component types, such as aged components, have been interpreted as signs of curation. It has been identified that certain swords were assembled using pieces from other swords displaying a mixing of styles and ages present what has been called the ‘Frankenstein’ effect (Brunning 2019, 83). Examples of the ‘Frankenstein’ swords from Brighthampton (Oxfordshire) grave 31 (Dickinson 1977) and the sword from Blacknall Field (Pewsey, Wiltshire) grave 22 (Annable et al 2010, 10–11) both display sword fittings with noticeable chronological differences (Brunning 2019, 83). The factors of abrasion and modification of swords highlight their recognisable characteristics reflecting upon the people and events in which the objects were present at and involved in (Brunning 2019, 139). The possession of a biographical status object such as a sword would also reflect on their wielders.

Grave re-opening

Another recent archaeological study has indicated the importance of swords within early Anglo-Saxon society demonstrated by the need for their continued circulation. It has been found that during the 5th to 7th centuries AD, the practice of re-opening of graves to reclaim objects was prevalent across most of north-western Europe (Klevnäs 2013, 2015; Noterman 2021). Prior to Klevnäs’ research, it was thought that the re-opening of graves was less prevalent in Britain compared to early medieval continental cemeteries. However, Klevnäs demonstrated that grave re-opening did occur in early Anglo-Saxon England, with the majority taking place in Kent. Notably, she postulates that much of this re-opening took place soon after burial, perhaps within a decade (Klevnäs 2013, 2015, 160).

Earlier interpretations of grave re-opening attributed the practice to religious beliefs, conflict between social groups, or the robbery of valuable objects or raw materials. However, no evidence has been found supporting any of these interpretations (Klevnäs 2015, 160; Noterman 2021). Klevnäs’ research has discovered that specific graves were targeted with only two types of sought-after objects: swords and brooches (Klevnäs 2015, 166). The specific removal of these objects, swords from male-sexed graves and brooches from female-sexed graves, was identified within disturbed graves containing metal staining in the soil or on the skeleton signifying the former presence of the removed object (Klevnäs 2015, 162–3). The targeting of these objects was also indicated by other valuable objects left within the re-opened graves (Klevnäs 2013, 163). Graves containing swords are usually accompanied by other weapon objects, such as shields and spears (Härke 1989), but only swords were targeted and taken. Klevnäs has indicated that both swords and brooches had a much more important and symbolic function than previously believed (2015, 165). Fragmented pieces of rusted iron from sword blades or tangs remaining within graves indicate that some swords were corroded when they were retrieved (Klevnäs 2013, 12). Klevnäs attributes the social importance of the possession of these objects, no matter their state of preservation, as a form of ‘keeping while giving’ through their original display and deposition in the funeral, then later reclamation (Klevnäs 2015, 171).

The Staffordshire Hoard

The discovery of the Staffordshire Hoard in 2009 revealed a unique archaeological context including a majority of disarticulated sword fittings deposited together within the latter half of the 7th century ad (Fern et al 2019). The chronology of the hoard material spanned the mid-6th to mid-7th century ad (Fischer and Soulat 2011; Fern et al 2019, 270), signifying that the earliest pieces had an extended period of use and circulation, whether on their original sword or attached to later weapons as seen in examples previously discussed. Some of the 6th-century early objects like pommel 68, a silver and heavily abraded Scandinavian hybrid type Bifrons-Gilton/Beckam-Vallstenarum pommel (Fern et al 2019, 263), would likely contain a recognisable and known biography extending over multiple generations (Fig 2). The notable chronological disparities within the Staffordshire Hoard provide further evidence of the curation of swords or their components.

FIG 2 Pommel 68 from the Staffordshire Hoard.

Arrows (added by author) highlighting extensive abrasion and damage (scale: 49 mm × 16 mm × 18 mm). Photograph courtesy of Howard Williams.

The evidence from studies of abrasion patterns and modifications (Brunning 2019) and the retrieval of swords from the process of grave re-opening (Klevnäs 2013) indicates a social elevation and continued circulation of swords within early medieval communities. Asymmetrical abrasion patterns have provided evidence of the daily or consistent adornment of the swords, signifying their identifiability and active roles within society (Brunning 2019). The immense effort in re-opening graves to specifically gain access to these swords potentially reveals the necessity of the objects to continue roles within society, and the reluctance to leave them with the deceased (Klevnäs 2013). These studies raise new questions on the significance of sword deposition within graves. Grave re-openings happened in specific certain localities, such as the Isle of Thanet and surrounding vicinity in Kent, with many other areas including undisturbed sword burials (Klevnäs 2013). It is within these undisturbed sword burials that curation can be adequately identified.

THE IDENTIFICATION OF HEIRLOOM SWORDS

Much of the previous scholarship on early medieval swords has focused on hilt fittings to understand their chronology (Menghin 1983; Brunning 2019; Sayer et al 2019), but many swords have been excavated with no surviving hilt fittings. This is attributed to the decomposition of organic materials, such as horn or ivory hilt pieces, which many swords contained (Ager et al 2006; Ager 2012; O’Connor et al 2015; Brunning 2019, 61). However, in a number of cases it has been noted that scabbards and their various pieces are chronologically older than the grave context within which the sword is deposited. Cameron’s research on sword scabbards (2000) significantly progressed the understanding of their construction, use, and chronologies. The style of wooden face plates, type of metal fittings, length of fleece lining fibre, and decorations all have exhibited chronological patterns. Scabbards, just like hilt fittings, have been found displaying modifications and repairs, and refurbishments along with decorations upon both the metal fittings and organic scabbard plates (Cameron 2000, 34–5, 73–4).

It is also a significant finding that scabbards were constructed specifically for each sword, with surviving evidence indicating perfect fits between the blade and scabbard at such cemeteries as Deal, Kent and Snape, Suffolk (Cameron 2000, 35). This may indicate that swords excavated from burials with evidence of scabbards were specifically made for that blade. A few examples containing chronologically older scabbard fittings have been found, though the discussion of their curation still remains ambiguous due to their respective grave contexts. Grave 22 from the cemetery of Blacknall Field, Pewsey contained a scabbard mouth of Menghin’s Altenerding-Brighthampton-type which noticeably pre-dated the rest of the sword fittings and grave assemblages by several generations (Menghin 1983; Annable et al 2010, 9–11). A similar example was found in the cemetery of Petersfinger (Wiltshire): Grave XXI, where an older scabbard was paired with a more recent sword (Dickinson 1977, 257).

A recent study tested a method to identify characteristics of curation among swords and brooches in early Anglo-Saxon burials (Costello 2020). The study examined 61 burial contexts containing swords from 13 cemeteries of early Anglo-Saxon Kent (5th–7th century ad) were analysed to identify heirloom swords (Costello 2020; see Fig 3). The early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries of Kent were ‘wealthier’ with a larger proportion of gravegoods compared to other Anglo-Saxon regions of the 5th–7th centuries (Sayer 2010, 70), including a higher ratio of burials containing swords, at approximately 20% of the weapons assemblage burials in comparison to 11% in other regions (Härke 1989, 54; 1992; Gilmour 2010). Early medieval Kent was the first Anglo-Saxon kingdom recorded at the start of the 7th century ad, with the Law of Aethelberht one of the first written sources of the period, dated to 602/3 ad (Oliver 2002, 8; Reilly 2004; Welch 2007, 190). The practice of property inheritance after the death of a family member was apparent within these law codes, providing evidence of the likelihood for heirloom status objects (Härke 2000; Oliver 2002, 79).

FIG 3 Map of Kent (in white) with locations of cemeteries containing analysed sword burials.

To identify the continued circulation or deposition of heirloom swords, sword burials were analysed for chronological disparities between objects, abrasion and wear between materials and the approximate age of the deceased. Of the 61 graves containing swords, only two contained identifiably curated objects, both through the metal scabbard mouth: Buckland, Dover, grave 96B and Saltwood Tunnel, Folkstone, grave C3779 (Costello 2020, 251). Older scabbard mouths have been found with later swords in other early medieval cemeteries, such as in grave 22 in Blacknall Field, Pewsey (Annable et al 2010, 10). Many other graves displayed partial evidence of curation, but due to poor skeletal or grave context preservation and differing excavation and recording techniques, confident identification of heirloom status was unattainable.

The cemetery at Buckland was excavated in two phases: the first in 1951 (Evison 1987) and second in 1994 (Parfitt and Anderson 2012), revealing a total of 431 graves dated to the late 5th- to 7th centuries ad (Evison 1987; Parfitt and Anderson 2012). The cemetery contained a total of 24 swords, with two discovered prior to the excavation without contextual recording which excluded them from further investigation (Evison 1987, 15). The cemetery group at Saltwood Tunnel, excavated between 1991 and 2001, was in actuality three proximal cemetery groups, each focused around a Bronze Age barrow (Riddler and Trevarthen 2006, 26). A total of 217 graves were within the cemetery group, dating from the 6th to 7th centuries (Riddler and Trevarthen 2006, 27), which included 11 burials containing swords (Ager et al 2006, 4). Both cemeteries included a variety of elaborate graves, both in the number, type and quality of objects, along with grave constructions. Given also that these cemeteries were two of the largest case studies of the sample, it has been interpreted that both mortuary landscapes were locations of social negotiations and political competition conducted through the funerary rituals (Scull 1999, 2001).

Buckland 96 was a unique grave context compared with all other Anglo-Saxon burials, being a double sword burial accompanying an adult male and a possible female (Evison 1987, 239; Lucy 1997, 161). The individuals were placed in the supine position within the grave with each sword along the left side of the body, hilt near the top of the humerus (Fig 4). The left skeleton (96 A) was an adult male aged over 40 years at the time of death. The skeleton on the right (96B) was sexed as a possible female, between the ages of 20 and 30 years at the time of death (Evison 1987, 124–6; Lucy 1997, 161). The gravegoods indicated an early 7th-century ad date for the burial, with only the scabbard mouth of the sword from 96B dating earlier. The scabbard mouth of this sword is of Menghin’s type Kempston-Mitcham and use was dated to the 6th century ad (Menghin 1983; Cameron 2000; Koch 2001). The hilt of the sword had a faceted tang end, implying a likely organic pommel or an absent metal pommel (Menghin 1983; Parfitt and Anderson 2012; Bayliss and Hines 2013, 183). The sword of 96 A had a 7th-century long iron pommel and silver-plated upper and lower guards. It also had a plain silver scabbard mouth band, which also suggests a 7th-century ad date (Menghin 1983; Cameron 2000, 43; Bayliss and Hines 2013). As it has been shown that swords usually are deposited with adult burials (Härke 1989; Stoodley 1999), 96B falls into the youngest age category provided with a sword burial. With a 6th-century scabbard mouth band in a 7th-century grave, the sword was likely owned by a previous individual before 96B came of sword-owning age. This indicates the curation and inheritance of the sword, signifying more than one owner and an extended, complex biography of the object. Its visible presence during the funeral of a unique, double sword grave would have a likely impactful mnemonic effect upon the social remembrance of the mourners gathered during the funeral.

FIG 4 Recreation of Buckland grave 96 including heirloom sword with individual Sk. B.

Base excavation re-drawn after Evison1987, fig 77.

Saltwood, grave C3779 was similar to the curation found in Buckland 96B. The grave contained an osteologically sexed male, aged between 20 and 30 years at the time of death and was located in a Bronze Age barrow within the western group of the cemetery, dated to the late 6th to the first quarter of the 7th century ad (Riddler and Trevarthen 2006, 62). The burial did not contain many gravegoods in comparison with most sword graves (Härke 1989), only the sword cradled in the left arm and a spear of Swanton’s type F2, dated to the late 6th to early 7th century ad running down the left side of the body (Swanton 1974; Riddler and Trevarthen 2006, 28; Fig 5). The blade of the sword has been interpreted as a ‘lesser developed’ form of pattern-welding, with no forging of composite intertwining of the iron rods, as seen in other pattern-welded blades (Gilmour 2010, 68), but styled comparably to water-like patterns similar to that of Iron Age swords (Gilmour 2010, 67–8).

FIG 5 Recreation of Saltwood Tunnel grave C3779.

Base excavation plan re-drawn after Riddler and Trevarthen2006, fig 88.

The hilt of the sword included an iron button pommel which likely attached to a larger organic piece, copper-alloy grip mounts, and a copper-alloy scabbard mouth. The trapezoidal grip mount was identified by X-ray on one side, and it is believed that the other side only partially remains (Ager et al 2006, 9). Sword grip mounts are a rare find in Anglo-Saxon England though more common on the Continent (Ager et al 2006, 9). The mount from the sword hilt in grave C3779 is similar to Menghin’s Snartemo-Roes type, the Scandinavian form used throughout the 5^th to 7^th centuries ad (Menghin 1983; Ager et al 2006, 9).

The sword’s scabbard mouth was one of two discovered within the Saltwood Tunnel sample. Five others also contained evidence of organic scabbard mouths of woven braids (Ager et al 2006, 10). The scabbard mouth band is the same Menghin’s Kempston-Mitcham type as grave 96B of Buckland, dated to the 6th century ad (Menghin 1983; Cameron 2000). It is believed that this scabbard mouth was gilded, but heavy corrosion did not leave any evidence of gilding upon the piece (Cameron 2000, 17).

Like Buckland grave 96B, Saltwood grave C3779 included a 6^th-century ad scabbard piece within a likely 7^th-century ad grave. The individual was also of the younger age group of those buried with swords, between 20 and 30 years old, suggesting the sword was an heirloom. In comparison with the other sword graves within the Saltwood cemetery, this grave had the least amount of gravegoods or furnishings. As the sword was believed to have been owned by a previous individual, the weapon’s extended biography was likely utilised as a focal point for the funerary rituals. Unlike other wealthy or elaborately presented burials, the focus of those gathered at the funeral would have centred around the known history of the weapon and its owners.

DISCUSSION

The curation of early medieval swords has always been presumed but their problematic nature made identifying heirloom swords difficult. This study tested a method in an effort to identify the curation of swords deposited within burials. Though the methods were limited due to the preservation and adequacy of the grave context, it was successful in highlighting two cases within the 61 sword burials analysed. Others had aspects of curation and may have been heirloom swords, however, there was not enough evidence for them to be confidently identified.

The two graves discussed within this research highlighted likely curated scabbard mouth pieces: Buckland Grave 96B and Saltwood Tunnel Grave W3779 (Evison 1987; Riddler and Trevarthen 2006). Both graves are dated to the end of the 6^th and into the 7th century ad (Evison 1987; Riddler and Trevarthen 2006) but included scabbard mouths of Menghin’s 6^th-century Kempston-Mitcham type (Menghin 1983; Evison 1987; Ager et al 2006; Cameron 2000, 42–3). Both individuals buried with swords were on the younger side of those commonly attributed swords within graves, between 20-30, which suggests that these scabbard pieces were previously owned and used by another individual. Usually, an object dated to be in use throughout the 6th century wouldn’t receive significant attention within an early 7^th-century burial. However, given the scabbard’s 6^th-century date and inclusion within the early 7^th-century burial of the two individuals aged 20–30, these swords were owned by a previous individual.

These swords were chosen to accompany the dead by their family or wider kin group. The deployment of these notable objects, with their extended biographies, would have been a noticeable focal point for those gathered at the graveside for the funeral. Both of these cemeteries, Dover and Saltwood, indicate a large populace of multiple families and communities using the location to bury their dead. The inequality of gravegoods throughout the cemeteries highlights the socially competitive nature of the mortuary landscape (Scull 1999, 2001). The use of an heirloom would have been a rare and effective tactic, differing from other displays of status and/or identity. The key feature of an heirloom is the connection to previous individuals and the events at which the object and owner were present. This allows the presence of the object to provide a mnemonic device in which the past stories can be remembered by the mourners of the object, its previous owners, and the deceased with whom it accompanies.

Another aspect of the inclusion of these heirlooms is the display of the family or kin throughout the funeral. An heirloom sword can be interpreted as a physical object representing a genealogy or family line, along with elevated status. As previously discussed, the written record of heirloom swords carries the knowledge of the previous owners, as the weapon accrues a biography from its extended circulation. The inclusion of an heirloom sword within a burial suggests the importance of the family or kin group, rather than just the identity of the deceased. Its connections to others may provide a basis for the family to distinguish themselves during this period of social competition. With recent studies of families, kinship and new discoveries through ancient DNA analysis (Sayer 2020; Gretzinger et al 2022), it is clear that early medieval Europe involved extensive social complexities, which can be understood through the performances of material culture and furnished burials.

The evidence of the two heirloom graves, Dover 96 and Saltwood W3779, suggest this strategy of heirloom use. Both graves were not elaborately furnished but were likely socially notable and memorable by other means. The double sword burial of a male and possible female alone is a unique aspect not found elsewhere. The mature adult male, 96 A, with a complete set of martial regalia of a shield, spear, and sword signified a level of elevated status. The younger possible female skeleton, 96B, buried with the older of the two swords potentially implied a connection and display to the wider family in which they belonged. This is similar with Saltwood W3779, as this adult was the least furnished of all the sword burials in the cemetery. The inclusion of the recognisable curated sword would highlight the individual’s connection to further relations, both deceased and still living within their community.

It is significant that when identifiable, all swords within the sample displayed evidence that they were buried within their scabbards. Cameron identified that the uniformity of design and construction indicates not only the likelihood of dedicated manufacture of the scabbards, but also revealed individuality through metal fittings, bindings, and other forms of decoration, suggesting unique and recognisable aesthetic qualities of the objects (Cameron 2000, 73–4). Like the interchangeable pieces of the sword hilt, scabbards that have undergone refurbishment and the fitting of different components have also been found (Cameron 2000, 34; Brunning 2019, 83–5). Therefore, scabbards were potentially as identifiable as the hilts of swords, suggesting their ability to display the biography of the sword and sword-wielder.

These examples of heirloom swords from early medieval Kent provide further evidence and understanding of the weapon type across northwest Europe. Swords were composite objects made up of interchangeable parts, where each piece could represent the weapon as a whole, along with biographies of past swords and owners. Examples of ‘Frankenstein’ swords presented individual histories through each additional attachment, culminating in the extended identity of the sword. The sword from Brighthampton 31 reflects this, fitted with a combination of Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon components from the 5th to 6th century AD, along with uniquely recognisable scabbard fittings of the mouth band and decorated chape (Dickinson 1977, 279). This reflects similarly in the identified heirloom swords in Buckland 96b and Saltwood W3779, specifically within the grave context. Whether the scabbard mouths of these swords were additions or original pieces, they conveyed and connected the deceased with biographies of the previous sword owners. Taking into consideration examples of disarticulated sword pieces within burials, such as the pommel caps found within Dover 360 (Parfitt and Anderson 2012, 51) and Spong Hill (Norfolk) cremation C1105 (Hills and Lucy 2013, 69), and various examples of refurbished and modified swords of various aged pieces (Brunning 2019, 78–88), each individual piece may represent the previous swords of which they formed part. This then presents early medieval swords of Europe as containing multiple biographies in appearance and recognisability.

The identification of heirloom swords within burials does raise further questions on the social complexity and recognisability of individual sword components across early medieval Europe. Were contexts such as the deliberate burial of the collected elaborate sword fittings within the Staffordshire Hoard (Fern et al 2019), and the ‘killed’ swords through bending and twisting of the blades in south-eastern Viking-Age Norway (Aannestad 2018), an effort to remove known biographies, histories, or even genealogies from continued circulation? This further reveals the significance of swords being one of two object types targeted and retrieved in the re-opening of graves across many areas of northwestern Europe (Klevnäs 2013; Noterman 2021). The necessity to claim specific swords through this practice alludes to social roles still waiting to be discovered.

CONCLUSION

Evidence from early medieval literature has highlighted swords as heirlooms and socially active and culturally important objects. Yet the archaeological evidence from the early medieval period presents a situation where heirloom swords have always been difficult to identity. However, this paper has tested a method using grave contexts to identify chronologically older swords, or heirlooms, deposited within burials. As scabbards were found to be constructed specifically for its own unique swords, the examples provided indicate that heirloom swords were in fact included within burial tableau. However, if these scabbards were refurbished using older components, the visible recognition and biography of the fittings would likely be known additions to the biography of the weapon as a whole.

During the heightened time of social negotiations and political stratification within the 6th and early 7th centuries ad (Scull 1999), the inclusion and presence of the sword within the grave tableau was a key, impactful feature for the people gathered for the funeral. This study used examples from early medieval Kent, but is applicable across northwestern Europe, where furnished burials utilising swords also signify familial and social negotiations (Halsall 1995, 2002). These examples of heirloom swords were employed as a strategy to display of the deceased and the wider family’s prominent or elevated status, employing the weapon’s biography as a mnemonic device as a recognisable focal point for the social remembrance to the mourners (Williams 2005, 2006).

Swords were composite objects, which could present multiple biographies and histories through the attachment of various fittings. Historical literature depicts heirloom swords containing recognisable components conveyed as genealogies. The deposition of heirloom swords within burials was a specific act chosen by families and kin groups to affect their political relationships with neighbouring groups at the gathering for the funeral. With recent studies of families, kinship, ancient DNA analysis and new findings on early medieval migrations (Sayer 2020; Gretzinger et al 2022), the identification and analysis of the curation of material culture can reveal the processes and practices used to navigate the social complexities between groups in early medieval Europe.

Abbreviations
CTRL	=	Channel Tunnel Rail Link
OLA	=	Museum of London Archaeology
OED	=	Oxford English Dictionary

Acknowledgments

The author would like to thank Howard Williams and Paul Mortimer for their thoughts and comments on the topics of this research. Also to be thanked is Reanna Phillips for her extensive help throughout the research process.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.