New insights on motives for choosing social work as a career: answers from students and newly qualified social workers

ABSTRACT

This study examines the motives behind the choice of social work as a career, and using the vocabulary of motives and folk logic as supporting theoretical concepts looks at how these motives can be understood. The study draws on data collected in Sweden through a questionnaire administrated to 583 newly qualified social workers and from written descriptions by 295 first-term social work students. The results show that there are several motives for undertaking social work as a career: altruistic ones, professional strategic ones, motives founded in personal experiences, and motives related to the individual’s personal characteristics. The last-mentioned motive is a new discovery in research, while the others have been well established for some time.

KEYWORDS:

• Social work student
• newly qualified social workers
• motives
• social work education
• Sweden

Introduction

This paper explores the motives behind the choice of social work as a career, and further investigates ways to understand these motives and elaborate on them theoretically. The study draws from data collected through a survey of newly qualified social workers during their first five years in the profession (cf. Bazeley, 2003) and from written descriptions by first-term social work students. The theoretical points of departure, the vocabulary of motives and folk logic, are based on the view that motives can be viewed as ‘visible’ or apparent and also as latent. This view is important for developing a sound foundation to understand in the future what happens when motives meet social work practice.

Social work has the reputation of being both strenuous and challenging (Blomberg et al., 2015; Lauri, 2016). Despite that, social work education attracts high numbers of new students every term. In fact, in Sweden social work education is one of the most popular university educations in the country (Swedish Council for Higher Education, 2019). This popularity raises questions about the motives that lie behind the students’ choice to study social work. Understanding the answers to such questions is important for at least two reasons: how to administer social work education, and the development of social work as a profession. Motives can affect social work in its nature and quality (Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015), as they influence students’ ways of learning (Breen & Lindsey, 2002) and say something about their attitudes and beliefs regarding social problems (Han & Chow, 2010). Students’ motives to study social work can also help them deal with the professional and academic demands of the education or, alternatively, contribute to a feeling of disillusionment (Stevens et al., 2010).

Today’s students are tomorrow’s social workers, and we can expect them to be co-creators of future social work practice. We know that students’ motives to study social work can be important for how they perceive social work’s values and its mission and for how they undertake social work tasks. We also know that student motives have an impact on how they manage their studies. Therefore, it is interesting to explore these motives further.

The first theoretical concept important in this paper, namely motives, and the accounts people give of their motives, can be elaborated with help from Mills (1940) classic article about the ‘vocabulary of motives’. It takes as its point of departure a distinction between motive as the inner drive toward action and motive as a manifest expression that provides the reason for action. Motives can thus be latent. According to Mills, motives should be understood as both anchored in and dependent on context. A motive can reveal a system of norms as well as ways of bending the rules and crossing the limits of what is morally expected. Our vocabulary is the result not only of the present situation but also the current community spirit (sve. samhällsanda). Consequently, the vocabulary people use to substantiate their motives has usually already been implemented by others. Motives should not be considered as”true”, but as verbalized thoughts that indicate the reasons behind, in this case, the choice of a career in social work. Stories of motives reinforce actions (to study social work) by retrospectively legitimizing and filling them out. Mills (1940, p. 910) gives an example of how to understand the vocabulary of motives further:

A medieval monk writes that he gave food to a poor but pretty woman because it was”for the glory of God and the eternal salvation of his soul”. Why do we tend to question him and impute sexual motives? Because sex is an influential and widespread motive in our society and time. Religious vocabularies of explanation and of motives are now on the wane.

Previously, before sexual harassment was acknowledged, no one would question the monk’s motives. Today, many of us view religious motives with skepticism, and other motives as more current and reliable. Therefore, we may mistrust the monk’s motives and refer to other reasons for his actions, suggesting ulterior motives of a sexual nature. These options can be read as different motives and arguments competing to gain influence over a certain field.

The second theoretical concept the paper uses is folk logic (Buttny, 1993). Folk logic is a social and moral order, consisting of norms for morally appropriate and correct ways of acting. It is part of a cultural system that gives people a logic for action and helps them determine, at the least, what are acceptable ways of acting. An explanation of actions can be accepted or rejected, depending on the folk logic of the members in a given social group. Therefore, a person who is giving an account must adapt the account to the social context in order not to be questioned or criticized by the receiver. An example of an account that probably not would be accepted in Sweden is if a social worker gave as motivation for their choice of career a wish to oppress people in vulnerable situations. Over the years, a person learns what kinds of accounts work best in different situations and contexts, depending too on how we want other people to perceive us (as ‘tough’, ‘intelligent’, or ‘kind’, for instance).

The vocabulary motives in this study is a useful tool for analyzing students’ and qualified social worker’s accounts of why they have chosen a career in social work, at the same time also exposing a ‘folk logic’ operating within these motives.

Research about motives for pursuing social work education

The social work student population is 80%, or more, female (Curl et al., 2005; Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015; Papadaki, 2001; Stoltzfus, 2017; Wilson & McCrystal, 2007). In the latest review by the Swedish Higher Education Authority (2009), it was established that men were about 15% of the total student population within Swedish social work education. In Sweden, the average age for entering higher education is 25, which is older than in most countries in the world (OECD, Education at Glance, OECD, 2021).

The most prominent motive to undertake studies in social work is the desire to help other people (Bradley et al., 2012; Campanini & Facchini, 2013; Christie & Kruk, 1998; Csikai & Rozensky, 1997; Duschinsky & Kirk, 2014; Freund et al., 2013; Furness, 2007; Hackett et al., 2003; Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015; Stevens et al., 2010; Stoltzfus, 2017; Toros & Medar, 2015; Wilson & McCrystal, 2007), with a few exceptions (see e.g. Papadaki, 2001). Studies denominate this motive differently, but many label it as an altruistic motive (see Csikai & Rozensky, 1997; Hirsbrunner et al., 2012; Perry, 2003). In earlier research, altruistic motives were formulated as ‘I want to help other people’ (Hackett et al., 2003) or ‘[an] opportunity to make a difference’ (Moriarty & Murray, 2007). In a study by Osteen (2011), students explained their motives by referring to the beliefs, values, or special occasions in their lives that have made them feel that they want to do ‘something important, do something good’ (p. 429). Stevens et al. (2010) write that it may be expected that social work students claim altruistic motives, as it is in line with the public view of social workers as caring people. Liedgren and Elvhage (2015), along similar lines, consider that students may tend to answer in ways they perceive as expected of them. What remains clear is that in-depth discussions are needed on how to define altruistic motives. The idea of ‘helping others’ consists of a broad set of activities, which can be viewed differently depending on context and perspective. The lack of deep insight or empirical and theoretical knowledge is a weakness in the realm of altruistic motives.

Another prominent motive is the professional strategic one. Such motives are concerned with achieving a professional status or qualification and the incentives that result (Christie & Kruk, 1998; Csikai & Rozensky, 1997; Duschinsky & Kirk, 2014; Hackett et al., 2003; Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015; Osteen, 2011). Students who declare professional strategic motives have most often identified social work as a profession with many choices of employment (Toros & Medar, 2015) and the opportunity to have a career (Furness, 2007; Stevens et al., 2010; Stoltzfus, 2017) and a stable job (Facchini & Giraldo, 2013; Hackett et al., 2003). In exploring motives, many students underline their interest in questions related to the field of social work (Boehm & Cohen, 2013; Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015), such as social policy, human rights, and advocacy for the civil-political rights of others (Bradley et al., 2012). They also express an interest in developing their skills and expanding their knowledge in social work (Toros & Medar, 2015).

A recurring theme in the literature is the question of whether or not students’ motives to study social work relate to earlier experiences of social problems and exposure. Research shows that about 50 to 60% of the social work student population report trauma in their childhood, such as emotional problems, sickness or death in the family, child abuse, and addiction or substance abuse (Hackett et al., 2003; Wilson & McCrystal, 2007). Some students highlight their experiences as former clients and meeting social workers, while others have been inspired by relatives or friends that are social workers (Toros & Medar, 2015). It seems both positive and negative experiences can affect the motives to undertake studies in social work; some students have been treated badly by social workers and want to prevent that it happening to anyone else, while others have positive memories of social workers from their past, and feel like they have paved the way for their choice of career (Duschinsky & Kirk, 2014). One study revealed that social work students report significantly higher levels of family trauma in early life compared to business students (Black et al., 1993). However, a later study showed contradictory results, namely that social work students have not been exposed to trauma in childhood to any greater extent (Olson & Royse, 2006).

The social work profession and its education have previously been associated with political positions and ideology. Pearson (1973 p. 23) claims that a student’s decision to study social work was a tacit ‘criticism of the society in which they live’. In recent research, explicit political motives are seldom to the fore. Nevertheless, many students say they want to fight social injustices such as poverty and discrimination (Bradley et al., 2012; Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015), which would characterize the students as politically aware Duschinsky and Kirk (2014) found that students were interested in learning more about the political stakes within social work. However, these students tended to frame their primary motivations to study social work as ‘personal’ rather than ‘political’ (p. 592). Perry (2003) explored what motivates students to work with the poor and homeless, and discovered that it was politically liberal or left-wing students who showed an interest in working with this group. However, their own explanations of their interest concerned goals of self-expression and personal growth rather than ideology.

There is a resemblance between social work values and religious beliefs, which raises the question of whether or not there are religious motives affecting the choice of a career in social work. The literature reveals that religion can be an influencing factor; however, in a Swedish context it seems to be of less importance (see Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015). In Northern Ireland, in contrast, a large number of the students grew up in homes with strong religious values, which may suggest that their choice of profession was in line with their beliefs. However, many of them wanted to tone down religious discussions related to their education as they found it uncomfortable (Wilson & McCrystal, 2007). In the USA, about a third of the students grew up with religious training that promoted service and social justice.

Motives can also relate to personal characteristics. These kinds of motives are rare, but can be found in a few research articles. Such motives are formulated as ‘I am a tolerant and good listener’ (Toros & Medar, 2015, p. 48) or have a ‘talent’ for the profession (Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015) or a ‘personality/aptitude’ for it (Furness, 2007). In sum, motives related to characteristics are not explored or discussed to any greater extent.

The Swedish context for social work as a profession

During the social work profession’s formative years (1870–1920), its development was driven by moral and religious incentives in volunteer organizations that originated in philanthropic movements (Bisman, 2004; Corby, 2006; Parton, 2000). A shift occurred from direct aid grounded in values of altruism, love, idealism and Christian mercy to a stronger focus on scientific knowledge (Meuwisse & Swärd, 2016). Social work’s aims and goals remained practical and moral, even as the respect for scientific knowledge grew. The professionalization of social work continued during the 20^th century, as the state successively undertook the responsibility for what earlier had been the task of philanthropic movements. By this time, many western countries had begun to introduce education in social work, and Sweden is an example of an early adopter of professional social work.

To become a qualified social worker in Sweden, a student has to study the social work program consisting of at least 210 credits. The program, offered by 17 universities around the country, includes courses in social work, social policy, psychology, sociology, law, scientific methods, and a practicum internship. After the completion of this education program, a student can continue studying for one to two additional years to receive a Master of Social Work degree.

Qualified social workers in Sweden are employed mainly in the public sector within one of the 320 social services organizations. The second largest employer of social workers is health care, which is organized into 20 regions. There are fewer opportunities for social workers to engage in private practice in Sweden, but there has been an increase in jobs available in treatment homes, health and social care, and occupational health service (see https://akademssr.se/lon-karriar/yrkesfragor/socionom/socionomernas-arbetsmarknad). The two dominant trade unions, Vision and The Union for Professionals, both claim that there are high vacancy rates for qualified social workers (see https://www.saco.se/studieval/var-finns-jobben-i-framtiden/). The most common occupation for a qualified social worker in Sweden is as a social welfare secretary within social services for children and families, the field of social assistance, or the field of adults with drug abuse and addiction problems. Other common jobs are school counselor, hospital counselor, or manager within the care of the elderly or the disabled.

Social workers belong to the human service professions, which are closely related to the welfare state. Welfare states are defined by guaranteeing their citizens certain rights that are financed by taxes. Examples of such rights are school education, social insurance, and pensions. People working within a human service profession help others by taking charge of their rights and realizing new political decisions in practice (Brante, 2014). Social workers additionally often function as street-level bureaucrats, meeting those seeking help face-to-face with the professional knowledge and legal authority to decide about granting or declining resources and services (see Lipsky, 2010).

Social work today still balances scientific knowledge with values and professional experience (cf. Brante, 2014), which together constitute the core of the profession. Social workers deal with both individual needs as well as social actions and reforms (Bradley et al., 2012). Furthermore, they are constantly challenged by ethical and moral dilemmas, as their work aims to support people in need while they at the same time have substantial influence over vital and life-changing decisions (Smith, 2008). Such tasks demand professional skills including both scientific and practical knowledge (cf. Petersén, 2017).

Higher education studies

Earlier research about how people chose an education and a profession have first and foremost focused on family background (Bourdieu & Passeron, 2008; Eriksson & Jonsson, 1993; Gesser, 1985). Many seem to inherit a profession from someone in their family. Even though it is not clear to a child exactly what the parents do in their exercise of a profession, the profession is constantly present, incarnated as mom or dad (Brante et al., 2015). Within families, a set of core values seem to exist of what an important and worthy profession is. In families in which one or both of the parents are university graduates, the children grow into a way of discussing and relating to work-related tasks that has a professional occupation perspective, and they learn to take scientific knowledge into consideration. Children in such families are therefore prepared early on for a professional career.

For social workers in Sweden, about 55% have at least one academically educated parent; however, there is quite a large difference between younger and older social workers,¹ of whom only about 27% have similarly educated parents (Brante et al., 2015). Furthermore, 66.1% of social workers have an academically educated partner. These numbers can be compared with those of the medical profession, in which 96% of the doctors have an academically educated partner. Social workers today chose an academically educated partner to a lesser extent than before (−5.5%). This change may relate to widespread recruitment that has increased the possibilities for people to study social work in higher education.

Methodology

This study is part of a larger research project (see Bruhn et al., 2020) exploring the entrance of newly qualified social workers into the labor market. In this project, we used a convergent mixed method design to study the research question from different angles to provide both depth and breadth of knowledge (cf. Green, 2007). Data were collected through a nationwide survey, in-depth interviews, and first-term students’ written descriptions on motives. The results from these sources have then, in accordance with the ideas behind a mixed method approach, been compared and related to each other. In this study, only data from the survey’s questionnaire and the students’ descriptions have been used. The study adhered to the ethical guidelines of the Swedish Research Council. Informed consent was obtained, and the participants were informed of their right to withdraw at any time in the research process. They were assured from the outset of their anonymity and informed that no one would possibly identify them in future publications. Names of people, workplaces, and cities have been changed.

The survey

The survey was carried out by Statistics Sweden on the research group’s behalf. Statistics Sweden has access to the University Register of Students and Graduates in Higher Education at Undergraduate and Advanced Level. A questionnaire was sent out in April 2017 both by mail and e-mail. Two subsequent reminders were sent out.

The sample was composed of Swedish social workers who obtained a Bachelor of Social Science in Social Work degree in 2012. Such an exam is mandatory for working as a qualified social worker in Sweden. They were 2,241 persons in all, and from this population Statistics Sweden took a random sample of 1,000. In all, 583 (58.3%) answered the questionnaire. The questionnaire consisted of 56 items, including a few open-ended questions. It included questions about motives for studying social work, the number of jobs held since graduation, reasons for changing jobs, current thoughts about their work, and thoughts about working in the social services. For this article, only one item was analyzed: What were your motives for choosing a social work education? The response options ranged from 5 (totally agree) to 1 (do not agree at all). The respondents could mark more than one option.

The written descriptions

The written descriptions were collected from all first-term students in social work education at a university in Sweden on three occasions, namely spring 2017, autumn 2017, and spring 2018. The students’ genders were controlled against the university’s student register, while age and other background information were not controlled. The students were asked to answer the question ‘What were your motives for choosing a social work education?’. They were informed, in writing and verbally, that the question was part of a research project and they were instructed to give their consent by answering an initial question with ‘I allow/I do not allow my answer to be used for the research project’. Of 246 female students, 234 (95.1%) consented to participate; of 61 male students, 57 (93.4%) consented. The question was part of an assignment for the students’ first seminar in the education program, and at the time of giving their answers they had been studying for less than a week. They were instructed to write about half a page of text.

Data analysis

The survey data and the qualitative data from the written descriptions were first collected and analyzed separately and then integrated for comparison and corroboration to confirm or contradict the findings. In addition, the data from the one item with its ordinal scale were analyzed using SPSS version 26. The analysis in shown in a frequency table, and the results are reported in absolute and relative frequencies.

The written descriptions were analyzed in two ways: first, the accounts were searched for the presence of three pre-determined categories, which arose from a literature review. They were altruistic motives, professional strategic motives, and personal experiences of social work. It soon became apparent that the latter category could be divided into three sub-categories: those with positive experiences of being clients, those with negative experiences of being clients, and those who had a relationship with a social worker in terms of a friend or relative. However, the possible presence of other motives was acknowledged, and therefore an inductive and iterative process was used to identify other emerging themes (cf. Charmaz & Henwood, 2008). Themes that could be discerned were political and religious motives, but because they were rather rare they have not been reported in detail. After further analysis, one final motive emerged clearly in several written descriptions: personal characteristics and how they motivate students to enroll in social work education. All quotes used in the Results section come from different students, and both female and male students are represented.

Results

The students and newly qualified social workers gave many different reasons for studying social work. Taking the questionnaire and the written descriptions together, and with inspiration from the results of the literature review, a number of categories were outlined: altruistic motives, professional strategic motives, personal experiences, and personal characteristics. Table 1 shows the motives of newly qualified social workers for studying social work.

Table 1. Newly qualified social workers’ reasons for choosing social work education, showing ‘Totally agree’ and ‘Agree in part’ with the stated motive.

Motives	Absolute frequencies*	Relative frequencies^a
I wanted to help people in vulnerable situations	545	93.4
People with experience of the profession inspired me	225	38.6
I was interested in social questions	501	85.9
I had work experience from social work	225	38.6
I had personal experience of social work, e.g. as a client or relative	174	29.8
I saw an education with many different choices of career	519	89.0
I saw an education with good possibilities of permanent employment	391	67.1
I did not have the grades to pursue the education I really wanted	61	10.4

^aFrequencies do not sum because respondents were given the option of choosing more than one answer.

Altruistic motives

The most popular answer was ‘I wanted to help people in vulnerable situations’, followed by ‘I saw an education with many different choices of career’ and ‘I was interested in social questions’. The answers constitute a complex mix of altruistic, professional strategic, and personal experience motives, which reflects the research outlined earlier in this article. As noted in the literature, altruistic motives clearly dominate as reasons for enrolling in social work.

Responses from students in the first term of the social work education program supported the results of the questionnaire, as almost everyone emphasized a quest to help other people. They described reasons of both individual altruism, aiming to help individuals to improve their life, and social altruism, as in making the world a better place. Some students had both perspectives, as found in the following:

I want to contribute to change; whether it is change in one single person’s life or change in society remains to be seen.

However, most students formulated their motive in ways very similar to the following:

I applied to social work education because of an interest in helping socially vulnerable people.

Altruistic motives are present in almost all of the written descriptions, with only a few exceptions.

Professional strategic motives

The second most popular reason for choosing an education in social work was ‘I saw an education with many different choices of career’. In all, 67.1% agreed that the education would provide good possibilities for permanent employment. The students’ descriptions also confirmed these results from the questionnaire. The many working opportunities for social workers therefore seems to be well-known information.

Among all the humanistic university educations, there is no education that broad and none that gives so many different job opportunities as social work education.

Many of the descriptions closely related to professional strategic motives also tell of an interest in social questions and similar.

Personal experiences

About a third of the questionnaire respondents declared that they had personal experience as clients of social work or relatives of clients, while approximately 50% did not. In the students’ descriptions, stories of personal experience occurred regularly, even though the number who brought that topic to the fore was lower than expected in comparison to the questionnaire and earlier research (see e.g. Hackett et al., 2003; Wilson & McCrystal, 2007). This discrepancy may be explained by fewer students having such experiences, but also by the fact that their descriptions were part of a school assignment and they therefore knew it would be read by their teachers. An additional alternative explanation is that the students do not perceive their experiences as important for their choice of career. Nevertheless, many of them gave thoughtful reflections of how their past has influenced their choice of profession, as seen in the following:

Due to an ADHD diagnosis within the family, we got help from a family therapist early in my life. My dad had been mentally ill for a long time and after my parents’ divorce, my sibling and I came to a family home to provide some relief to our single mom. We participated in many supportive calls, and we met other children in similar situations, and we talked to adults who understood what it could be like to be a child to a sick parent. The list of interactions with social workers is long, and I have them to thank for so much good in my life. I would like to help people in the same way I have been helped.

The quote illustrates how a mix of personal and altruistic motives inspired the student to study social work. Other kinds of personal motives were founded in inspiration from people with experience of the profession. About 37% of the respondents report that they were influenced by others in their choice of career. In the written descriptions, many students refer to friends or relatives who are social workers.

I have two social workers in my family, my aunt and my cousin. My cousin graduated two years ago, while my aunt has been working for a long time. With them, I have been able to discuss both work and education and ask all possible questions to be prepared for the studies and working life.

Personal characteristics

The final motive presented here may be the most interesting, as it is poorly examined in earlier research. The students’ descriptions reveal a pattern that reveals a motive closely related to personal characteristics, namely a set of characteristics that the students perceive as suitable for social work, such as being a good listener, empathic, and protective. Some students claim that other people attribute these qualities in them.

Ever since I was a kid, I have got a lot of praise for being so good with other people.

Other students describe themselves as especially well suited.

I have wanted to intervene, protect, and defend when I have seen another person get hurt. In school, I always stood up for the weaker ones, and those who were bullied, and later in working life I have always tried to make life as good as possible for everyone around me, even also for strangers I have met …

I am a good listener and I perceive that other people easily open up for me. My social and empathic characteristics are something I bring to this education, and they have contributed to the feeling that social work education fits me.

I love to listen to people and help out. I am very responsive.

Consequently, there are students who give as the motive for choosing social work their belief that the profession’s content and demands match their personal qualities. However, it is important to underline that none of the students’ descriptions contain only one motive, but a mix of several.

Discussion: the vocabulary of motives and folk logic in choosing social work as a career

In this study, the motives behind the choice of social work as a career are explored, with the aim of adding a new understanding of these motives through using the theoretical approaches of the vocabulary of motives and folk logic. The data come from a survey of 583 newly qualified social workers, and written descriptions by 291 social work students in their first term.

The most popular motive for choosing social work as a career was articulated as a wish to help people in vulnerable situations or to make the world a better place, just as in earlier research (see e.g. Bradley et al., 2012; Campanini & Facchini, 2013; Duschinsky & Kirk, 2014; Freund et al., 2013; Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015; Stoltzfus, 2017; Toros & Medar, 2015). The respondents’ answers resemble the moral and religious incentives found in the volunteer organizations from which professional social work originated, implying that social work, despite its professionalization (cf. Meuwisse & Swärd, 2016) is still strongly associated with altruism. Altruistic motives can be understood as the respondents giving socially satisfying answers in line with what they believe others expect from them. Thus, the students formulate a vocabulary of motives based on what they believe other people perceive as understandable and reasonable, which in turn makes the arguments acceptable to themselves as well. Considering social work’s difficult working conditions (Blomberg et al., 2015; Lauri, 2016), altruistic motives appear admirable. About 93% of the questionnaire respondents agree that helping people was an important reason for choosing an education in social work. Notably, the questionnaire was anonymous. They did not have to give socially acceptable answers, but they still did. This finding suggests that the values of love and support for vulnerable people, which were highly relevant during the formative years of social work as a profession (see e.g. Corby, 2006) still permeate the profession. Mills (1940) writes that in vocalizing one’s motives, one does it not just to convince others, but also to convince oneself. Therefore, altruistic motives may be interpreted as expressions of who the respondents want to be. This point carries additional weight if altruistic motives are combined with the motive founded in personal characteristics. Altruistic motives can then be understood as a way to convince oneself that ‘I am doing this to help other’ and ‘such behavior is part of my nature’.

The second most popular response option in the questionnaire was ‘I saw an education with many different choices of career’. One can assume that the respondents would have gained knowledge about the broad nature of the social work profession during their studies, and would not have had such knowledge from the start. Yet, somewhat surprisingly, the students’ written descriptions held many accounts showing that the reason for their career choice resembled professional strategic motives. One could perhaps expect that students in their first term would not yet have discovered the broad nature of the social work profession. At the same time, many of these students also expressed an interest in social questions (cf. Boehm & Cohen, 2013; Liedgren & Elvhage, 2015).

Many students and newly qualified social workers reported that they had been inspired to choose a career in social work. From the data, three types of inspiration emerge. The first concerns those who have had bad experiences with social workers, and therefore want to contribute with change or alternative ways of working. The second concerns those who have had positive experiences with social workers, and who consequently have become curious about and interested in the profession or want to pay it forward. The third concerns those who have been inspired by friends and relatives who are working as social workers. Compared to earlier research (see Hackett et al., 2003; Wilson & McCrystal, 2007), fewer of the respondents in this study report having their own traumas in their childhood. The questionnaire shows that about one third of all respondents had personal experience with social work, which is not the same as having been exposed to trauma, but they are included in the category of having had personal experience of social work. Among the students’ descriptions, there are several examples of such experiences, yet they are in minority. We can understand the three groups whose experience with social work provides a motivate for their choice of career by referring to folk logic and using a set of implicit rules and shared beliefs about ‘doing social work’ or ‘being a social worker’ (cf. Buttny, 1993). Those who have had bad experiences perceive the social workers they met as people who acted against how ‘good’ social workers are expected to be, and they labeled these social workers’ acts as”wrong” or even”immoral”. Their motives to become social workers can also be seen in the light of research that describes the field as strenuous and challenging (Lauri, 2016), and their motives, namely that social work needs good social workers, then becomes even more applicable. Those who have had access to good role models in social work are instead supported in their view of social work as an interesting and rewarding profession. From Mill’s theory on motive vocabulary, one may say that they understand their motives as socially appropriate, because they have empirical ‘evidence’ in their friends and relatives or in other social workers they have met.

The last finding to be discussed may be the most remarkable, as it has not been highlighted in earlier research. It is the motive built on characteristics they label themselves with and which they find particularly suitable for a social worker. It may be qualities such as being empathic, a good listener, or caring. These qualities are embedded in longer texts in which the students explain in what ways they are empathic and so on. Many of them support their own arguments by referring to confirmation they get from other people as to their being suited to social work by, for instance, by those other people turning to them in times of difficulties. Such a vocabulary of motives has not developed in an empty space, but in a context in which they are socially accepted and can be considered as culturally available resources for explanations. The background expectancies, culturally established, make it possible for us to understand these motives as explanations for someone’s chose of a career in social work. The students’ descriptions of themselves include norms of appropriateness that imply they have good reason for becoming social workers. This folk logic seems understandable at first sight; however, the question arises as to whether or not the characteristics identified that are identified are valued in a hectic working life. One circumspective hypothesis is that the results regarding personal characteristics may indicate a stronger focus on self-realization over time.

Research limitations

The current study has limitations that should be taken into consideration. First, the students’ written descriptions were collected as an assignment in the first term of social work education. There are fewer accounts of personal experiences (as clients) than expected, compared to other studies and to the results from the questionnaire. This discrepancy may be explained by fewer students actually having had such experiences, but it may be more likely that they were not willing to share their history with a teacher.

The survey was based on a random sample of a population of students who graduated in 2012, with a response rate of 58.3%. This may limit generalization of the findings to the entire social worker population in Sweden; nevertheless, the results probably reflect newly qualified social workers’ credible motives for choosing social work as a career; the motives of those with greater experience in the profession are possibly different.

Conclusions

The motives behind social work as a career choice reinforce the picture of social workers as professionals characterized by a strong desire to help the poor and vulnerable in society, and a desire to contribute to social improvement. The overall conclusion is that the motives of Swedish social work students and newly qualified social workers reflect results from earlier studies. The most prominent motives for choosing social work as a career are altruistic and professional strategic ones. However, the results also show that a motive is not ever singular, but is a part of a complex web of different motives. Considering social work’s broad mission, and its many different employers, several motives seem more likely than one single motive as a basis for one’s choice of career. Therefore, social work schools have an important mission to start, or to continue, introducing students to a varying and complex field to support their further development of motives. The theoretical perspective of the vocabulary of motives and folk logic provides an understanding that motives put forward can be a consequence of not only who the students want to be perceived as, but also who they want to perceive themselves as. Furthermore, we must understand the motives as being part of a larger context in which the following question can be posed: how do the settings of social work education and work places affect what motives are considered to be right, moral, or at least acceptable?

This study contributes new knowledge of an earlier unrecognized motive, namely that related to the students’ arguments about their own characteristics. The discovery of this motive raises the question of why it emerged in this study and has not been acknowledged in any earlier research. One possible answer is that the students here had the opportunity to answer the question on motive openly without any predetermined options. In the questionnaire that was used, none of the newly qualified social workers could refer to themselves as particularly suitable for social work, because that was not an option. When students were free to sit down and think about their motives for choosing social work as a career, new motives emerged. Accordingly, this motive poses new questions, which can serve as a starting point for at least one future research topic, namely the exploration of how important social workers view their personal characteristics after a few years of working, and whether or not they value these more highly than other competencies.

Acknowledgments

I would like to express my great appreciation to Professor Emeritus Anders Bruhn, Örebro University, for his thoughtful comments on earlier drafts of this article.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Anna Charlotta Petersén

Anna Petersén is a senior lecturer at School of Law, Psychology, and Social Work, Örebro University, Sweden.

Notes

1. What Brante et al. (2015) consider as ‘younger’ and ‘older’ social workers is unclear.