The stuff that nightmares are made of: Israeli dreams in times of the Israel-Hamas war

Abstract

This qualitative study explored the mortality salience effect as it manifested in the dreams of Israelis in the aftermath of the Hamas terror attack on October 7, 2023, and during the ensuing war. Over a two-month period, a sample of 242 dreams was collected via an online survey. Two forms of thematic analysis, namely, inductive and deductive, were utilized. Viewed through the theoretical lens of terror management theory, the findings suggest that exposure to the attack’s horrors and the resulting strong mortality salience were reflected in the participants’ dream contents. This indicates that the anxiety-buffering roles of the three psychological coping mechanisms—cultural worldviews, self-esteem, and close personal relationships—have been compromised. The examination of collective dream content offers a glimpse into subtle human psychic processes and how they might be affected during times of national trauma that necessitate robust psychological mechanisms to cope with the heightened mortality salience.

On October 7, Hamas executed one of the most lethal terrorist attacks globally in recent decades (Levi-Belz et al., 2024), resulting in over 1200 Israelis murdered, hundreds more injured and raped, and another 240 individuals abducted to the Gaza Strip (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2023). This attack affected people of all ages, Jews and non-Jews, Israelis and foreign nationals, from all over the world (Levany et al., 2023; Yaqub et al., 2023). Due to Israel’s relatively limited geographic expanse, in the wake of the initial attack and during the first few weeks of the ensuing war, when over 9,500 missiles were fired at Israel, most Israelis experienced almost daily missile and rocket attacks. The small size of the Israeli population, estimated at about 9.8 million people (CBS, 2023), also contributed to widespread exposure to the trauma. Those who were not physically present in the vicinity of the Gaza Strip on October 7 were connected to the event via relatives and friends who were murdered, kidnapped, or injured, or whose homes were destroyed or under threat and who were subsequently evacuated (Levi-Belz et al., 2024). Ultimately, almost every individual in the country was exposed to the terror attack vicariously through news outlets and social media, reinforcing the assertion that all Israelis were either directly or indirectly exposed to the traumatic effects of the terror attack.

A recent study of the Israeli population that was conducted in the wake of the October 7 terror attack revealed that the rates of probable post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety increased significantly to nearly double the prevalence observed two months prior to the assault (Levi-Belz et al., 2024). As in other situations of war and terror, the extensive and intense exposure to traumatic content associated with the attack may generate both a conscious and an unconscious, psychologically distressing reality. In this context, the horrific stories and images related to human suffering, death, and dying may seep into an individual’s thoughts during their waking hours and may also influence the unconscious realm of one’s dreams (Barrett, 2001). To address the subconscious dimension of the psychological impact of the October 7 events, the current study investigated expressions of mortality salience by collectively examining dreams within the Israeli population.

Dreams in times of crisis

In dream research, dreaming is defined as a cognitive process wherein our inner system engages in information processing (Dewan, 1970). During the dreaming process, inner cognitive models are continually adjusted in coordination with perceptions. Waking reactions to the environment are immediate, and information consolidation into memory during wakefulness is constrained only by the system’s capacity limitations. In contrast, during sleep, consolidation processes persist in an "off-line" mode that facilitates the integration of new information into long-term memory (Stickgold & Walker, 2007). The emotional intensity manifested in dreams, however, can vary, as it is directly influenced by the nature of the waking experience, such that the more traumatic one’s waking experiences, the more directly they are incorporated into dreaming (Horton, 2017).

From a broad, psychoanalytic perspective, dreams possess the potential to lead the dreamer into the darkest realms of horror, terror, death, and existential despair. Frequently used to narrate stories of trauma, dreams serve as symbolic links to deeper insights into ourselves, both individually and collectively (Barrett, 2001). As such, dreams can provide valuable insight into collective trauma and its impact on the affected population, which aligns with the aim of the current study. A variety of publications have documented dreams in times of war and crisis. For example, the renowned book The Third Reich of Dreams, The Nightmares of a Nation 1933–39 (Beradt, 1968), described dreams, many of which were from Jewish individuals, collected in secrecy during Hitler’s rise to power and the ensuing horrors of Nazi Germany. In her book, Beradt depicts the collective fear of falling asleep expressed by individuals who were anxious about the prospect of experiencing distressing dreams. Another example is Wilmer’s (1996) collective investigation of dreams in war veterans, which identified three types of trauma-related dreams: "actual" dreams involved the replay of a traumatic event (considered the hallmark of PTSD), "variable" dreams depicted plausible but not actual traumatic events, and "hallucinatory" dreams presented metaphorical or symbolic representations associated with the trauma. A Jungian study conducted in Israel on collective dreams during periods of ongoing war-related stress concluded that dreams can help identify emotional distress, even in cases when the subjects did not report specific symptoms of PTSD (Kron, 2020). Based on her findings, the author suggested that engaging with dreams enhances the capacity to manage persistent stress situations and facilitates the recovery from emotional distress (Kron, 2020). Another recent international Jungian study on collective dreams during the COVID-19 pandemic described a spectrum of psychic responses to the crisis that ranged from horror, grief and sickness to social discord and violence. The same study, however, also identified some positive effects of the pandemic, such as healing and transformation, an enhanced sense of community, and spiritual renewal (Landau et al., 2023).

All of the examples presented above underscore the significance of exploring collective dreams during periods of threat and war, the trauma of which can engender existential crises and heightened mortality salience among the individuals involved. In the context of the extensive exposure to death and dying associated with the October 7 events, the current study aimed to examine the content of collective dreams among the Israeli population. Recognizing the pronounced impact of exposure to distressing images and narratives related to death and dying, in this study, the theoretical framework of terror management theory was used.

Terror management theory

Encompassing a comprehensive and integrative perspective, terror management theory (TMT) emphasizes the impact of acknowledging our inevitable mortality on a wide array of human behaviors (Solomon et al., 1991). At its foundation is the recognition that humans, in contrast to other animals, possess the cognitive ability to comprehend and to contemplate the inevitable termination of their existence. Coupled with the innate biological inclination to preserve life, this awareness of human mortality has the potential to evoke overwhelming fear. To maintain psychological well-being and to function at an optimal level, therefore, individuals must effectively manage this potential terror. To that end, humans possess the anxiety-buffer system, a psychological construct that safeguards against existential distress and that comprises the psychological components of cultural worldviews, self-esteem, and close personal relationships. Collectively, these three coping mechanisms contribute to managing the potential anxiety associated with the awareness of one’s mortality by fostering a sense of meaning and significance that promotes existential well-being (Solomon et al., 1991).

Cultural worldviews, which encompass personal and collective assumptions about human existence, not only offer responses to fundamental questions about life and norms for esteemed conduct, they also provide assurances that those who adhere to these norms will enjoy literal or symbolic immortality (Solomon et al., 1991). Literal immortality beliefs, exemplified by afterlife concepts like heaven, reincarnation, or reunion with ancestral spirits, inspire hope that life continues beyond physical death. Symbolic immortality is derived from contributing to something larger than oneself, such as through family, nation, or the lasting memories held by others, ensuring continuity long after one’s death. These constructions are fragile, and they rely on social consensus, as there is no definitive way to prove their correctness. Shared worldviews thus increase one’s spiritual faith and sense of security, while divergent worldviews threaten these (Solomon et al., 1991).

In addition to cultural worldviews, another psychological component that protects one from death anxiety comprises self-esteem and a sense that one’s life has meaning. Intimately tied to one’s cultural worldview, this component is often achieved by aligning one’s behavior with the norms and values inherent in that worldview (Solomon et al., 1991). One’s worldview and level of self-esteem, in turn, are bolstered by the third psychological component of the cultural anxiety buffer, the interpersonal relationships that individuals form with others. The formation and maintenance of close, intimate relationships provide consensual validation of one’s worldviews, the self-esteem that is essential to stand behind one’s worldview, and a fundamental sense of security (Mikulincer et al., 2003). From birth, primary attachments with caregivers play a pivotal role in regulating fear and distress. As individuals mature, these initial attachments and those that form later interact with the individual’s worldview and self-esteem to create a protective mechanism against death anxiety (Mikulincer et al., 2004). Research demonstrates that threats to a person’s worldview, self-esteem, or personal relationships heighten one’s accessibility to death-related thoughts or, in other words, ‘mortality salience’ (e.g., Florian et al., 2002; Greenberg et al., 2001; Harmon-Jones et al., 1997; Schmeichel & Martens, 2005). The findings of research over the last few decades indicate that awareness of mortality constitutes a centrally significant motivational force for the human psyche. Moreover, they suggest that maintaining an effectively functioning anxiety buffer mechanism is essential for psychological well-being (Greenberg et al., 2008; Pyszczynski & Kesebir, 2011).

Building on terror management theory, anxiety buffer disruption theory (ABDT) seeks to explain individual responses to traumatic life events (Pyszczynski & Kesebir, 2011). Accordingly, when the core assumptions of one’s worldview are challenged, typically in the aftermath of traumatic events that force individuals to confront death, their normative, daily buffering mechanisms can be disrupted, which can lead to the emergence of anxiety (Menzies & Dar-Nimrod, 2017). In some cases, this disruption may play a key role in the onset of mental disorders (Iverach et al., 2014; Yetzer & Pyszczynski, 2019). Situations that severely disrupt the psychological mechanisms of the anxiety buffer system may cause individuals to realize, either implicitly or explicitly, that nothing—neither faith in their worldview, nor self-esteem, nor close relationships—can effectively shield them from their vulnerability and mortality. Applying the framework of TMT, this study investigated the collective expressions of mortality salience that were evident in the dreams of Israelis in the wake of the October 7 attack. More specifically, the research explored the potential impacts of the events on the dreamers in terms of the functioning of the three psychological anxiety buffering components of cultural worldviews, self-esteem, and close personal relationships.

Method

In this research, a qualitative investigation grounded in the descriptions of dreams provided by Israeli individuals, a combination of inductive and deductive thematic analyses was used. Thematic analysis entails a search for themes that are deductively recognized and that inductively emerge and are perceived as contributing to the description of the phenomenon (Rice & Ezzy, 1999).

Sampling technique and informants

Maximum variation sampling was used in this study to rigorously examine the studied phenomenon from diverse perspectives to enhance overall comprehension (Patton, 2014). Also known as "heterogeneous sampling," this sampling technique entails the intentional selection of participants such that they represent a wide spectrum of perspectives/experiences relevant to the subject of investigation (Patton, 2014). The sample for this study was diverse in terms of age, gender, and geographic proximity to the terror events of October 7. Moreover, the diversity of the sample was also reflected in the experiences reported by the participants, and it thus included those who had encountered the loss of a loved one(s) during the attack, and individuals who sustained injuries, who had to evacuate their homes (i.e., due to residing in or near war zones), and who were acquainted with someone who was injured or evacuated. Lastly, it also included individuals who did not directly experience any of these circumstances. A convenience sample of 242 Jewish-Israeli individuals participated in this study by using a link to an anonymous Qualtrics survey that was distributed through social media channels, predominantly Facebook and WhatsApp.

Data were collected from the respondents over a two-month period, from October 18 to December 18, beginning two weeks after the commencement of the war and continuing through subsequent war events. After signing an informed consent form, participants were instructed to freely provide a thorough and detailed description of a dream that they remembered. Notably, participants were instructed to share any dream that they had since the events of October 7, with no requirement that it be a nightmare or related to the war. Nevertheless, all of the shared dreams contained some content that was either directly or indirectly related to the events of the war. Participants were also asked to provide any additional details that they deemed relevant to the dream, including their interpretation, other associations, or pertinent details from their waking lives. Lastly, they were asked to provide basic demographic information about themselves and the date of the dream. Participant ages ranged from 18 to 70 years (M = 43 yr), with the majority (80%) comprising females (n = 194). Ten percent of the participants resided in close geographic proximity to the zones affected by the attack and subsequent war, necessitating that they evacuate their homes. Twelve percent reported experiencing the loss of a loved one during the incident, while 23% either sustained injuries themselves or knew someone who was injured or kidnapped in the attack.

Dream descriptions

The Qualtrics survey did not impose a space limitation on the participants’ answers, allowing them to decide how much detail to provide about their dreams. The compilations of dream descriptions gleaned from the study thus varied in length from one short sentence to two paragraphs. They also demonstrated a spectrum of richness, with some containing intricately detailed, vivid descriptions, while others were more straightforward and informative. Furthermore, about 75% of the participants shared the significance they attributed to their dreams, showcasing diversity in the depth of information provided, which ranged from basic details to more elaborate reflections.

Data analysis

In this study, a hybrid method of data analysis was employed, combining qualitative methods of thematic analysis. This approach incorporated both the data-driven, inductive method proposed by Boyatzis (1998) and the deductive, a priori template-of-codes approach outlined by Crabtree and Miller (1999). This hybrid solution aligns with Fereday and Muir-Cochrane’s (2006) recommendations for achieving methodological rigor in thematic analysis. These two forms of data analysis were chosen as the most relevant to the nature of this study due to the juxtaposition of the cumulative knowledge in the literature about death anxiety and death anxiety buffers next to the dearth of scientific research of the evidence of death anxiety in dreams. Deductive thematic analysis began with explanatory assumptions and/or provisional definitions according to the theoretical basis of the study (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006). Per the protocol of such an approach, the hypothesis or definition was then compared with the data, and when they did not match, modifications were made. For the modification process, inductive thematic analysis was used, in which all incidents observed for all participants were simultaneously compared to determine a category label (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006). A thematic map of subthemes is described in Table 1.

Table 1. A thematic map of subthemes.

Cultural worldviews	Self-esteem	Close personal relationships
Home is no longer safe	Need saving	Loss of a loved one
Unsafe physical spaces	Self-protection	Sadness
Unsafe psychological spaces	Helplessness	Anger
Fear	Fear	Guilt
Attempts to escape	Failed social/cultural roles	Shame
Nowhere to go	Parental fail	Fear
Death related content	Moral fail	Sudden/traumatic death of others
Death is closer than you think	Professional fail	Separated from loved ones
Vulnerability	Shame	Loved ones abducted
Destroying the bubble	Disappointing others	Loved ones hurt
Police won’t help	Survival	Saving efforts are in vain
The army can’t help	Guilt	Abandoned by significant others
The government won’t help	Unworthy	Betrayal
Unprotected	No control	A loss of trust
Cannot be saved or rescued	No self-control	Not belonging
Not what I thought	Lost	Parental fail

Analytical process

The analytical work began with a deductive, thematic analysis, wherein the three psychological anxiety buffering mechanisms—cultural worldviews, self-esteem, and close personal relationships—were identified in the data. The metaphorical labels derived from the literature were then scrutinized to ensure that they accurately aligned with the participants’ dream descriptions. Next, inductive thematic analysis was done, wherein each category of the three anxiety buffering mechanisms was scrutinized to gain an understanding of how each mechanism manifested in the dream descriptions. Last, inductive thematic analysis was also used to recognize ideas presented in the dream descriptions that did not match the three recognized anxiety buffering mechanisms. To this end, the overarching ideas in these descriptions were identified, after which they were categorized and later modified if needed. Importantly, the analysis underwent examination by cohorts possessing expertise in qualitative research and dynamic/psychoanalytic dream interpretation: one, an eclectic psychodynamic social worker and qualitative researcher specializing in trauma, and the other, a Lacanian psychoanalyst. Furthermore, the author, a qualitative researcher in trauma and loss, is also a psychodynamic therapist rooted in Freudian and Lacanian principles. The data were, therefore, consistently examined from a variety of perspectives at all stages of the analysis (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). This approach is in keeping with Benner and colleagues’ (Benner et al., 2009) assertion that the use of multiple readers to interpret the text often results in numerous insights that are additive. While involving multiple readers may strengthen the credibility of the analytic process, equally crucial is the author’s awareness and disclosure of their positionality regarding the researched phenomenon (Patton, 2014). Accordingly, it is important to note that the author herself is an Israeli Jew who experienced the attack and subsequent war firsthand, thus being under the aforementioned war-related stress. These personal experiences served as inspiration for the current study.

Ethical considerations

Before beginning this research, the author received approval from the BGU Institutional Review Board (IRB). Ethical issues were addressed and discussed throughout the research process, starting from the research planning stage and continuing until publication. The author provided the study participants with detailed, written information about the research process and how the dream descriptions were likely to be used, and participants signed an informed consent form. Careful attention was given to issues of confidentiality and to the protection of the participants’ well-being. Participants were informed in writing that psychological support was available to them should they feel emotional distress at any point during the research project.

Results

The traumatic occurrences of October 7th have rendered death so brutally salient that attempts at repression or management often prove ineffectual. Consequently, many individuals have described dreams wherein the prominence of death is so pronounced that they are convinced of its immediacy, and in their confrontation of death, they manifest a concomitant sense of both physical and psychological helplessness.

I dreamt that tonight the world is about to come to an end. I am with Dad, and tractors are getting closer, aiming to kill us and destroy the world. We have nowhere to run, confined to a very small room in an attic. I do not know what to think until the moment I am dead. This is unbearable to me—the awareness and fear of impending death, the realization that we are all about to die. (Participant No. 101, Female, 30 yr)

The following themes and relevant participant accounts of dreams will illustrate how the increased mortality salience due to the October 7 events and the ensuing war have compromised the buffering roles of the psychological mechanisms (cultural worldviews, self-esteem, and close personal relationships) that help individuals manage their awareness of death.

Cultural worldviews

A fundamental cultural worldview is the belief that one’s home is one’s castle, namely, that it is a safe haven, especially in the face of external dangers. The prevalence since October 7 of real-time stories depicting home invasions, however, in which individuals were murdered or kidnapped, or accounts of missile attacks that destroyed houses and that injured or killed their residents, influenced the vivid content of many dreams. Portraying a stark fear in which the sanctity of the home is no longer guaranteed, these dreams suggest that homes are just as unsafe as the outside world.

I dreamt that people broke into my house to kill me. I attempt to escape because I realize my home is no longer safe, but I also understand in the dream that anyone venturing into the streets faces the same deadly threat. (Participant No. 73, Female, 25 yr)

Dreamers not only described the breaching of physical spaces that, culturally, are perceived to be safe but that were deemed no longer safe, they also depicted innocent psychological spaces that, although free of death or danger, became infected with death-related content and remained vulnerable. An illustrative example comprises a woman’s dream that depicts a compromised cultural worldview, challenging the notion that spaces designated for children are perpetually secure, irrespective of external realities.

I dreamt that terrorists hacked into the Instagram page I manage and spread horror films. The page is designed for children, and in my dream, the terrorists posted films depicting the October 7 horrors, where other children were being murdered or kidnapped. I produce content for children, and my work is pretty "bubbly." Despite the ongoing war, we continue to produce fun films for children, but it’s as if they destroyed the bubble. (Participant No. 60, Female, 49 yr)

As in many other Western countries, in Israel a strong cultural component directs adults to do their utmost to protect children from both physical and psychological dangers, particularly those that are reminders of death. The dream above, however, demonstrated that even the most innocent spaces had been contaminated, leaving the adults unable to shield the children from danger. Another cultural worldview that was breached comprised anxiety buffering gender perceptions, for example, the cultural worldview that during wartime, women are safer than men.

I dreamt that I was in a café when suddenly I realized that all the men present were about to attack me, closing in. Despite my initial anger and the assumption that my gender might shield me, I soon grasped that, in this instance, being a woman might not provide protection; quite the opposite. I realized I was going to die there. (Participant No. 155, Female, 37 yr)

Residing in a terror-stricken country cultivates an ever-present semi-awareness of the potential for one’s death. In the case of Israel, a prominent cultural belief in the country’s robust national defense capability has traditionally been a formidable buffer against death anxiety. Most Israelis, for example, are consoled by the cultural belief that their country has a strong army that is highly capable of defending against external threats. Some citizens place their trust in the government and its establishments, such as the police forces, in the belief that they will act in the best interests and to promote the security of all the country’s citizens. The significant security failure on October 7, however, severely disrupted and challenged these cultural worldviews, as evidenced in the following two examples.

Army: In my dream, I woke up to the noise of someone attempting to open the blinds facing the garden. Suddenly, I saw the IDF Spokesperson in pajamas next to me. He took his gun and climbed up the stairs towards the garden. I followed him, and as he lifted the blinds, there was a terrorist dressed in black who shouted ‘Allahu Akbar’ [in Arabic: ‘God is the Greatest’- a phrase that has unfortunately been misused by some terrorists during acts of violence] and shot me while I was standing behind the spokesperson. (Participant No. 32, Female, 41 yr)

Police: Another friend and I were baking cookies in the outdoor kitchen when the missile alarms went off. We watched the rockets being intercepted until, unexpectedly, one of the Israeli defense rockets came closer and landed in the yard, right near us. We hurriedly ran away and called the police, who took forever to show up. Once they arrived, they dismissed our claims. Despite explaining what happened, they insisted that our account made no sense. I woke up feeling angry that no one believed us. (Participant No. 15, Female, 52 yr)

The breaching of the cultural belief in Israel’s robust defense system—which manifested as a realization that "no one will protect us"—correlates with another cultural belief, i.e., that of a strong national and public health system, which was also compromised for some study participants on October 7. Individuals thus related dreams in which they found themselves in need of medical assistance, but that assistance failed to arrive, or it arrived but could not provide a cure. This sentiment perhaps reflects the effects of the actual events that occurred that day, in which numerous people were severely injured and needed help in the areas that were under attack but that were difficult for medical first responders to access to provide the necessary medical assistance.

I dreamt that my guts were spilling out of my stomach. We called MDA [Israel’s national emergency medical, disaster, and ambulance services], and it took them a long time to arrive. Upon their arrival, they stated that nothing could be done and that I had to pull my guts back into my body myself. (Participant No. 64, Female, 45 yr)

Each of the examples above reflects a breach in the fundamental and existential cultural worldviews that typically provide Israeli individuals with the necessary protection against mortality salience. Similar to the case for cultural worldviews, the anxiety buffer of self-esteem was also compromised after October 7.

Self-esteem

During existential threats like the events of October 7, one’s self-esteem functions as a critical defense mechanism, particularly given the study participants’ profound rupture in cultural worldviews, as presented in the previous theme. Individuals must maintain high self-esteem not only to buttress their sense of self-worth, but also to perpetuate the feeling that they are protected. These and similar feelings address the anxiety that stems from the perception that death is imminent and from the realization that external safeguards may not be reliably provided by an external source. Nevertheless, given the heightened mortality salience in the wake of the harrowing, real-life events of October 7, preserving one’s sense of self-esteem posed a marked challenge.

In my dream, a terrorist infiltration occurred, and I instinctively extended my hands, mimicking a child’s "bang, bang" gesture. However, I failed to remember to draw my actual gun. Upon realizing that I was only pretending, I attempted to reach for a real firearm but found myself already shot. This dream may be reflective of my realization that, in the face of potential threats, we must protect ourselves because no one will do it for us. (Participant No. 105, Female, 29 yr)

Echoing similar dream descriptions from other participants, the quote above depicts the dreamer’s efforts to strengthen her self-esteem by self-protecting through her own actions. The endeavor proved futile, however, as the dreamer was helpless and unable to respond as desired. Similarly, many individuals described dreams wherein they attempted, yet ultimately failed, to achieve the self-esteem aligned with socially and culturally accepted roles. For instance, parents shared descriptions of dreams in which they could not fulfill their parental responsibilities and were unable to adequately protect their children.

I found myself in a factory surrounded by others, accompanied by my 1.5-year-old who was in a stroller. Suddenly, the missile alarm sounded, prompting everyone, myself included, to duck and seek shelter. In a sudden realization, I discovered that I had forgotten to remove my son from the stroller and ensure his protection. (Participant No. 55, Female, 33 yr)

Besides parents, other family members also recounted comparable dreams wherein they felt powerless and incapable of providing the expected protection to the people around them who were unable to protect themselves, thus failing to uphold cultural values of care.

I have a four-month-old nephew. I dreamt that I was fleeing with him in my arms through an avocado grove while they were shooting at us. I knew that everyone was dead, and I was the only one left for him. I also knew I would not be able to run fast enough to save us. We were alone, with no one around us. I woke up with a terrible pain in my stomach. (Participant No. 197, Female, 26 yr)

The dreamers’ compromised abilities to attain self-esteem affected other social roles, as exemplified in the following dream in which the dreamer failed to perceive himself in the dream as someone who is culturally or personally considered a worthy friend.

My friend fought and died in the attack. In my dream, me and my friends were playing checkers on his coffin. Everything felt normal and fun. At some point, I realized it was disrespectful of his memory and despite my attempts to halt the game, I found myself unable to stop either myself or my friends. I believe this reflects my sense of guilt towards him. (Participant No. 36, Male, 20 yr)

Additional unsuccessful attempts to cultivate one’s self-esteem through conformity to cultural worldviews are evident in role expectations, particularly when formal roles are assumed. For instance, the dream below illustrates a scenario in which the dreamer is enlisted into the army to join the national defense efforts. But instead of the anticipated psychological anxiety buffering reward of enhanced self-esteem for his alignment with his expected role of combat soldier, the dreamer felt unworthy and incapable during the dream.

In my dream, I found myself being enlisted into the army and subsequently put on trial for losing a piece of my weapon. All the commanders were against me, and the situation escalated, causing me immense stress. In reality, I had previously served in an elite army unit but was released half a year ago due to anxiety attacks. Presently, I experience a sense of losing on multiple fronts, grappling with anxiety and a perceived inability to actively contribute to the ongoing war. (Participant No. 62, Male, 29 yr)

In the initial days and weeks after the attack, countless individuals volunteered to provide different kinds of assistance to the injured or to those otherwise affected by the events. Among them were healthcare professionals, such as social workers and psychologists. The following example of a psychologist’s dream illustrates a breach in her culturally endorsed professional self-esteem.

After several weeks of volunteering, I dreamt that I signed up to volunteer again. Numerous concerns surfaced within me during the dream: What stories will I be exposed to this time? Will I be able to cope? How can I leave my husband and children again? Do I genuinely possess the capabilities to aid those so profoundly affected by the attack? These concerns likely reflect my insecurity in assisting people after such extreme events. (Participant No. 154, Female, 44 yr)

As illustrated in the quotes above, the contents of the dreams reveal that the psychological anxiety buffering mechanism of culturally derived self-esteem—i.e., the belief in one’s ability to defend themselves and those that they love or to leverage their professional self-esteem to assist others—was compromised.

Close personal relationships

The dream contents described by the study participants also evidenced a breach in the protective role of close personal relationships. The brutal and murderous attack by Hamas terrorists left many people grieving the losses of their loved ones, while those who did not lose a loved one typically know someone who did, which also helped exacerbate the mortality salience effect. Undermining the comforting role of close relationships, this effect can foster a strong sense of impermanence. Many dreamers described dreams in which they suddenly and violently lose a loved one, as presented in the following quote.

In the dream, I am on a train with a friend whose daughter was tragically murdered in the actual attack. My own daughter is with me, and suddenly, she is dead. I scream and cry, unable to accept the devastating reality that she too has been murdered. (Participant No. 86, Female, 47 yr)

Other dreams manifested a less explicit portrayal of the death of an attachment figure, instead conveying a perceived threat or the anticipation of such an event. These dreams frequently included the distressing scenario of losing family members, though not in the literal sense of death, but rather, due to a nondescript inability to reach, locate or find them. Often mirroring real-life scenes in which individuals were forcibly separated and/or abducted from their families or other scenarios of abruptly parting ways, these dream scenarios reflect actual hasty escapes by individuals to save their lives.

The dream unfolded in the kibbutz of my birth, evoking a sense of urgency to swiftly gather our necessities. My daughters, born after my departure from the kibbutz, are on a departing bus. Despite my desperate attempts, I cannot reach them, knowing that I will inevitably fall short. Gasping for air, devoid of breath, I am acutely aware that my efforts are in vain. (Participant No. 145, Female, 61 yr)

Featured prominently in these dreams was the loss of close personal relationships, with some individuals recounting dreams in which they were abandoned by significant others. Accounts like this again underscore the indirect impact of heightened mortality salience, which erodes one’s sense of relational security. Additionally, in some cases, these dreams also reflect broader, macro-level relationship dynamics, including one’s relationship with the state.

In my dream, overwhelmed and preoccupied by the tumultuous events, my partner reached a breaking point and decided to leave me. Such a fear of abandonment is foreign to my waking life. I believe this dream mirrors a deeper sense of being forsaken by the state, accompanied by profound feelings of betrayal. (Participant No. 9, Female, 53 yr)

Betrayal was a highly prevalent theme in the dream contents recounted by the participants, with many relating dreams in which they experienced betrayal by their closest connections. These included partners committing adultery ("I dreamt that my husband is cheating on me with someone else, which is totally the opposite of real life" [Participant No. 34, Female, 45 yr]), and friends breaching one’s trust. Participants described instances of feeling rejected by those who, in waking life, typically constitute a secure, relational foundation for them.

In my dream, we flew to New York. I found myself with the wrong clothes, and my shoes, which I had ensured to pack, were somehow not suitable. It dawned on me suddenly that my friends had orchestrated this trip according to their preferences, and I was disrupting, spoiling their journey, and unwelcome. In reality, I am currently evicted from my home due to the war, experiencing a sense of detachment and not belonging. (Participant No. 29, Female, 51 yr)

Other dreams portrayed breaches of trust in intimate relationships and evoked a profound sense of breakdown, as if everything about those closest connections that once provided security and certainty had been effectively shattered.

In the dream, I found myself single on my wedding day, surrounded by a series of disappointing incidents and concerns about my partner. Discovering he had booked a different wedding venue and learning his last name differed from what I knew. People approached, warning me of his violent tendencies and imprisonment. Realizing I shouldn’t marry him, I attempted to escape, but there was no way out. In reality, I am happily married. The dream reflects a deep-seated fear, a loss of trust, and a profound sense that everything I once believed in is now unreliable. (Participant No. 21, Female, 49 yr)

These examples demonstrate how heightened mortality salience undermines the important buffering role played by close personal relationships.

Discussion

This study investigated the collective expressions of mortality salience evident in the dreams of Israelis in the wake of the October 7 attack and during the ensuing war, using the theoretical framework of TMT. Specifically, the research explored the functioning of the three psychological anxiety buffering components of cultural worldviews, self-esteem, and close personal relationships. As TMT suggests, the awareness of the inevitability of death is shared by all human beings. Humans are nonetheless able to function in everyday life because the potential anxiety related to this understanding is relatively well-managed by the three psychological buffering mechanisms that help minimize the negative effects and make this knowledge bearable or livable. Furthermore, these mechanisms aid in finding significance and meaning in life (Solomon et al., 1991). If their buffering effects are compromised, however, anxiety arises (Pyszczynski & Kesebir, 2011).

The findings of the current research suggest that exposure to the intense and horrific events of the October 7 attack is reflected in the dream contents of the study participants, indicating that the buffering roles of the three interconnected anxiety buffering mechanisms have been compromised. The dreams reflected breaches in some fundamental cultural worldviews that usually provide Israeli citizens with the necessary protection against the backdrop of life under a continuous existential threat. Among the worldviews that were compromised or challenged that day include those that portray homes as safe sanctuaries or that depict Israel as having strong national defense and medical systems. Similarly, the dreams also reflect a breach in the ability to achieve a strong sense of self-esteem by upholding cultural role expectations, including the self-esteem derived from successfully fulfilling parental roles, being a caring family member, or leveraging one’s professional skills to help others, especially in times of great need. Lastly, the dreams also reflected a failure of the psychological mechanism of close personal relationships, as destructive elements of relational uncertainty, betrayal, and loss of trust creeped in that were accompanied by dreams about the actual losses of loved ones or about the threat of such. The incidence of these breaches lay a psychological foundation of existential insecurity, uncertainty, and helplessness.

Although a recent study found that rates of probable PTSD, depression, and anxiety among the Israeli population increased significantly during the war (Levi-Belz et al., 2024), the current study does not assert that the participating individuals were themselves traumatized, experiencing heightened death anxiety, or suffering any kind of waking psychological distress. In this case, rather, the examination of collective dream content may offer a glimpse into more subtle psychic processes and how they could be affected during times of national traumatic events that dictate the need for robust psychological mechanisms to cope with the heightened mortality salience.

Dreams help researchers and clinicians gain a deeper understanding of both individual and collective processes (Barrett, 2001), as previously demonstrated in former studies during times of great national turmoil (Beradt, 1968; Kron, 2020; Landau et al., 2023; Wilmer, 1996). Research has shown that the more traumatic the content in waking life, the more ‘real,’ direct, and less symbolic are one’s dreams (Barrett, 2001). This phenomenon was also observed in the current study, where many dreams presented an almost ‘copy-paste’ representation of actual events observed on media platforms or witnessed firsthand. Although dreams are highly subjective, the identification of numerous commonalities among the analyzed dreams indicates that these traumatic events had a collective impact. It may suggest that the occurrence of a national level event, particularly one that involves elements of unpredictability and horror associated with the traumatic aspects of intentional human destruction, death, and dying, causes the collective consciousness to permeate into one’s most subjective realms, such as the dream praxis.

Practical implications

The contents of the dreams analyzed in this study may reflect a breach in the three basic anxiety buffering mechanisms that are required to sustain one’s daily well-being and ability to function in a world in which death potentially lurks "around the corner." The study results emphasize the importance of delving deeper into people’s dreams in times of distress, especially in clinical settings. Healthcare professionals are encouraged to utilize cognitive-behavioral therapeutic tools to alleviate stress symptoms in general, and particularly in times of trauma exposure (see Forneris et al., 2013). Nonetheless, as dreams manifest in the subconscious realm of the psyche, they may provide clinicians with another important tool for diagnosing and treating individuals affected by individual and/or national trauma events with heightened mortality salience. From this psychodynamic standpoint and drawing on the principles of TMT, clinicians may be able to assist individuals by examining and reexamining their cultural worldviews, methods of attaining self-esteem, and close personal relationships. In some cases, the impaired psychological components may need to be rehabilitated, which should be done while considering the individual’s reality and available resources.

Limitations and future research

There are several limitations to this research. Firstly, as the focus of this study was a qualitative exploration of dream contents in the wake of the October 7 attack and during the ensuing war, conclusions cannot be drawn about the participants’ stress reaction levels. Further research should incorporate both quantitative and qualitative approaches to provide a more comprehensive assessment of the mental health situation of a given population. Furthermore, the dreams were collected using an online survey that, although it provides complete anonymity and convenience, differs from a clinical or face-to-face interview. This may imply that certain information about the dream and/or about the dreamer has been omitted in the data collection process. Subsequent studies could achieve an even deeper understanding of the dynamics between event occurrences and dreams by incorporating in-depth interviews to further explore dreams and their meanings during wartime. Lastly, this paper investigated the dreams of Israeli Jews and did not have the opportunity to collect dreams from other Israeli ethno-religious groups, such as Muslims, Christians, or Druze, due to low response rates from these populations. Additionally, it did not include the dreams of Palestinian citizens, who were also exposed to the collective trauma of war and to the terror spread by Hamas. These areas are worthy subjects for further investigation.

Conclusion

Notwithstanding these limitations, the paper offers a unique glimpse into the subtle effects that traumatic national events with high mortality salience can have on the human psyche. The demonstrated breach in the three psychological anxiety buffering mechanisms may reflect collective, negative feelings of shock, uncertainty, and fear, but it may also mark the beginning of a cultural change. Prior to the events of October 7, the State of Israel was rocked by months of severe civil unrest that was driven by political processes that divided the country along social and religious lines (Pitcho et al., in press). The fact that all of the study participants, irrespective of their diverse backgrounds, described similar dreams perhaps hints at the emergence of a new existential protection mechanism grounded in the therapeutic factor of universalism (Yalom & Leszcz, 2005). This may hopefully further convey a new message of cultural worldview emphasizing unity and respect for all lives.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Data availability statement

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, [author initials], upon reasonable request.

Additional information

Funding

The author(s) reported there is no funding associated with the work featured in this article.