Cam Models, Sex Work, and Job Immobility in the Philippines

ABSTRACT

Using online participant observation, ad hoc conversations, and off-line interviews, this study explores the work of Adult/Asian Cam Models (ACMs) in the Philippines – women who present themselves live via Internet webcam to solicit customers to view the women naked or engaging in sexual activities. ACMs are commonly construed as trafficked pornographers or (digital) prostitutes. But, the models do not identify their work as prostitution or even as sex work; nor are they trafficked. Thus, ACMs challenge common perceptions about sex work and agency, revealing a range of possible social stigmas and self-identities associated with such work. The study goes on to a comparative exploration of several forms of sex work and presents reasons for a lack of occupational mobility within the Philippines’ sex industry for each form. In particular, because ACMs do not necessarily identify as sex workers, they are unwilling to move to other forms of sex work.

KEYWORDS:

• Philippines
• cybersex
• prostitution
• agency
• mobility
• stigma

JEL Codes:

• E26
• L84
• Z13

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to thank reviewers of this paper for their helpful comments, colleagues who have read earlier drafts, and the guest editors for their encouragement.

Notes

1 The Act, which was partly implemented in 2013, states: “The willful engagement, maintenance, control, or operation, directly or indirectly, of any lascivious exhibition of sexual organs or sexual activity, with the aid of a computer system, for favor or consideration” is considered a crime. But it is still not clear if this means cam modeling is prostitution or pornography. Prostitution is illegal in the Philippines; however, women present themselves in bars as entertainers and hostesses, and on the streets and in massage parlors as masseuses. The acceptance of these venues and activities rests with the various local authorities.

2 All personal information that would allow the identification of any person(s) described in the article has been removed. For a full account of methodology see Mathews (2010, 2015a).

3 Prostitution refers to the exchange of sexual services for money or goods and, as usually understood, refers specifically to penetrative or oral sex; it is now considered a form of sex work, covering a range of sexually orientated services and activities. However, recognizing other, various activities as “sexual” also problematizes sex work, particularly if it is mediated by technology, as ACMs illustrate.

4 Another site claims to have 15 million registered members and 100,000 models.

5 For example, models manufacture and deliver a sense of (feigned) pleasure and desire to their clients, making them feel good and even loved through performance such as acting shy, flirtatious, or desiring. They joke and laugh at clients’ comments, develop personal knowledge of and interest in regular clients, and provide information about themselves. In one case, a cam model had to pretend to be the teenage daughter of a client.

6 Despite what appears to be – and in many cases, is – a low income for some models, they enter and continue in this work because alternative options, such as other forms of sex work, are not desirable, or the models are unskilled, and other employment is either unavailable or attracts even smaller remuneration. Further, the models commonly hold the hope that they will get “lucky,” as their bosses and the site’s promotional material advocate. It is difficult to get accurate income figures because some models reveal their income from only one site, some will not reveal their income at all, and others are defensive and may inflate or deflate their income, as well as the fact that income can fluctuate wildly from model to model and temporally.

7 Peter G. Moffatt and Simon A. Peters (2004) list several determinants of pricing for sex workers: duration of the encounter, location of the service, provider’s age and characteristics, and geographic location. While these apply in the context of the Philippines, the most significant factor is not duration; a masseuse may command 1,500 pesos for a massage and hand-relief for a fixed one hour, whereas a bar-girl may spend an entire night with a client for only 4,000 pesos. Thus, the type of service provided, and its connection with the sex worker’s perception of herself and her activity, is significant.

8 Here, the models are referring to physical touching. However, technology has not made the power-laden notion of touch absent. Touch remains a part of cybersex work, of the product being sold. Customers can “touch” ACMs through text, voice, and even at the realm of fantasies and imaginings, and it can go both ways. An ACM can touch herself, and this has effects on the customer and on the ACM’s own body. Although some ACMs mentioned the emotional aspect of being “touched,” more pervasive was their dissociation of feelings from their actions; commonly their emphasis was on the work and especially the money and a separation of self from performance.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Paul William Mathews

Paul William Mathews is a sociologist and an anthropologist in Asian studies, with many years of teaching experience. He has carried out extensive fieldwork in the Philippines for the last thirty-five years in the area of health, family planning, and sexuality. He is the author of many books and articles, former Managing Editor of Pilipinas, and Secretary of the Philippines Studies Association of Australasia.