Early Childhood leisure experiences of African Nova Scotian children: the privilege of risky outdoor play

ABSTRACT

Unstructured play is fundamental for healthy child development. Research indicates that racialized children participate less in outdoor play. Limited access to outdoor spaces restricts play for Black children. This study used Critical Race and BlackCrit Theories to understand how outdoor risky play is accessed and perceived by African Nova Scotian (ANS) parents and Early Childhood Educators (ECE). Caregivers (8 ECEs and 7 parents) of ANS children aged five and under participated in semi-structured interviews. Thematic analysis of the data revealed the systemic issues restricting outdoor risky play opportunities for Black children. Hesitancy about allowing children to engage in risky play for fear of injury as well as over-surveillance were identified challenges. Additionally, access to outdoor play infrastructure was limited within many historic ANS communities. Systemic anti-Blackness influences children’s engagement in risky play limiting resources impacting play (e.g. infrastructure, safe neighbourhoods) for young African Nova Scotians.

Résumé

Le jeu non structuré est fondamental pour le développement sain de l’enfant. La recherche indique que les enfants racisés participent moins aux jeux extérieurs. L’accès limité aux espaces extérieurs restreint le jeu des enfants noirs. Cette étude s’est appuyée sur les théories critiques de la race et « BlackCrit » pour comprendre les parents afro-néo-écossais (ANS en anglais) et les éducateurs de la petite enfance (EPE) accèdent aux jeux extérieurs à risque et comment ils les perçoivent. Des fournisseurs de soins (huit EPE et sept parents) d’enfants afro-néo-écossais âgés de cinq ans et moins ont participé à des entretiens semi-structurés. L’analyse thématique des données a révélé les problèmes systémiques qui limitent les possibilités de jeux risqués à l’extérieur pour les enfants noirs. L’hésitation à laisser les enfants s’adonner à des jeux risqués par crainte de se blesser ainsi que la surveillance excessive ont été identifiées comme des défis. En outre, l’accès aux infrastructures de jeu extérieur était limité dans de nombreuses communautés afro-néo-écossaises historiques. Le racisme systémique envers les Noirs a une influence sur la participation des enfants à des jeux à risque en limitant les ressources qui ont un impact sur le jeu (par exemple, les infrastructures, les quartiers sûrs) pour les jeunes Afro-Néo-Écossais.

KEYWORDS:

• risky play
• Black children
• early childhood
• anti-blackness

MOTS-CLÉS:

• jeu à risque
• enfants noirs
• petite enfance
• racisme envers les Noirs

Introduction

Playing outdoors has always been a foundational component of the lives and development of children (Herrington & Brussoni, 2015). The opportunities for learning through supportive outdoor environments enable children’s cognitive, physical, and emotional development (Gray et al., 2015). Unstructured, or free play, is a fundamental component of leisure and offers a mechanism by which children can establish healthy physical activity behaviours and physical literacy (Gray et al., 2015; Herrington & Brussoni, 2015; Tremblay et al., 2015). Early learning environments that include outdoor spaces, serve as safe havens for younger children to play; Black children, however, have negative experiences at an early age in these spaces creating profound impacts on the wellbeing of Black children and their families (Dias & Whitaker, 2013). Early childhood education can support responsive, nurturing, and safe experiences for young children, serving as the building blocks to life-long health (National Scientific Council on the Developing Child, 2020).

Play is essential to all children’s learning and has been declared a human right (Dowdell et al., 2011; Herrington & Brussoni, 2015; Tremblay et al., 2015). Early childhood development theorists, including Piaget and Vygotsky, have established concepts associated with social interaction and play among children. Dowdell et al. (2011) note that outdoor play enables ‘open-ended opportunities for play, learning, problem-solving and developing social competence that is at times unpredictable and risky’ (p. 25). As outlined in article 31 of the UN convention, children must be entitled to play and engage in age-appropriate play (MacPherson, 1989). Despite the notion of children’s rights to play, privilege, or an unearned and unacknowledged societal advantage, does play a role in how Black children and their families experience outdoor play (Wynter-Hoyte & Smith, 2020).

Forms of play, including risky and rough-and-tumble-play, are policed when the context of Black children are centered in these forms of play (Bryan, 2021). Black children are more likely to experience increased surveillance compared to their white peers (McPherson, 2020). Subsequently, Black children may be more susceptible to discipline in early and primary school contexts from while partaking in outdoor activities (Hill, 2021; Pedroso, 2023). Additionally, whether at school or outdoors, Black children are consistently perceived as a threat (Iruka et al., 2021). Such biased perceptions have contributed to higher school expulsions, at the preschool level shaping the development of a concept known as the preschool to prison pipeline (Al-Shamma et al., 2021).

McPherson (2020) notes that the level of surveillance or policing has become a modern form of slavery, limiting Black people’s freedom to engage in leisure and for children, play. Furthermore, these compounding factors may lead to a phenomenon known as the ‘childhood of imprisonment’ (Dowdell et al., 2011). This involves lack of accessibility to play as a reality for Black children because of environmental safety, parental fears, and lack of child-friendly infrastructure (Dowdell et al., 2011). Many Black neighbourhoods face a lack of necessities and resources to ensure safe forms of recreation within their communities (Moore et al., 2008). Sidewalks, appropriately aged children’s parks, and other safety precautions such as speed bumps, are privileges that are not the norm in Black communities. Specific neighbourhoods that lack adequate infrastructure and resources for children’s safety may lessen the ‘playability’ of these environments (Aarts et al., 2012).

The purpose of this paper is to present how outdoor risky play, ‘a form of play that is thrilling and exciting, which involves uncertainty, unpredictability, and varying degrees of risk-taking’ (Lee et al., 2022, p. 12), is accessed and perceived by parents and early childhood educators (ECE) of African Nova Scotian children. The findings will help support policy decisions regarding infrastructure investments to support outdoor play in early learning environments and, by extension, community recreation spaces that offer early learning programming. Additionally, this research will provide insight into the unique implications of the perceptions of outdoor risky play for Black children and their families.

Differing perspectives on development within early childhood education have long rejected the inclusion of ‘Blackness’ in the strategies and frameworks used to teach children new forms of learning (Bryan, 2021; Escayg, 2020). Child development tends to exclude Black and Africentric conceptualizations of play and leisure, therefore, perpetuating racial and discriminatory stereotypes that devalue the lives of Black children (Boutte & Bryan, 2019; Bryan, 2021; McPherson, 2020). Black families reflected on anti-Black outdoor spaces, causing fears due to over surveillance and over policing. Furthermore, discrimination at an institutional level has resulted in the persistence of prejudice, surveillance, and stigma regarding the treatment of Black children in recreational facilities, schooling, and healthcare. The consequences that arise from these circumstances instill fear and preoccupations among parents and guardians about Black children and safe leisure (play) experiences.

The effects of social and economic discrimination are evidenced in the lack of spatialized justice and prevalence of racial infrastructure (Jean-Pierre, 2021; Moore et al., 2008). Nova Scotia continues to experience a deficit in support allocated for Black communities, who continue to be under resourced with limited access to initiatives to improve the quality of life of Black families and communities (Bernard & Bonner, 2013; Sehatzadeh, 2008). Black families, and children then, are often less likely to be afforded opportunities for play and leisure (Dias & Whitaker, 2013; Ray, 2017). Consequently, health and wellbeing are also affected by the lack of opportunity to engage in safe forms of exercise and social connection.

Research context

Nova Scotia (NS) is home to the largest Indigenous Black population in Canada, with families arriving more than 400 years ago (Black Cultural Centre of Nova Scotia, 2021). For the purposes of this paper, the term African Nova Scotian (ANS) describes individuals who self-identify as descendants of Black Loyalists, Jamaican Maroons, Black Refugees, and Caribbean workers that settled in Cape Breton (Black Cultural Centre of Nova Scotia, 2021). They represent 44% of the racially visible population in NS and constitute 2.3% of the total provincial population. Over 77% of ANS people have resided in NS for three or more generations, with roots in 52 identified ANS communities (Black Cultural Centre of Nova Scotia, 2021). ANS people have faced countless levels of mistreatment and marginalization. Jean-Pierre (2021) notes that the lack of resources and provisions for these communities, manifesting as a form of spatial segregation, worsens Black children’s wellbeing.

With an extensive history beyond four hundred years, with rich contributions to the establishment of the province (Hamilton-Hinch et al., 2021), ANS peoples were not afforded the royalties for their longstanding contributions. Instead, they face generational racism and discrimination ingrained into social systems. Consequently, historic ANS communities have faced inequitable support for their children from established governmental social systems for education, health care, and social services (Hamilton-Hinch et al., 2021). ANS children specifically As a whole, Anti-Black racism continues to manifest in ANS communities through limitations on publicly available resources, environmental racism, and segregation (Jean-Pierre, 2021; Sehatzadeh, 2008). The role that racism plays in understanding children’s access to outdoor play is under explored. Thus, an amalgamation of Critical Race Theory and Black Critical Theory frameworks were used to explore and thematically analyze the risky outdoor play experiences of Black children through the lens of their caregivers.

Theoretical framework

Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Black Critical Theory (BlackCrit) informed this qualitative research project. CRT, conceptualized within legal research in the late 1970s (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017), seeks to understand racism and oppression and the ways race and power are constructed and reproduced (Crenshaw et al., 1995). It is a theoretical framework and analytic lens that can be used to demystify prevailing social inequities facing racialized peoples. This framework’s relevance to systems and research related to education was introduced in 1995 by Ladson-Billings and Tate. Ladson-Billings and Tate emphasize the educational institution as a site of white dominance and racial oppression (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). More recently, Dumas and Ross (2016) theorized a Black Critical Theory (BlackCrit) in the field of education within, and in response to, CRT. BlackCrit seeks to understand how policies and institutional practices reproduce Black suffering. Black Critical Theory moves beyond CRT to centralize anti-Blackness and understand its manifestations in institutional practice (Dumas & Ross, 2016). BlackCrit is another analytical tool to help explain how and why Black bodies remain ‘marginalized, disregarded, and disdained’ (p.417) even in spaces such as the field of education, where the dominant narrative celebrates uniqueness and diversity (Dumas & Ross, 2016). Although scholars across disciplines have developed a variety of assumptions central to CRT and BlackCrit, this study centres on five framing ideas, namely: i.) Anti-Black racism is endemic and foundational within all social, economic, historical, and cultural spaces; ii.) Claims of neutrality, objectivity, colour-evasiveness, and meritocracy are futile in the fight for equity; iii.) Experiential knowledge and storytelling are essential forms of data; iv.) The counternarrative, and v.) The focus must remain on the pursuit of social justice.

Methods

Inclusion criteria

Participants were eligible if they lived and/or worked in an urban or rural community in the province of Nova Scotia, Canada. Parent participants were eligible to participate in an interview if they were parents of an ANS child between 18 months and five years of age. In addition to lineage, indicators of connection may include but are not limited to being born or raised in Nova Scotia; residing in or having family in an indigenous Black community; self-identifying as Indigenous Black/ANS, and more. ECEs were eligible to participate if they self-identified as having significant experience working with young African Nova Scotian children (18 months to five years of age) or in an ANS community. ECEs were employed in either a childcare centre, family home day care, or a Pre-primary Program.

Participants

Participants included both parents (n = 7) and early childhood educators (n = 8) who participated in a broader qualitative study conducted in 2021 that examined the experiences of early childhood among ANS children living in communities experiencing an opportunity gap. See Table 1 for demographic information. All parents identified their children as ANS, with all children being born in Nova Scotia and/or having historic roots in the province. Parents included six biological mothers and one biological father. Five parents were of African descent and two were white. All parents lived in an urban area. Seven ECEs identified as women, and one ECE identified as a man. Four ECEs were of African descent, four were white. Years of experience ranged from less than one to 20-plus years (M = 11 years). Two ECEs were practicing in a rural area.

Table 1. Demographic information of participants included in the study.

	Early Childhood Educators (ECE)				Parents
ECE Pseudonym	Racial Identity	Years of Experience	Area of Work	Parent Pseudonym	Relation-ship	Community	Parent Racial Identity
Deandra	Black	20+	Preston Township	Imani	Mother	Halifax	Black
Olivia	white	Less than 1	Halifax	Michelle	Mother	Preston Township	Black
Sue	Black	20+	Preston Township	Kiyana	Mother	Hammonds Plains	Black
Jade	Biracial	1	Halifax	Jasmine	Mother	Halifax	white
Carter	Biracial	20+	Halifax	Aaliyah	Mother	Halifax	Black
Megan	white	10+	Antigonish	Alicia	Mother	Halifax	white
Rebecca	white	Less than 1	Truro	David	Father	Halifax	Black
Hannah	white	15	Halifax

Data collection procedure

Ethics was received from respective university boards. The research team recruited participants through social media and community organizations (e.g. family resource centres, childcare centres, libraries, family home daycare agencies) in the Halifax Regional Municipality. Methods included sending electronic study posters out through community list-servs, newsletters, social media, and leaving hard-copy poster or information cards in their common spaces. Before conducting formal interviews, community partners identified through existing relationships of some of the team members, were consulted to evaluate the interview guide and provide feedback on the proposed questions. Participants were asked to contact the research team directly by email or phone to express their interest. A research team member met with prospective participants over email/the phone to establish informed consent. Qualitative, in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted in 2021 through Microsoft Teams (n = 3), over the phone (n = 11), or in-person (n = 1), adhering to institutional COVID-19 guidelines for data collection. Examples of interview questions for parents that were asked included questions about parent’s perceptions of their children’s play, play activities their children most enjoy, and the type of risky play that their children engage in; interview questions for ECEs included how they observe ANS children in their programs respond to play based approaches and any perceived challenges or barriers. Participants chose the method of interview and spoke to a trained research staff member. Verbal consent was obtained before conducting each interview. Interviews lasted between 30 and 90 minutes and were conducted between June and December 2021. Participants were compensated with a $40 gift card.

Positionality

The team of researchers consisted of six individuals. Two of the three principal investigators self-identified as ANS women, the other a white woman. The remaining members consisted of one white woman with a child of African descent, one Afro-Latina woman, and one male of African descent.

Analysis

All interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed verbatim, and verified by a second reviewer. Reflexive thematic analysis as described by Braun and Clarke was used to guide the analytic process (Braun & Clarke, 2019). Drawing on inductive and deductive approaches, three reviewers read a sample of transcripts, memoed, and developed a codebook collaboratively. Key tenets of Critical Race Theory and Black Critical Theory, most notable that anti-Black racism is endemic within all social structures, were reviewed by the coders and were closely considered as codes were developed for the codebook. Example codes included: intergenerational racism, barriers to outdoor risky play, underfunding in historically Black communities, childcare centre attitudes to equity, diversity, and inclusion, and racial discrimination in healthcare. After piloting and adjusting the codebook, reviewers coded several transcripts as a group to ensure inter-rater reliability. An additional several transcripts were coded by two reviewers before the remaining transcripts were coded individually. The research team met virtually and used Google JamBoard to review codes merge prevalent ideas. Themes and sub-themes were created based on collapsed codes and decided on as a research team.

Results

The results from this study identified several factors that impact leisure and outdoor play among ANS children. Three key themes were identified through a CRT and BlackCrit lens, focusing on outdoor and risky play for ANS children. As a story telling method, quotes as themes are used to reflect participant’s experiences, stories, and perceptions and thus aligning with framing ideas that guided this study. Three key themes were identified in this study: 1) Valuing Outdoor Play:‘He just loves playing, getting dirty’; 2) Anti-Black Outdoor Spaces:‘A fear of that extra policing’; and 3) Under-resourced Black Communities:‘There’s no place around here for my kids to play’.

Valuing outdoor play: “he just loves playing, getting dirty”

Participants discussed the importance of play to their personal upbringing as well as for overall child development. Families and ECEs in ANS communities spoke fondly about their own experiences with outdoor play as young children. Participants described personal experiences growing up in Black communities, where unsupervised, free play was encouraged and normalized. Deandra, a Black ECE, shared reflections from her childhood growing up in a historic ANS community and the independence she experienced as a child, saying, ‘We stayed out until the streetlights came on’. Most families with young ANS children prioritized outdoor playtime noting it was beneficial for their children. Parents described the joy their families experienced when spending time outdoors. In describing her son’s love for play, Aaliyah, a Black mother stated,

Yeah, I definitely think outdoor play is important, […] he loves it outside and he loves just playing, getting dirty […] Even just at home when he’s just watching, he goes to the door, gets his coat, and his boots, and kind of just looks at me.

ECEs in Black communities well understood the benefits of risky play and its importance for child development and confidence. Sue, an experienced Black ECE in a Black community, described some of its benefits:

For risky play, it’s not just about, you know, learning how to climb, it’s more about the friendships that you can make. The social skills and life skills are involved in a lot of that stuff, but it’s more about connecting with others.

Recently trained ECEs were familiar with the benefits of outdoor and risky play, as it has become a larger component of early childhood education and were keen to see more of it in their centres. Several parents recognized the importance of risky play, too. Aaliyah (Black mother) said, ‘I definitely feel like it is important for them to, you know, take risks and play, how they want to and kind of learn from the consequences to a certain extent’. Though risky outdoor play was viewed as advantageous, there were recognized complications.

Anti-black outdoor spaces: “A fear of that extra policing”

Parents and ECEs shared their concerns about allowing their children to engage in risky play. Participants across communities spoke about the fear Black families and Black ECEs experience when ANS children engage in risky play due to the potential injuries and the consequences that follow. While ECEs were aware of the benefits of risky play and current trends in early childhood education, they mentioned the unique challenges this has for Black children and their families, who were described to be highly scrutinized. Black ECEs shared the history of over-surveillance on Black parents through child protective services and the medical system. Deandra (Black ECE) explained,

They’re gonna get hovered over if they go to the [children’s hospital], and we’ve had situations in the past where the mom would call me and say, ‘The social worker is gonna call you and you need to let them know that this happened at daycare’, so yeah there is a fear of that extra policing.

Michelle, a Black mother, further elaborated on the biases healthcare providers may hold, and how they impact Black families engaging with the health system:

Definitely people assuming that an injury might’ve come from elsewhere like physical abuse or neglect at home or something. Having to like prove that like okay yes it really happened here or doing this and not from this. So, I […] would be concerned about CPS [Child Protective Services]—it’s really sensitive.

These biases and stereotypes were described as contributing to the high anxiety levels among parents of Black children. Aaliyah (Black parent) spoke about her apprehensions,

That idea of having, just being like a Black parent, going to the hospital, and then, it kind of just makes me think, like, ‘I’m gonna have to explain myself’, and you know ‘how did he get hurt’ and them questioning me.

David, a Black father, described the inner conflict he felt around promoting risky play with his children. He recognized the value of risky play but was acutely aware of the added scrutiny Black families face and the context in which their children’s injuries can be perceived:

I don’t believe that is something that we should be looking at to control as parents; we should really let the children play let them sort things out on their own. But at the same time, I am hyper-vigilant and hyper-aware of the context in which we exist that this simple form of practice in risky play could be perceived as something else outside the home.

There was an obvious tension between the benefits and the costs for parents and ECEs when it comes to supporting Black children’s engagement in outdoor risky play. This was described as being further impacted by the availability of resources in their communities.

Under-resourced black communities: “there’s no place around here for my kids to play”

Both parents and ECEs stated that access to outdoor play spaces was limited in many historic ANS communities, often due to their isolation and underfunding. Participants discussed that many historic ANS communities had not seen the same infrastructure upgrades and amenities that other communities throughout the province have had, such as playgrounds, recreation centres, and parks. Rebecca, a white ECE, described the only park in the rural Black community where she works, ‘Yeah, it’s just like one big gravel loop around a big pond is all that it is. There’s no – yeah—no there’s no like playground or anything for like young children to really engage in’. Jasmine, a white mother, who lives in a historic Black community, felt similarly, stating, ‘there’s no place around here for my kids to play’. Other necessities were missing from communities, critical for family safety like the unavailability or inaccessibility of sidewalks, dangerous neighbourhood speed limits, and proximity to highways.

Michelle (Black mother) described the safety concerns she had about her community, ‘They’ve been working on trying to get the streets widened, like it’s not safe to walk, it’s pretty much a really busy highway basically going right through the [community]’. Elaborating further on her concerns, Michelle explained that the limited walkability of her community meant that families who wanted to access leisure or recreation spaces outside of their immediate neighbourhoods were dependent on vehicular transit, as walking was unsafe:

For those that may live at the beginning of (community) they may not be able to get to you know—because of course it’s not safe to walk on the highway, so if they don’t have a vehicle, the odds of them getting to that playground are pretty slim.

This vehicle dependency was further compounded by ineffective public transportation within and outside the community. Buses ran only once every hour and had limited routes. Michelle (Black mother) said, ‘The bus routes don’t really run, you know, frequently out here. It might be once an hour, once every hour during rush hour’. Because of this, families who could afford a car had greater access to play opportunities and outdoor spaces than those who were dependent on transit. This aspect was described as leaving more families who are socioeconomically disadvantaged feeling particularly isolated and neglected.

Discussion

In this study, ECEs and parents acknowledged the importance of outdoor risky play through reflecting on how current ideologies, practices, and stereotypes prevent ANS children from meaningful opportunities to engage in play. This reinforces earlier research that states that children’s ability to engage in risky and outdoor play spaces is influenced by systemic anti-Blackness (Iruka et al., 2021; McPherson, 2020). It was clear in this study that barriers of play were rooted in these systemic biases and promoted isolation, a lack of attention, and insufficient resource allocation for ANS communities (Bernard & Bonner, 2013; Sehatzadeh, 2008; Waldron, 2016). The findings of the current study also highlight that Black children living in historic ANS communities have not been afforded the same funding and infrastructure upgrades compared to other (predominantly white) communities in the same province. The lack of equitable resources and infrastructure has reinforced the concept of spatialized discrimination among children in the context of leisure (Iruka et al., 2021). Iruka et al. (2021) note that current literature fails to identify the impact of segregation on child development and this study provides insight into the ways Black communities are disproportionately impacted.

Within ANS communities, longstanding barriers exist that impede providing children with the best opportunities to thrive in an environment that historically has not supported Black people (Bernard & Bonner, 2013; Jean-Pierre, 2021; Sehatzadeh, 2008). The extent of neglect is reflected by the alarming health and well-being statistics currently affecting these communities (Kisely et al., 2008). There has been a clear opportunity gap in the education of Black children alongside of disparities in physical literacy and outdoor play compared to their peers in early childhood environments (Hamilton-Hinch et al., 2021; Iruka et al., 2021). Additional research is needed to illustrate the complexity to the conceptions of play and leisure for Black children, including the unique ANS population.

Black children are affected at multiple levels from a socio-ecological perspective (i.e. micro/individual, meso/community, exo/institutional, and macro/systemic system). A recent study demonstrates that children’s play is affected at many ecological levels of influence (MacQuarrie et al., 2022). At the micro-level, a child’s social environment is most impacted by what they have direct contact with such as their parents, teachers, peers, and available opportunities for play. Parents and teachers will influence a child’s opportunity for outdoor and risky play by judging their size, age, and overall comfort (MacQuarrie et al., 2022). The interactions between the factors within the microsystem will be presented in the meso-system. How children interact with their peers is present here; additionally, teachers may defer to parents’ requests when it comes to outdoor play. At the exosystem level, the child’s play is impacted by factors beyond the immediate environment and therefore outside of their control such as safety, location, and living conditions. Other societal factors occurring at the macrosystem level, such as weather, culture, and broader perceptions of play affect children as well (MacQuarrie et al., 2022). However, in the context of Black children, race and racism permeates play experiences at each level which is an under-explored and essential perspective that needs to be further studied. Additional research that further explores outdoor play through Critical Race and BlackCrit theoretical lenses will ensure that the impact of race and racism is examined at multi-levels.

Play has been considered a human right for all children (MacPherson, 1989). However, Eurocentric conceptions of learning and development have limited our understanding of risky play and the specific experiences of racialized children in their play spaces in Nova Scotia (Boutte & Bryan, 2019; Escayg, 2020; Kinard et al., 2021; Wynter-Hoyte & Smith, 2020). Eurocentric ideals have standardized learning and play, creating expectations deemed as socially acceptable. However, these systems disproportionately impact the lives of Black children, specifically by defining what appropriate play entails (Boutte & Bryan, 2019; Bryan, 2020). Black children have been penalized for their leisure behaviours when they are in contradiction to what is considered mainstream. For example, in the current study, the fear and discomfort that families experienced largely stemmed from the over-policing they knew they would experience in hospital settings if their children got injured. The presence of Black children in white spaces has contributed to the dehumanization, criminalization, and adultification of innocent Black children (Boutte & Bryan, 2019; Bryan, 2021; Gilmore & Bettis, 2021). As such, much of the research related to the importance of risky play has centred middle class white children in urban areas leaving the experiences of Black child unaccounted for. Our study counters this discourse and provides an opportunity to explore risky play through a different lens.

While emerging areas of play, including risky outdoor play, are becoming popularized within a European context, the trending focus on risky outdoor play within the early childhood community has not considered the historical connections of Black communities to outdoor learning, nor the contemporary challenges that relate to racism, including over surveillance of Black children and lack of safe outdoor spaces. Such a narrow lens discriminates against and threatens the ability of Black children to occupy spaces that were once dedicated to all forms of play.

Creating new learning frameworks has become more of a priority to ensure that the learning and development of children are inclusive and anti-racist. Africentric conceptualizations of play have become a crucial framework for inclusion (Dumas & Ross, 2016; Wynter-Hoyte & Smith, 2020). As Wynter-Hoyte and Smith (2020) note, Africentrism disrupts the pervasiveness of ‘whiteness’ in leisure spaces and provides an opportunity to embrace the beauty and brilliance of Black children. These frameworks provide culturally informed guidance that allows Black children to flourish and build a sense of identity (Dumas & Ross, 2016; Wynter-Hoyte & Smith, 2020). Black children must be provided with these foundations to be equipped with the knowledge and tools needed to thrive.

Our study reiterated these disparities as participants articulated lack of accessibility due to limited public transportation, safe speed limits, sidewalks, and playgrounds. A lack of literature on Critical Racial Theory and the Anti-Black experiences of children in early childhood development is consistent with the western ‘out of sight, out of mind philosophy’ (Bryan, 2021; Dumas & Ross, 2016; Gilmore & Bettis, 2021). The simultaneous echoing of Eurocentric conceptualizations while silencing the Black experience cements the challenges imposed upon Black children’s lives with leisure and outdoor play. These conceptualizations illegitimate Black experiences while establishing a space of assumed neutrality within children’s spaces (Gilmore & Bettis, 2021). As such, play and recreation have become a problematized concept when the experiences of Black children with risky and outdoor play are explored in Canadian society.

Strengths and limitations

Although this project serves as an instrumental step toward advancing our understanding of leisure and play in Black communities, there are limitations related to the sample which included mostly women and was focused within one Canadian province. As our research was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, we were limited in our ability to recruit a more diverse range of parents due to the online recruitment methods. Therefore, we may have missed parents that did not have reliable internet service. Future studies about Black children and outdoor play in the context of early learning spaces should purposefully recruit more Black fathers and Black ECEs and those with diverse lived experiences to enhance our understanding. Additionally, focusing on young Black children’s perspectives about their experiences as it relates to play in various settings including educational settings is an area for future exploration. Nevertheless, this study provides an important qualitative investigation revealing some factors that influence meaningful opportunities for Black children to engage in outdoor and risky play.

This study has highlighted key challenges prevalent in ANS communities. Increased awareness of the lack of opportunities and infrastructure available for Black children has increased attention to the negative implications on their health and wellbeing. Black children are vulnerable to health deficits and other challenges with their development. Additional efforts must account for the barriers that limit recreational opportunities for them. Furthermore, research within this area should account for racialized infrastructure and societal disparities that continue to impact those communities.

Conclusion

In summary, the results from this study stress the importance of play for ANS children’s development and learning. Additionally, this study supports the importance of identifying systemic inequities in ANS communities and the need for transformative change that best addresses the needs of Black children, their families, and caregivers. While this study was centred in early learning environments, the results of this study can be extended to recreation spaces that provide programming for children in their early years. There are infrastructure gaps that need to be filled that will improve physical and cultural safety of Black children, such as partnerships with communities to develop early childhood programs and recreation spaces to improve access to risky play. Partnerships can address the challenges of being under resourced.

As an example, in the province where this research occurred, partnerships with municipalities or not-for profit organizations that have prioritized anti-racism and discrimination could reinforce the change that is needed in community. The ‘Framework for Anti-Black Racism Strategy and Action Plan Development’ by the Halifax Regional Council has Community Empowerment as one of its goals (Halifax Regional Council, 2021). Recreation Nova Scotia’s ‘Anti-Racism Charter in Recreation’ aims to support change and create culturally safe spaces for Black children (Recreation Nova Scotia, 2022). This document outlines practical tools, actions, and commitments to combat anti-Black racism in recreation spaces (Recreation Nova Scotia, 2022).

Professional development must be provided to support all those that provide early childhood programming. This includes considerations of programs that are anti-racist and culturally responsive as well as having diverse staff that reflect children and communities. Furthermore, healthcare professionals have a responsibility to acknowledge anti-Black racism in order to dismantle it in this system (Dryden & Nnorom, 2021). The first critical step is to provide training to healthcare in anti-Black racism and anti-oppression (Dryden & Nnorom, 2021). Organizations, institutions, and other infrastructure must consider the external factors that limit the physical literacy and development of Black children. Addressing these needs will enable the development of a new lens by which Black children can be afforded free forms of expression and play.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Correction Statement

This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

Additional information

Funding

This study was funded by an Inter-University Research Network award from the Nova Scotia Department of Education and Early Childhood Development and was undertaken, in part, thanks to funding from the Canada Research Chairs program.

Notes on contributors

Crystal Watson

Crystal Watson (she/her) is a doctoral candidate in the Faculty of Health at Dalhousie University studying the outdoor play experiences of Black girls. She is also a recreation professional and a postsecondary administrator. She is a Black scholar and research associate with On These Shoulders Research Collaborative, a center that is dedicated to evidenced research with marginalized communities and is grounded in equity and community empowerment.

Emma Stirling Cameron

Emma Stirling Cameron (she/they) is a doctoral student in the Department of Population and Public Health at the University of British Columbia and graduate research assistant at the Centre for Gender and Sexual Health Equity. She holds a master’s degree in health promotion from Dalhousie University. Emma is a critical, mixed-methods researcher with a program of research that focuses on health equity, with an emphasis on refugee and migrant health. She has experience parenting a child of African descent, which has influenced her research practices, methodologies, and interests. Emma is a white settler of European ancestry currently residing on the traditional and unceded territories of the xwməθkwəy̓ əm (Musqueam), Sḵwx̱ wÚ7mesh (Squamish) and Səlílwətaɬ(Tsleil-Waututh) Nations.

Nicholas Hickens

Nicholas Hickens (he/him) is a healthcare professional of Caribbean descent with experience in various research and health-related initiatives. He has an educational background in applied human nutrition, biochemistry, and biological and applied sciences. He is a McCall McBain and Rhodes Foundation finalist scholar, and a candidate in Family medicine at McGill university. His research interests include chronic diseases and infections in primary care, the optimization and management of healthcare systems, public health ethics, decolonization of healthcare, and empowering the well-being of marginalized and vulnerable populations.

Milena Pimentel

Milena Pimentel (she/her) is a student at Mount Saint Vincent University pursuing her bachelor of arts in child and youth study. Her research interests include culturally responsive pedagogy, antiracist frameworks in early childhood education, and social and emotional development of young children. As the daughter of immigrant parents, originally from Brazil, living in Bermuda as an Afro-Latina, many of her childhood experiences inform her research interests.

Barb Hamilton-Hinch

Dr. Barb Hamilton-Hinch (she/her) is an associate professor in the School of Health and Human Performance and the assistant vice-provost, equity, diversity, and inclusion, at Dalhousie University. She is co-team lead for the Improving the Health Outcomes of People of African Descent Research Flagship with the Healthy Populations Institute, a research associate with On These Shoulders Research Collaborative, one of the founders of Imhotep Legacy Academy, co-chair of Promoting Leadership in Health for African Nova Scotians, and a member of the Black Health Education Collaborative Steering Committee. Her work examines the impact of structural, systemic, and institutional racism on diverse populations, particularly people of African descent. Dr. Hamilton-Hinch is from the historic African Nova Scotian communities of Beechville and Cherry Brook.

Jessie-Lee D. McIsaac

Dr. Jessie-Lee D. McIsaac (she/her) is an assistant professor within the Faculty of Education and Department of Child and Youth Study at Mount Saint Vincent University. She holds a Tier II Canada Research Chair in early childhood (diversity and transitions) and directs the Early Childhood Collaborative Research Centre, which engages families, as well as partners in policy and practice, in research to enhance early childhood well-being. As a white scholar, and a settler of European descent, Dr. McIsaac is interested in sharing stories from communities that enable culturally safe and responsive environments for families with young children. Email: [email protected]