Primeval and scenic: ways of seeing Swedish national park forests as arenas for experiences enabled by the Swedish Tourist Association’s yearbooks (1886–2013)

ABSTRACT

This article extends insights into the discourse on Swedish forests as arenas for experiences by unravelling, making visible, and problematizing how ways of seeing such forests have been constructed over time. This is investigated concerning the Swedish national parks, which have offered tourists experiences of forest milieus since the early 1900s. Representations in the Swedish Tourist Association’s yearbooks published between 1886 and 2013 are analyzed to get hold of ways of seeing. Through the analysis, two ways of seeing are identified: 1) primeval national park forests as arenas for experiences, and 2) scenic national park forests as arenas for experiences. Primeval forests are represented with old, wild, pristine, and inaccessible qualities, offering tourists experiences of forests far away from humanity, where time has remained still. Scenic forests are constructed to have aesthetic, grand, and calming qualities that create feelings among tourists of being in a beautiful, outstanding, and safe place. Both ways of seeing contain traces of romanticism, which indicates that they represent and communicate meanings of the Romantic movement of the late 1700s and early 1800s.

Résumé

Cet article explore le discours sur les forêts suédoises en tant que lieux d’expériences en éclaircissant, illustrant et nuançant la manière dont ces perceptions se sont construites au fil du temps. L’étude en question porte sur les parcs nationaux suédois, qui offrent aux touristes des expériences en milieu forestier depuis le début des années 1900. L’analyze qui s’y rattache repose sur les annales de l’Association suédoise du tourisme publiées entre 1886 et 2013. Elle met en lumière deux types de perception: 1) forêts vierges des parcs nationaux comme lieux d’expérience, et 2) forêts pittoresques des parcs nationaux comme lieux d’expérience. Les forêts vierges sont représentées par des qualités de nature ancienne, sauvage, originelle et inaccessible, offrant aux touristes des expériences en forêt loin de l’humanité, là où le temps s’est arrêté. Les forêts pittoresques sont illustrées par des qualités esthétiques, grandioses et apaisantes, qui confèrent aux touristes le sentiment d’être dans un endroit magnifique, exceptionnel et sécuritaire.

KEYWORDS:

• nature-based tourism
• visual culture
• woods
• discourse
• recreation

MOTS-CLÉS:

• tourisme en nature
• culture visuelle
• forêts
• discours
• recréation

Introduction

The Swedish forests have a long tradition of hosting several interests (Zhang et al., 2022), but during the beginning of the nineteenth century, these multiple orientations shifted towards a narrower industrial use, focused primarily on producing timber (Eliasson, 2002). As part of that shift, Sweden developed an identity as a ‘forest nation’ that provides raw materials to different industries (Eliasson, 2002; Enander, 2007b). This industrial orientation intensified when the Second World War ended (Sandström & Sténs, 2015), and today, producing timber is still an essential part of the Swedish forests’ role. However, other interests and uses have again gained emphasis as the interest in multifunctional forestry increases (Zhang et al., 2022).

In the Strategy for Sweden’s National Forest Programme (The Swedish Government, 2018), the forests are considered a ‘green gold’ crucial for Sweden’s transformation from an oil-based to a fossil-free nation. The strategy describes that Sweden shall lead the way for other countries in such a transformation, which should be done through multifunctional forestry where the forests can host sustainable forestry and be preserved. In a Swedish context, multifunctional forestry is approached as forestry where more interests than traditional wood production are involved. Examples could include nature-based tourism, nature conservation, hunting, non-profit association life (Nordström et al., 2020), recreational opportunities, and biodiversity maintenance (Eggers et al., 2019).

Several of these interests have developed parallel throughout history and focus on letting people explore the woods. For example, the organized outdoor life, recreational activities, and the tourism industry were established during the beginning of the 1900s and were seen as important for the Swedish national identity (Fredman & Sandell, 2014; Norman, 2014). Around a hundred years later, the number of people who visit a Swedish forest for experiences is now increasing (Norman, 2014; Sténs, 2014). This is something that several forest organizations have emphasized, not least by referring to ‘forest experience values’ [Swedish: skogliga upplevelsevärden], which are described as part of the forests’ social values constructed by people’s experiences of the woods (The Swedish Forest Agency, 2015).

The Swedish Forest Agency (2020) and The Swedish Government (2018) explain that forest experiences are part of the forests’ ecosystem services, which have the potential to improve people’s quality of life and health simultaneously as they are essential for the forest industry’s entrepreneurship concerning tourism and recreation. It is also emphasized that experience-oriented forests are part of Sweden’s transformation towards becoming a non-fossil nation and that such forests can generate other incomes for forest owners than the more traditional ones (The Swedish Government, 2018, 2022). Additionally, the Swedish Forest Agency has developed several supporting documents for forest owners interested in forest experiences (The Swedish Forest Agency, 2015, 2016, 2020).

In other words, opportunities for people to experience Swedish forests for recreational purposes are currently considered to play a central part in the country’s multifunctional forestry and transformation towards sustainability. Despite this, the social values of forests are simultaneously the least developed and researched aspects of such transformations (Sténs et al., 2016). To support the development of sustainable multifunctional forestry in addressing current and future environmental changes, there is a need for research that widens the scope beyond economic dimensions and technological solutions (Lindahl et al., 2017), which brings cultural and social dimensions into focus.

Research on the experiential aspects of forests was sparse up until around ten years ago and had, up until then, mainly focused on North American perspectives (S. Bell & Petursson, 2009). Since then, there has been an increase in Swedish studies. Together, the international and national research has provided important knowledge on subjects such as the aesthetic dimensions of experiences of forests (Sténs, 2014), how to measure the experience values of forests (Jin & Chen, 2021), factors that increase and/or decrease forest experience values (Norman, 2014), and what impact experiences of forests can have on people’s health (Annerstedt et al., 2010; Doimo et al., 2020; Norman et al., 2010). These studies have a contemporary approach, while little attention has been directed toward the past.

Since present discourses around modern phenomena, such as approaching forests as arenas for experiences, have evolved from past contexts, it is crucial to investigate past representations to understand present ones (see Burke, 2019; Foucault, 1991, 1994). Grounded in this, I focus this article on extending insights into the discourse on Swedish forests as arenas for experiences by unravelling, making visible, and problematizing how ways of seeing them have been constructed over time. By discourse, I refer to ‘meaning-making assemblages of representations that give meaning to social and physical realities’ (Fälton & Hedrén, 2020, p. 9) by constructing how we understand and address certain phenomena. To trace the discourse, I analyze an empirical material that enables me to unravel it more than a hundred years ago – the yearbooks of the Swedish Tourist Association (henceforth STA). To delimit the study, I focus on a kind of nature-based tourism destination that has existed since the early 1900s and offers tourists experiences of forests – the Swedish national parks.

Methodology

Zooming in on Swedish national park forests through the yearbooks of the STA

Today, there are 30 national parks in Sweden (Figure 1), which are said to offer tourists unique experiences of milieus, such as forests (Fälton, 2021c). During the last two decades, the interest in nature-based tourism in the Swedish national parks has increased (Lundmark & Stjernström, 2009). and several initiatives have been introduced to make them more tourism-oriented (Fälton, 2021c). For example, a cohesive brand and identity have been designed to attract more tourists and illustrate what they can experience in the parks (SEPA, 2011a, 2011b, 2012).

Figure 1. This is a map of the geographical locations of Sweden’s national parks. The golden stars with the numbers point out the parks’ geographical locations. This map has been designed by the Swedish Environmental Agency and is used for marketing purposes (SEPA, 2023).

In marketing materials, several parks are portrayed with an emphasis on their forests. On the official visitor website, for example, the digital visitor is promised experiences of ‘a magical forest’ in Norra Kvill National Park (SEPA, 2022b), ‘the beautiful primeval forest’ in Björnlandet National Park (SEPA, 2022a), and the ‘lush deciduous forests’ in Söderåsen National Park (SEPA, 2022c). The first Swedish national parks were established in 1909 (Lundgren, 2009) and the initialidea was to make them function as nature conservation institutions and arenas for tourists to experience (Fälton, 2021c). The Swedish nature conservation movement (Lundgren, 2009) and the Swedish tourism movement (through the STA) were involved in that endeavour. Both movements developed during the late 1800s (Lundgren, 2009) and collaborated to make the first park establishments possible (Lundgren, 2009, 2011). Even though the STA was involved, it was not an environmental organization. Instead, its primary goal was to make different milieus, such as mountains and forests, more accessible for people to explore as tourists (Enander, 2007a). Therefore, the STA has published travel information about the parks to notify tourists about possible experiences since the first park establishments until today (Fälton, 2021c).

A major amount of that information has been spread through the association’s yearbooks, which remind of guidebooks presenting potential itineraries to tourists. The first edition was published around 20 years before the first park establishments, in 1886. Since then, the association has published one yearbook per year until 2013, when the production stopped. Before the first parks were established, several yearbooks contained information about areas that later became national parks, which implies that they compose an empirical context that enables me totrace ways of seeing Swedish national park forests as arenas for experiences over more than a hundred years back in time, thus contributing to understanding how the discourse on Swedish forests as arenas for experiences has been constructed over time.

Analytical focus: ways of seeing to get insights into the discourse

To get insights into the discourse on Swedish forests as arenas for experiences through the lens of national parks, I zoom in on ways of seeing. It is a central analytical concept within visual cultural studies, which addresses how we as humans comprehend and approach phenomena in our societies that are visually embodied (Fälton, 2021c; Hooper-Greenhill, 2000; Mirzoeff, 2015). In other words, visual culture studies centre around how the visual is part of our cultural and social lives and vice versa (Mirzoeff, 2013; Mitchell, 2002). It could be seen as a branch within ‘cultural studies’ (Aiello & Parry, 2020) that emphasizes the importance of researching contemporary and historical visual dimensions (Mirzoeff, 2015) while incorporating visual empirical materials (Rose, 2017).

As part of that endeavour, the concept of ways of seeing is used to problematize and analyze how certain parts of human societies perceive or have perceived different visually grounded phenomena and how discourses enable, compose, and permit those specific perceptions (Fälton, 2021c). I use the term with inspiration from Berger (1972). With a focus on art, he discusses how the meanings of a painting or other artworks are influenced by the historical, cultural, and social context in which they are created, circulated, and viewed. He also argues that our visual cultures are productive, meaning that the entities and other phenomena included within a certain visual culture are not objective representations of reality but constructed representations influenced by ideologies, norms, and discourses.

Even though the concept of ways of seeing might give the impression that it deals with how we physically see with our eyes, focusing on ways of seeing from a visual cultural approach instead pays interest in epistemologies and ontologies (Berger, 1972). It approaches seeing as a process in which more sensory feedback than those from the eyes are involved and contends that people do not actually ‘see’ with their eyes but rather with their brains (Hooper-Greenhill, 2000; Mirzoeff, 2015). This implies that, in contrast to traditional understandings of seeing as objective and inborn (Hentschel, 2014; Jenks, 1995), seeing from a visual cultural approach is understood as something socially constructed that we learn to do (Berger, 1972; Cronin, 2011; Fälton, 2021c; Mirzoeff, 2015).

Thus, I approach ways of seeing as processes concerned with ‘how we see, how we are able, allowed, or made to see, and how we see this seeing and the unseeing therein’ (Foster, 1998, p. ix). In other words, I understand seeing as cultivated and taught rather than inborn and objective (Berger, 1972; Hooper-Greenhill, 2000; Mirzoeff, 2015; Mitchell, 2002). As Hooper-Greenhill (2000, p. 15) explains, ‘seeing is related both to what is known and what counts as available to be observed. What is seen depends on who is looking, at what, in which site’. From this perspective, it becomes crucial to address what we make of what we see and how our seeing is constructed by our worldviews, understandings, and previous experiences (Mirzoeff, 2015). As I indicated concerning my aim, ways of seeing can be understood as one of those components that compose discourses. Through the discourses’ construction of truth regimes and social rules (Foucault, 1991, 1994), the foundations of the ways of seeing are constructed, controlled, and upheld (Fälton, 2021c). This indicates that analyzing ways of seeing is also a way of getting insights into the discourses that shape them.

One reason why it is relevant to focus on ways of seeing while researching the discourse on Swedish forests as arenas for experiences is the visual orientation of visitors’ experiences of forest landscapes, which previous research has underlined as central (Fälton, 2021a, 2021b, 2021c; Sténs, 2014). In general, being able to gaze toward views and consume destinations visually is a central part of being a tourist (Smith, 2019; Urry, 1995; Zuelow, 2016) and not least to tourists taking part in nature-based tourism (C. Bell & Lyall, 2002; Fälton, 2021c) in protected areas such as national parks (Fälton, 2021b, 2021c). Another reason to focus on ways of seeing while researching the discourse on Swedish forests as arenas for experiences is the STA yearbooks’ visual orientation, in which they share texts and pictorial content. This implies that they can be seen as part of the visual culture of the national parks and their tourism, in which ways of seeing are produced, upheld, and constructed.

A focus on representations to get hold of discursive ways of seeing

To unravel, make visible, and problematize ways of seeing the Swedish forests as arenas for experiences through the lens of national parks and the empirical context of the STA’s yearbooks, I have conducted an analysis focused on representations through four steps. I have already explained how I see the relationship between discourses and ways of seeing but only briefly mentioned representations when describing that discourses are meaning-making assemblages of such. By representation, I refer to the process of representing something, the meaning created through that process, and the products it creates (Castree, 2014; Fälton, 2021a, 2021b; Hall, 2013). This implies that one discourse is constructed by a myriad of representations, which create clusters around certain ways of seeing within the discourse (Fälton, 2021c).

While both discourses and ways of seeing are immaterial, they have material consequences that can become visible through representations and their expressions, which can take many forms, such as textual, illustrative, oral, and pictorial (Castree, 2014; Fälton, 2021c; Hall, 2013; Pauwels, 2006). Because of this, representations embody both discourses and ways of seeing and make them ‘come to life’ visually and materially (Fälton, 2021c). Accordingly, an analytical focus on representations provides opportunities to get hold of ways of seeing and understanding the discourse that influences and controls them (Berger, 1972; Fälton, 2021a, 2021b, 2021c; Fälton & Hedrén, 2020; Mirzoeff, 2015).

Step 1: mapping the material

I initiated the analysis by searching for sections in the yearbooks that concerned Swedish national parks or areas that later became national parks. Then, I looked for texts, photographs, and illustrations concerning forests and forest experiences within those. That mapping proved major differences in coverage between the different decades and showed that not all national parks were represented. Table 1 gives an overview of what national parks were covered during which years. Areas that were not national parks when presented in the yearbooks are written in italics and mentioned only by the area’s name without the ‘national park’ marking.

Table 1. National park areas depicted in the yearbooks concerning experiences of their forests.

Period	National park areas
1886–1899	Stora Sjöfallet/Stuor Muorkke (1909)
1900–1909	Gotska Sandön National Park (1909), Fulufjället (2002), Hamra (1904)
1910–1919	Garphyttan National Park (1909), Hamra National Park (1909), Sonfjället National Park (1909)
1920–1929	Norra Kvill (1927), Tiveden (1983), Fulufjället (2002)
1930–1939	Abisko National Park (1909), Garphyttan National Park (1909), Töfsingdalen (1930), Muddus/Muttos (1942), Tiveden (1983), Åsnen (2018)
1940–1949	Gotska Sandön National Park (1909), Sarek National Park (1909), Stora Sjöfallet/Stuor Muorkke National Park (1909), Töfsingdalen National Park (1930), Store Mosse (1982), Stenshuvud (1986), Åsnen (2018)
1950–1959	Garphyttan National Park (1909), Gotska Sandön National Park (1909), Sonfjället National Park (1909), Muddus/Muttos National Park (1942), Tiveden (1983), Stenshuvud (1986), Söderåsen (2001)
1960–1969	Gotska Sandön National Park (1909), Store Mosse (1982), Skuleskogen (1984), Stenshuvud (1986), Haparanda Skärgård (1995), Söderåsen (2001)
1970–1979	Garphyttan National Park (1909), Sonfjället National Park (1909), Tiveden (1983), Skuleskogen (1984), Tyresta (1993)
1980–1989	General about national parks
1990–1999	Tyresta National Park (1993), Tresticklan National Park (1996), Söderåsen (2001)
2000–2009	General about national parks, Abisko National Park (1909), Hamra National Park (1909), Pieljekaise National Park (1909), Sarek National Park (1909), Sonfjället National Park (1909), Dalby Söderskog National Park (1918), Norra Kvill National Park (1927), Muddus/Muttos National Park (1942), Tiveden National Park (1983), Skuleskogen National Park (1984), Stenshuvud National Park (1986), Björnlandet National Park (1991), Haparanda Skärgård National Park (1995), Tresticklan National Park (1996), Söderåsen National Park (2001)
2010–2013	Pieljekaise National Park (1909), Muddus/Muttos National Park (1942), Tiveden National Park (1983), Skuleskogen National Park (1984), Tyresta National Park (1993), Söderåsen National Park (2001)

As Table 1 illustrates, some decades were rich in reporting, while others were sparsely covered. Out of 30 parks, there were a few that were not covered at all in relation to their forests and experiences of those: Blå Jungfrun National Park, Djurö National Park, Färnebofjärden National Park, Padjelanta/Badjelánnda National Park, and Ängsö National Park. Since the differences between the decades were so noticeable in their coverage of the parks, I decided to concentrate my results on the themes of representations that I would identify throughout all decades as a united whole instead of presenting a chronological story of how the representations were present over the decades.

Step 2: getting to know the material and identifying themes of representation

Once the mapping was done, I explored the yearbooks’ texts, photographs, and illustrations to get a glimpse of how the national forests and experiences of such were represented and depicted. This analysis was explorative, meaning that I conducted it without any pre-determined questions or themes to look for (e.g., Fälton, 2021c; Fälton & Hedrén, 2020). Instead, I wanted to let my empirical material lead me into discursive directions on representations to identify and dig deeper into. At this early stage, I identified eight themes of representation related to national park forests and experiences of such. These themes identify forests with specific characteristics portrayed as interesting for tourists to experience, such as ‘old forests,’ and exemplify components of those characteristics, such as ‘ancient with big trees and continuity.’ Below, I present them out of sequence, together with short descriptions of their focuses:

• Representations of pristine forests (‘untouched’ by human presence and impact)

• Representations of wild forests (located far away from human societies with little human presence)

• Representations of old forests (ancient with big trees and continuity)

• Representations of aesthetic forests (pleasing to the eye of visitors)

• Representations of grand forests (impressive and magnificent)

• Representations of inaccessible forests (hard to reach and difficult to pass through)

• Representations of mythological forests (containing folklore atmospheres)

• Representations of calming forests (invites tourists to relax and stress down)

Step 3: formulating and applying analytical questions

After identifying the themes of representation in step 2, I decided to formulate analytical questions that would deepen my analysis further and enable me to find more details and nuances concerning ways of seeing the Swedish national park forests as arenas for experiences. Since the constructions of tourist experiences are dependent upon the material (e.g., how a certain forest looks) as well as immaterial attributes (e.g., what feelings different forests are said to awaken among its visitors; Hultman, 2002; Prebensen et al., 2018), I focused my questions on both such dimensions:

• How are the national park forests made visible in the themes of representation embodied in the yearbooks?

• How are those national park forests portrayed as spaces for tourist experiences?

• What are tourists supposed to experience in those national park forests – what activities, actions, feelings, and exploration possibilities are portrayed, and in what ways?

• How are the portrayed experiences of the national park forests tied to material or immaterial dimensions?

• What are the experiences of the national park forests said to offer the visiting tourists, and how are those offerings depicted?

• How do the relationships between the identified themes of representation look – do they appear separately or in conjunction? If in conjunction, what do they construct together?

Grounded in these questions, I approached the yearbooks and my identified themes of representation once more to deepen my analysis.

Step 4: processing and merging insights from steps 1-3 to identify ways of seeing

During the last step of the analysis, I processed and merged the insights from steps 1–3 to identify ways of seeing the Swedish national park forests as arenas for experiences. Based on the eight themes of representation I identified during step 2 and my processing of them with my analytical questions in step 3, I identified two ways of seeing Swedish national park forests as arenas for experiences in the yearbooks of the STA: 1) seeing primeval national park forests as arenas for experiences and 2) seeing scenic national park forests as arenas for experiences. This implies that these two ways of seeing compose and are constructed by several themes of representations. Primeval national park forests as arenas for experiences compose the following themes of representation:

• representations of pristine forests

• representations of wild forests

• representations of old forests

• representations of inaccessible forests

• representations of mythological forests

Furthermore, scenic national park forests as arenas for experiences compose the following themes of representation:

• representations of aesthetic forests

• representations of grand forests

• representations of calming forests

As this presentation of the identified ways of seeing reveals, they contain a different number of representational themes. I have grouped the representation themes depending on how they work in conjunction and are constructed together in the yearbooks of the STA. Throughout this article, I use example photographs and illustrations to exemplify and embody my analysis. Most of the pictorial examples I use areproduced before 1973. According to Swedish legislation, photographs and illustrations are copyrighted 50 years after they were taken, which means that I am not allowed to publish photographs or illustrations created after 1973 in this article without permission from the copyright owner. On some occasions, I have described a photograph from a more recent yearbook in words without inserting a copy of it, but still, the fact that I present only a few photographs or illustrations created after 1973 is a limitation of this article.

Findings: ways of seeing Swedish national park forests as arenas for experiences in the yearbooks of the STA

The identified representations of the Swedish national park forests as arenas for experiences visible in the yearbooks of the STA construct two ways of seeing: 1) seeing primeval national park forests as arenas for experiences, and 2) seeing scenic national park forests as arenas for experiences. I will explain these two ways of seeing in more detail in my upcoming headings. For now, the representations upon which they are assembled are tied to opportunities to experience forests with certain characteristics and participate in specific explorations or activities that they offer. They also emphasize certain feelings that those forests can give rise to among the visiting tourists. As will become visible in my upcoming headings, the two identified ways of seeing overlap and sail into each other, making it difficult always to draw straight lines between them.

Seeing primeval national park forests as arenas for experiences

The first way of seeing that I have identified in the yearbooks of the STA concerns forests that I have decided to call primeval forests. In short, such forests are depicted to have pristine, wild, old, inaccessible, and mythological qualities that create feelings among tourists of being far away from human societies in a setting where time has remained still. Representations of this way of seeing are visible in the yearbooks from the early 1900s until 2013, and it is impossible to identify a certain period or decade when they amplify. Instead, there is a steady stream of continuous representations. One of the earliest examples can be found in 1912, three years after the first Swedish national parks were established. That example concerned Hamra National Park and a photograph depicting a pine forest with high tree canopies and big stones covering the ground (see Figure 2). The accompanying caption stated that the photograph portrayed a ‘primeval forest’ (Birger, 1912, p. 137).¹

Figure 2. This is an example of how primeval forests were depicted visually in the yearbooks of the STA, usually with high trees, a seemingly ‘untouched’ ground, and no sign of humanity. I will dig more into the details of the features assigned to these kinds of forests in my upcoming pictorial examples – photographer unknown (Birger, 1912, p. 137).

Within the texts of the yearbooks, the concept of ‘primeval forests’ has been frequently used and situated in contexts where these kinds of forests were portrayed as worth experiencing for visitors. In 1912, for example, the STA mentioned that Sweden had gotten its first national parks a few years earlier and declared that both Pieljekaise National Park and Hamra National Park had primeval forests that tourists could now visit (Birger, 1912). Almost a hundred years later, in 2008, the STA published a list of all Swedish national parks of that time. The list contained useful information for tourists interested in visiting any of the parks: their names, year of establishment, size, location, and a short description of their characteristics. In those descriptions, several of the parks were mentioned as primeval forests, which placed them as central to the national parks and what they could offer tourists in terms of experiences. For example, Björnlandet National Park was mentioned as a ‘grand primeval forest,’ and Norra Kvill as a ‘Smålandic primeval forest’ (Ottosson, 2008, p. 93). A few years later, in 2012, Muddus/Muttos National Park was stated to be ‘Sweden’s probably largest primeval-like forest with magnificent pines’ (Ottosson, 2012, p. 119). The last quotation provides insights into one of the features of the construction of primeval forests that the yearbooks presented as central to the primeval characteristics and visitors’ experiences – that the forests have old and massive trees.

Representations of old forests

Old forests were portrayed as exclusive spaces that could enable visitors to have great experiences. Concerning Björnlandet National Park, for example, the yearbook of 2001 described that Björnlandet was the only national park in the region and that those who travelled there would be able to hike through one of the country’s most valuable primeval forests, with pine trees that were at least 450 years old at that time (A. Karlsson, 2001). A similar example can be found in relation to Skuleskogen National Park, in which the old forest was portrayed as an important component of the park’s landscape, where it created a unique vista with high mountains and the seacoast (Ottosson, 2008). In other words, the presence of old trees was emphasized as important for tourists’ experiences of primeval forests. The focus on old trees was further reinforced by the pictorial representations of the yearbooks, in which forest milieus with massive trees or dead old trees could be seen (see Figure 3a,b)

Figure 3. These pictorials exemplify how representations of old forests from the yearbooks were embodied in photographs and illustrations. The illustration by Roland Svensson in Figure 3.a. portrays the old forest in Gotska Sandön National Park and was published in the yearbook of 1966 (Svensson, 1966, p. 296). The photograph in Figure 3.b. depicts a dead tree in the old forest of Muddus/Muttos National Park. It was taken by Torsten Olsson and published in the yearbook of 1959 (T. Olsson, 1959, p. 253).

As these two pictorial examples illustrate, the yearbooks highlighted the presence of old trees as important for the visual dimensions of primeval forests. While the texts paid more attention to describing possibilities for tourists to witness old trees that still were alive, the pictorial examples also emphasized forest milieus with dead trees, as Figure 3b. exemplifies. Furthermore, the photographs and illustrations situated not only old trees as central but also other characteristics that contributed to constructing the material and visual dimensions of how primeval forests ‘looked.’ For example, many pictorials depicted forest milieus with grounds covered in slowly growing lichen and moss in which no feet, hooves, or paws appeared to have walked for a long time. Nevertheless, the textual and pictorial representations focused profoundly on the presence of old trees and placed them as a central element in what the tourists could experience in any of the Swedish national park forests.

This stated importance of old trees has been emphasized in research on visitors’ experiences of old forests and the social values of forests, where it has been underlined that old trees are often seen as recreational resources highly rated by visitors (Che, 2011; Gunnarsson, 2014). The Swedish Forest Agency has also promoted old trees as something that shall be prioritized in recreational forests since their presence can make the time spent in a forest more pleasant for visitors. The agency underlines that the value of forest experiences increases with the age and size of the trees, which can become attractions for tourists to visit (The Swedish Forest Agency, 2015). This is also mirrored in the representations of the yearbooks of the STA. In 1929, it was mentioned that the important work of the Swedish nature conservation movement had led to the possibility of preserving a larger number of ‘strange’ trees in different areas. Then, the text stated that Sweden’s largest tree had to be mentioned among those – an old giant oak in Norra Kvill National Park (Gavelin, 1929).

That tree is called Kvilleken and has been mentioned in relation to the park several times in the yearbooks. Even though it is almost a five-kilometre drive from the park, it has often been presented as one of the park’s main attractions. In 2008, for example, Norra Kvill National Park was described as a primeval forest with ’35-meter-tall pines and the country’s thickest and probably oldest oak tree’ (Ottosson, 2008, p. 93). In other words, even though the tree of Kvilleken could be found outside the national park forest, it was portrayed as an attraction belonging to it and worth seeing due to its size and age. The emphasis on the presence of old trees is everywhere in the yearbooks, even though not all such trees have been assigned names or are entitled as an attraction in themselves.

Representations of mythological forests

Related to the representations of the primeval forests as old, there are also representations of them as mythological, through which they are portrayed as ancient spaces that create feelings among visitors of being in the world of creatures such as trolls, fairies, and ghosts. Such portrayals were present in the yearbooks before the first national park establishments in 1909. In 1903, for example, it was described how the forest in Gotska Sandön invited elegiac dreams and troll-like fantasies among its visitors (Ruhe, 1903), and similar tendencies can be seen later during the 1900s as well. In the yearbook of 1958, once again with Gotska Sandön National Park as an example, the forest was described as a ‘real troll forest of high pine trees’ (Jansson, 1958, p. 90). In the yearbook of 1970, the forest in Tiveden (that became a national park in 1983) was further described as a magical place that attracted wonder among its visitors, much due to its dark troll forests covered in thick moss with red water lilies adorning its almost pitch-black lakes. The author even played around with the area’s name by calling it ‘Trolltive’n’ and argued that its’ characteristics justified that name (S. Karlsson, 1970).

Despite the descriptions of the forests as troll-like and fabled spaces, no encounters with mythological creatures were promised to tourists. Nevertheless, one text underlined that a specific bird could make tourists experience such features in the Gotska Sandön National Park forest. In 1959, the presence and sound of the European nightjar were described as assigning the forest a ghost-like appearance that could make visitors light-headed. According to the writer of the chapter, the bird’s song created a massive feeling and was thus something worth searching for when visiting the area rather than trying to escape from it (Rosenberg, 1959). However, that is the only example of such a portrayal in the yearbooks. Most of the representations put more emphasis on describing the visual qualities of these forests (embodied in Figure 4a), which on several occasions were compared to those of the famous Swedish artist John Bauer. He lived during the end of the 19^th century and the beginning of the 20^th century. The forests depicted in his artwork are known for being mysterious and filled with mythological creatures (Figure 4b), especially trolls (Bjurström et al., 1982; Wall, 2021).

Figure 4. Here, I have placed a photograph from my empirical material in relation to one of John Bauer’s artworks to illustrate the pictorial attributes of the primeval national park forests underlined in the yearbooks. Figure 4.a. showcases a photograph from the yearbook of 1904. It depicts the area of Hamra and was taken by Gunnar Andersson and Henrik Hesselman (Boheman, 1904, p. PL.8). Like John Bauers’ painting called ‘The Princess and the Trolls’ painted in 1913 (Figure 4.b.), the forest depicted in Hamra has fir trees that create a dense and dark atmosphere in which a thick layer of moss covers the ground as well as the big stones. Especially old trees and the presence of mosses and lichen are highlighted as central elements in these kinds of forests by the yearbooks. Source: available at www.digitaltmuseum.se, identification number: NMB 363, public domain.

Representations of pristine forests

The photograph in Figure 4a also provides a glimpse of another set of representations that compose this way of seeing – ones focused on the pristine attributes of primeval forests. These representations portray the forests as untouched and freed from the hand of man and often work in close conjunction with representations depicting the primeval forests as old. For example, this becomes visible in the yearbook of 1977, when Sonfjället National Park and its forest were described as extremely important for the brown bear population but small because of the need to keep logging its surrounding forests (Burman, 1977). Two other textual examples were when Hamra National Park was described as ‘an island with an old forest in the middle of a rationally managed large forest’ (p. 93) in the yearbook of 2008 (Ottosson, 2008) and when the yearbook of 2012 stated that ‘the modern forestry never came to Muddus […] before it became a national park’ (Ottosson, 2012, p. 119).

As these descriptions exemplify, the pristine representations focus on forests seemingly untouched by humans and human industries, where logging was foremost mentioned and portrayed as a nemesis to the pristine characteristics (Burman, 1977). Since logging is not allowed within the borders of the Swedish national parks, it is not surprising that the pictorial representations of their forests contain no traces of forest machines or tree stumps. Instead, they embody the pristine in other manners. Overall, they depict forest environments in which humans are absent, as well as human infrastructures, such as roads, cottages, or trails. Since the early 1900s up until the 2010s, the yearbooks have been filled with photographs and illustrations with such focus. Two such examples can be seen in Figure 5a. and Figure 5b.

Figure 5. These pictorials illustrate how pristine representations were embodied in the yearbooks’ illustrations and photographs. They depict forest milieus that appear to have been saved from logging, as they host trees of different ages, where some are old and others young. Furthermore, no traces of logging activities are visible, such as marks from forest machines or tree stumps. Besides, no tourists or tourist infrastructure are visible, which are central elements in national parks. Figure 5.a. was illustrated by Erik Rosenberg and published in the yearbook of 1959. It portrays a forest environment in Garphyttan National Park (Rosenberg, 1959, p. 238). The photograph in Figure 5.b. was taken in Tyresta (that became a national park in 1993) by Carl Fries and was published in the yearbook of 1938 (Freese, 1938a, p. 355).

In the yearbooks, the pristine forests were portrayed as unique spaces that tourists should experience because of their promised escape from human intrusions. In 1969, for example, the forest in Skuleskogen National Park was described as unique and worth visiting ‘because it has never faced logging or agriculture’ (Söderström, 1969, p. 303). A second example concerns Pieljekaise National Park, which in the yearbook of 2012 also was depicted to have unique qualities, as it was described as ‘one of the country’s most unknown national parks’ that was ‘believed to be one of our most pristine mountain birch forests’ that undulated into the landscape, ‘unbroken in all directions’ (Ottosson, 2012, p. 112). The situating of pristine forests as unique underscores their rare presence and makes them appear exotic and ‘other’ than forests that have faced human influence. This emphasis on differences assigns the primeval forests attributes and values their opponents have not, which becomes a way of ordering different areas where the primeval ones become desirable (e.g., Patin, 2012; Rutherford, 2011).

Similar tendencies concerning nature-based tourism in other areas, which are not necessarily seen as forests, have been identified. However, in line with the pristine orientation that I present here, being untouched by humans is a feature that those areas are portrayed as dependent upon (Fletcher, 2014). Otherwise, they are seen to risk losing what tourists are asking for – namely pristine landscapes where human culture and traces of such are of no interest (Lund, 2013). Implicitly, these representations underline that primeval forests are valuable because of their absence of human influence. The portrayals also underline that if such influence reaches the forests, that will change their characteristics for the worse, which situates humanity as the enemy and the opposite of qualities that the primeval forests possess.

Representations of wild forests

Another theme of representations that also centres around human absence, but in other ways than the pristine ones, is those that depict the forests as wild – forest areas that are ‘natural’ and ‘real’ in comparison to the artificial and cultural world of humanity. Such representations can be exemplified by the following quotation about the area of Tyresta (that became a national park in 1993):

Deep into Södertörn lies Tyresta farm, on whose property the Stockholmer of today can see a piece of the mightiest forest that used to belong to ancient Sweden but now is as good as gone – cleared away or transformed into a cultural forest. Stockholm City, which owns Tyresta, will protect this mighty forest as a nature conservation area. (Freese, 1938a, p. 355)

These representations direct less attention to activities such as logging and more to the presence of humans and humanity as something that intrudes on the wild qualities of the forests. Textual examples that embodied this often underlined that those wild forests have no human presence and framed them as ‘wilderness’ – places where no humans dwell. In 1969, for example, the area of Skuleskogen (that became a national park in 1984) was described as a piece of wilderness just next to the E4 road where people could hang out without cars or cabins. That example underlined that a wild forest was freed from human comforts (Söderström, 1969). In 1977, Sonfjället National Park and its forest were described as a ‘wilderness kingdom’ (Burman, 1977, p. 87), and in 2008, Tiveden National Park was described as a ‘wild forest landscape’ (Ottosson, 2008, p. 93). The pictorial representations of the wild representations share many elements with the ones that embodied the pristine representations, where the central components were no visible humans or human infrastructure, and the forests had no traces of activities such as forestry. One such example can be seen in Figure 6.

Figure 6. This photograph exemplifies how wild forests are represented in pictorial terms, where no signs of humans are visible. Instead, there is a focus on showing seemingly ‘untouched’ forests. Often ones with dramatic features that make them appear as hard to reach. This photograph was taken by S. Sundberg in Tiveden and published in the yearbook of 1930 (Haugard, 1930, p. 177).

The construction of the non-human and the human as separate and the importance of the absence of the latte to consider an area ‘wild’ is grounded in Western societies and is visible in many of their corners, including the nature-based tourism industry (Fletcher, 2014; Zuelow, 2016). This understanding has been highlighted as problematic by researchers from the critical sphere of humanistic research, as it ignores the intertwined relations between the human and the non-human worlds that have existed throughout history and made the two worlds mediate each other (Williams, 2014). It has also been criticized for ignoring the social and discursive dimensions of concepts such as ’wilderness,’ ‘nature,’ and ‘natural,’ which means that what they stand for and the depicted differences between something human and non-human are invented and constructed by human understandings (Castree, 2014; Fälton, 2021c).

Concerning national park tourism, wild characteristics have been a central part of what has been promised to tourists for a long time (Fälton, 2021c; Oravec, 1996). This appetite has become a central element in modern tourism as well (Fletcher, 2014; Salazar & Graburn, 2014) and is guided by a search for opportunities to experience ‘wild,’ ‘untamed,’ and ‘unknown’ milieus (Braun, 2003). This implies that the fewer people present at a destination, the wilder and the better it is considered in terms of experiencing real wilderness (Salazar & Graburn, 2014). Within tourism focused on experiences of ‘wilderness’ areas, such as national park tourism, there often resides an understanding of tourists as the only kind of acceptable human presence (Fälton, 2021c; Fletcher, 2014; Rutherford, 2011). This assigns tourists a privileged position as an exclusive group with the right to consume the non-human world for experiences (Smith, 2019) and is visible in the representations of national park forests in the yearbooks of the STA. Being able to experience ‘wild’ forests as a tourist is highly desirable, and many of them are portrayed as undiscovered and bypassed wastelands, even though they are also described as frequently visited by tourists:

This brings us to our biggest touristic asset, the great wilderness in the north. This includes the main part of the mountains and the nearby parts of the forest lands that are not used for forest production. It is what one calls the forest close to the mountains. The whole thing is Europe’s largest coherent wilderness area, which, precisely as untouched and original nature, has gained intrinsic value both for domestic and foreign tourists. (Wahlberg, 1986, p. 242)

The above-quoted text was published in a chapter on tourism and nature conservation in the yearbook of 1986 when the STA celebrated its 100th anniversary. As part of the components that attract foreign tourists, the yearbook emphasized that they were not looking for dramatic mountain summits but for human emptiness and quietness. It was further described how they were drawn to the wilderness to experience ‘the time before man existed’ (Wahlberg, 1986, p. 242). In other words, there is a tension between inviting tourists to these primeval forests and simultaneously keeping them freed from human presence, which creates a contradictory relationship – something that becomes portrayed through the photographs of the yearbooks as well (see Figure 7a and Figure 7b).

Figure 7. These photographs embody the tension between inviting tourists to primeval forests while keeping the forests free from human presence. They depict milieus with classical ‘wilderness’ characteristics, with no human buildings or other infrastructure visible in the vast and dramatic forest landscape. However, the presence of tourists is visible. The photograph in Figure 7.a. was taken by G. Améen and depicts two tour boats for tourists in the area of Stora Sjöfallet/Stuor Muorkke in 1900 (Améen, 1900, p. 62). The photograph in Figure 7.b. was taken by Sture Karlsson and portrays a tourist standing close to a big rock in the area of Tiveden (S. Karlsson, 1970, p. 306).

Representations of inaccessible forests

Figure 7a and Figure 7b exemplify representations of inaccessible forests, where the tourists and their belongings are situated in settings that appear difficult to access or pass through. This is another feature placed as central for primeval forests in the Swedish national parks and what they offer visiting tourists in terms of experiences. In the yearbook of 1903, it was described how the area that later became Gotska Sandön National Park mostly had good paths to walk on, but as soon as the visitor entered the forest and took:

A few steps in between the trees, the path gets lost, and one loses a sense of direction, mistakes one ridge for another, and believes to be far away from the place where one is. There begins an exciting hike through the inside of the forest, up tiring high sand mountains, the circuitous courses of valleys, which lie filled with a rickety small forest, along old overgrown paths, barricaded by fallen colossi in an impenetrable jumble, along the forest of sharp ramparts, going uphill and downhill and in tireless capriciousness meandering in curves away towards long stray roads. (Ruhe, 1903, p. 100)

As this quotation illustrates, inaccessibility is portrayed as something that creates exciting experiences for visitors in primeval forests. Even though there are some examples from the yearbooks where forests are portrayed as so hostile that tourists do not want to be there, most examples depict forests that are hard to reach but highly desirable to visit. In 1915, the primeval forest of the area of Tiveden was described to offer tourists experiences that they never would forget, mostly due to the dramatic forest landscape with high mountains and deep valleys that constructed the inaccessibility. In 1971, the forests in Skuleskogen, which later became a national park, were portrayed as so inaccessible that the tourists had to walk on car roads to get through. A photograph (see Figure 8) of a man walking on one such road was accompanied by the following description: ‘Up here, there are no alternatives to the larger main lines – not even for hikers’ (Hansson, 1971, p. 321).

Figure 8. The photographer of this photograph is unknown (Hansson, 1971, p. 321).

Later, the primeval forest in Tresticklan National Park was described as ‘The largest roadless and uninhabited forest tract in Southern Sweden’ (Wahlsten et al., 2008, p. 93) when characteristics of the different national parks were described for interested tourists. As these examples illustrate, desolate and inhospitable characteristics are central to different strings of the forest experiences tied to primeval forests in the Swedish national parks. This is not typical for them as tourism destinations but is rather common within contemporary tourism focusing on experiences of the non-human world. Within such tourism, the tourist experience centres around loneliness and challenging visits to inaccessible areas (Fälton, 2021c; Fletcher, 2014). Even though these characteristics play a major role in modern tourism, they have been around for a long time and relate to the romanticism of the 1800s, when early modern tourists were drawn to places considered to be located far away from humanity. Those areas were known for not welcoming tourists with open arms but challenging them by being inaccessible and sometimes even scary (Jasen, 1995). In other words, these characteristics have attracted tourists to different destinations throughout history (Oravec, 1996).

Seeing scenic national park forests as arenas for experiences

The second way of seeing that I have identified in the yearbooks of the STA concerns forests that I have chosen to call scenic forests. In short, these are stated to offer tourists opportunities to explore aesthetic, grand, and calming forests. They create feelings among tourists of being in a beautiful, outstanding, and safe place to relax in grand sceneries. Like the representations of primeval forests, most of the representations of scenic forests are visible in the yearbooks from the early 1900s up until 2013, and it is difficult to identify certain periods that have been more frequently represented than others. However, there are major differences in how much visibility the different themes of representations are given in the yearbooks. This will become prominent as I present empirical examples.

Representations of aesthetic forests

The most central representations of this way of seeing are those focusing on aesthetic features, which emphasize beautiful forests that appeal to the visitor’s eye. For example, this becomes visible through photographs of breathtaking views of woodlands dressed in dramatic autumn colours or textual descriptions of the forests as stunning, idyllic, and picturesque. In the yearbook of 2012, two examples of photographs exemplify this. Both have been assigned a prominent role in the reportage of which they were part since they covered two full pages each and were accompanied by one small caption, respectively. The photograph in Figure 9a portrays the forests in Skuleskogen National Park. Together with lakes, mountains, and the sky, the forests in the photograph are part of a grand landscape covered in a twilight shimmer. The shimmer gives the whole photograph a pink tone and an expression typical of Swedish national romanticism and its depictions of the Swedish forests between the 19th and early 20th centuries (Enander, 2007a). Back then, there was a focus on approaching and depicting landscapes as attractive spaces that awakened emotions of awe among their viewers (Urry & Larsen, 2011). The photograph in Figure 9b was taken in Söderåsen National Park. It portrays the beech forest on the park’s ridge during autumn, where most leaves have turned into fire-like colours with different intense shades of yellow, orange, and red.

Figure 9. The photograph in Figure 9.a was taken by Anders Ekholm/Folio and depicts Skuleskogen National Park (Ottosson, 2012, pp. 108–109). The photograph in Figure 9.b was taken by Torbjörn Skogedal/Folio and portrays Söderåsen National Park (Ottosson, 2012, pp. 114–115). I have received permission from Folio to use the photos as examples in this article.

In the left corner of the photograph in Figure 9a, the caption underlines that the landscape is understood as beautiful, as it states, ‘This is what we are searching for. Scenes of the the beautiful’ (Ottosson, 2012, 108–109). This search is highly visible within the yearbooks but is also part of an international trend within a branch of the nature-based tourism genre, in which tourists seek experiences of scenic character (Fälton, 2021b, 2021c; Fletcher, 2014). This interest has existed since the rise of modern tourism and is one of those features that seem to remain central over time (C. Bell & Lyall, 2002; Urry & Larsen, 2011; Zuelow, 2016). In a Swedish context, aesthetic experiences of forests have often been promoted as one of the many cultural ecosystem services that forests can offer (Sténs et al., 2016) and have also been identified as one of the central components that tourists visiting a Swedish national park are searching for (Raadik et al., 2010). In the yearbooks, representations focusing on appealing features of forests have existed since the first parks were established up until today. However, how they have been embodied in the yearbooks has varied.

From the late 1800s, when the first yearbooks were published, up until the 1980s, they mostly contained textual representations with a few petite images in black and white. This means that the aesthetic features of the forest were mostly depicted with written words rather than illustrated or pictured by illustrations or photographs. Over the years, the pictorial dimensions of the representations have gotten more space as the number and size of photographic and illustrative images have increased. Only sometimes, the focus of such representations is to portray the forests as appealing environments worth experiencing due to their beautiful characteristics, as became visible through the photographs in Figures 9a and 9b. The textual depictions of the aesthetic national park forests can even be found in the yearbooks before the first Swedish establishment of national parks. Already in 1893, the area of Garphyttan was described as a scenic area that offered its visitors grand views (A, 1893–1894). In 1903, the forests in the area of Gotska Sandön were described as spaces that made the visitors look inward to let ‘the mood flow into poetry’ (Ruhe, 1903, p. 102).

Around that time, just before the first Swedish national park establishments, the tourism and nature conservation movements both emphasized the importance of conserving environments with aesthetic characteristics considered typical for Sweden (Fälton, 2021c; Sténs, 2014). The tourism movement, especially the branch on nature-based tourism, focused on an admiration for visually exploring the beautiful and breathtaking vistas of the non-human world (Facos, 1998). The early nature conservation movement emphasized that forests and other environments that were aesthetic to the eye of the beholder should be preserved (Fälton, 2021c), and all of these components can be seen in the STA yearbooks’ portrayals of scenic forests in the Swedish national parks too. In 1912, for example, it was explained that establishing national parks was important for preserving scenic areas typical for different valuable areas of Sweden (Birger, 1912). Since then, the textual depictions of the national park forests have continued to underline their aesthetic orientation.

To mention a few examples, the forests in Söderåsen have been described as part of a beautiful and dramatic landscape, unlike the rest of the region with its cultivated land (N. L. Olsson, 1957). It has also been mentioned as a place like nature poetry – a beautiful and unique forest area that awakens awe among those visiting it (Werin, 1960). Another example is when the forests were explained to represent one of the loveliest places to visit in southern Sweden (Ruhnbro, 1961). In some yearbooks, the forests’ beauty has been discussed in relation to the mountains’ appealing characteristics. In 1959, for example, it was stated that the forests in Muddus/Muttos National Park were not less beautiful than the mountains in the park (T. Olsson, 1959). In 2005, the birch forest of Abisko National Park was framed as beautiful and worth exploring for contemporary visitors who sought experiences of the mountains but missed out on how the forest contributed to assigning the mountains their characteristics:

A few frustrating foreign hikers catch up with us at the Marble Quarry and wonder how far it is to the mountain tundra. They are on a day trip and, apparently, need help finding value in the birch forest. That is typical. I used to be the same, one wanted to go out on the mountain tundra quickly. However, the birch forest is not a transport route. It is a treasure and perhaps the most unique feature of mountain nature. Only a few mountain ranges worldwide have extensive deciduous forests on their knuckles. The birches give the mountains character, and the forest is very beautiful with its crooked dwarf trees. I want to preach to the guests but tell them matter-of-factly that they should hurry up. There is a long way to go. (Grundsten, 2005, 68).

Since the first national park establishments, the mountains have frequently been highlighted as the golden nuggets of the Swedish landscape (Fälton, 2021b, 2021c; Fälton & Hedrén, 2020), which probably is one reason why the forests were compared to them when their appealing features were discussed in the examples above. Another way the Swedish national park forests have been emphasized as appealing is through their similarities with forests portrayed in the work of famous artists. In 1966, for example, attention was once again directed to John Bauer as the woods in Gotska Sandön National Park were compared to the forests depicted in his artworks:

The eye meets strangely wind-shaped groups of crypt pines, glossy hills, tufts of mullein and lingonberry, mighty storm-broken ancient pines, and ensnaring windfalls, and behind the windward front rises a dark green hundred-year-old columnar forest, which recalls Bauer’s fairytale forest. (Svensson, 1966, p. 297)

Besides being known for painting mythological forests filled with trolls, John was also known for depicting forests with features considered to be beautiful. While he was not known for being interested in the national parks and their forests, other artists’ attention to the aesthetic features of the scenic forests in the Swedish national parks has been emphasized several times in the yearbooks of the STA. In 2005, for example, the yearbook explained that the beautiful birch forest and high mountains of Abisko National Park had attracted artists since the 19^th century. The reportage in the yearbook illustrated images of different pieces of art, accompanied by descriptions of some active artists during the beginning of the last century (Sparby, 2005). Around that time, Sweden not only got its first national parks but also faced an artistic turn (Facos, 1998), which in many ways set the tone for how aesthetic forests and landscapes were considered to be and look like (Enander, 2007a).

According to the yearbook of 2005, the interest in national parks among artists increased due to that artistic turn. However, this was not visible in the yearbooks around or right after the first park establishments but became visible around a hundred years later. Through the reportage in 2005, Abisko National Park and its forest were depicted as a stunning place for artists interested in pursuing their artistic endeavours. For example, this became visible through a photograph of the artist Johan Tirén, who could be seen standing in the middle of the birch forest with an easel. In the photograph, he is surrounded by many small birch trees that construct a forest stretching into the middle of the photo, where it meets massive mountains with snowy tops enclosed by dancing clouds. In the same reportage, a contemporary artist was interviewed. He explained that he visited Abisko National Park to paint and gather strength at his favourite spot – the mountain walls of Nuolja that offer a view of Lake Torne träsk, the mountain formation Lapporten, and the Alps of Abisko (Sparby, 2005).

Nuolja is covered in a forest of birch trees, and the artist explained that ‘There is something special about the area. It is about the scenery, colours, and closeness to the wilderness. […] The feeling of sitting there with newly brewed coffee, a piece of dried meat, and watercolour paints is hard to describe. It is one of life’s best moments” (Sparby, 2005, p. 105). As all my chosen examples have shown so far, forests considered to be beautiful play a major part in this way of seeing. However, it does not stand alone. Representations of aesthetic forests often work in conjunction with representations of grand forests.

Representations of grand forests

In the yearbooks of the STA, grand forests are depicted to create feelings of awe and amazement among the visitors. In the yearbook of 2008, for example, one of the national park rangers was interviewed about his job. He emphasized that the tourists were hunting for grand views and reflected upon the experience himself: ‘Sure, it can be nice sometimes, when you have walked a long way in the forest, to get above the tree line. It can become almost a heavenly feeling’ (Lindstrand, 2008, p. 115). The yearbooks frequently emphasized grand sceneries as important for experiences of scenic forests of the Swedish national parks, both in textual and pictorial representations, which placed the forest as central for experiencing outstanding views.

In this context, the forests were portrayed to compose the view alone and in collaboration with other environments, such as mountains or lakes. Examples of depictions where the forests were the centre of the view could be seen in the three photographs of Gotska Sandön National Park (Figure 10a), Söderåsen (that became a national park in 2001; Figure 10b), and Sarek National Park (Figure 10c). About the photograph of Gotska Sandön National Park, it was described how a certain hill in the park opened ‘an amazing view against the horizon of the forest (Ekman, 1940, p. 308). The photographs of Söderåsen and Sarek also portray views from hills. However, in contrast to the one of Gotska Sandön, these seem to have been taken from ‘within’ forests since several trees frame the view of seemingly endless forest landscapes.

Figure 10. The photograph in Figure 10.a was taken by Karin Jansson and published in the yearbook of 1940 (Ekman, 1940, p. 309). The photograph in Figure 10.b was taken by Pål-Nils Nilsson and published in the yearbook of 1957 (N. L. Olsson, 1957, p. 83), while the photograph in Figure 10.c was taken by G. Améen and published in the yearbook of 1900 (Améen, 1900, p. 49).

The trend of searching for grand views about the Swedish national parks has been alive for more than a hundred years (Fälton, 2021c). However, it is not limited to a Swedish context but rather exists on an international level. It grew during the late 19^th century when romantics and tourists visited different destinations to see sights (Alan, 2014) and can, for example, be seen in the United States (Wilke, 2012). After frequently portraying people gazing towards grand vistas from viewpoints in landscape paintings, outlooks became one of the main attractions for tourists to search for (Erlandson-Hammargren, 2006; Jensen Adams, 2002). Today, it has been identified as one attribute of scenic forests that forest visitors demand and want to experience while visiting a forest (Sténs, 2014). For experiences of external views, forests have also been identified as an element in the landscape that contributes to defining and framing the view and other elements (Nielsen et al., 2012).

While the forests in the photographs in Figure 10a–10c frame the view seen from elevated outlooks, the representations of the yearbooks also contain photographs where the forest is placed as a central feature that constructs grand scenes together with other environmental elements. Three such examples can be seen in Figure 11a–11c, where the forests of Stora Sjöfallet/Stuor Muorkke National Park (Figure 11a), Fulufället (that became a national park in 2002; Figure 11b), and Sonfjället National Park (Figure 11c) are depicted. In those examples, the forests compose and frame grand landscapes with mosses, lakes, and mountains. As these three examples illustrate, in photographs in which the forest is part of majestic views, it is often situated in the middle ground of the photograph. It creates a dark contrast against the mountains that rise behind it.

Figure 11. The pictorial in Figure 11.a0 was published in the yearbook of 1896 (Cleve & Paijkull, 1896, p. PL.40), creator unknown. The photograph in Figure 11.b was taken by Karl-Erik Forsslund and published in the yearbook of 1908 (Forsslund, 1908, p. 33). The photograph in Figure 11.c was also taken by Karl-Erik Forsslund and published in the yearbook of 1911 (Forsslund, 1911, p. 200).

This way of situating forests in the middle of a photograph can be seen as a remnant of the landscape paintings from the 19th century, where forests and forest groves composed decorative elements in the artwork (Enander, 2007a). Landscape painters of the 19th century pictured landscapes using a foreground, a middle ground, and a background. Like the example photographs I present here, such paintings often have a background that captures a massive environment, such as a mountain or a waterfall (Erlandson-Hammargren, 2006). By creating strong contrasts between the foreground, the middle ground, and the background while underlining the grandeur of the landscape, such painters intended to make the viewers of their paintings overwhelmed and amazed (Wilke, 2012). The example photographs I have presented about this heading contain attributes of a similar kind, where aesthetic explorations and grand views are at the centre.

Representations of calming forests

Together with representations of aesthetic and grand forests, another representational theme composes this way of seeing: the one focusing on calming attributes. Such are still part of how scenic forests are depicted and often exist in conjunction with representations of grandness. In the yearbook of 2014, this became exemplified. Concerning a photograph of the beech forests of Söderåsen National Park, a caption described that ‘The more urban and wealthier we have become, the more the forest has transformed into a place where we relax. Maybe as here, looking out over the beech forest in Skäralid, Söderåsen National Park (Ottosson, 2012, p. 114). The photograph that the caption refers to is one of those I have shared previously (see Figure 9b), namely the one from Söderåsen National Park that captures the beech forest in fire-like autumn colours. Already during the beginning of the 20th century, the calming feeling that the scenic forest is considered to awaken among its visitors was mentioned in one of the yearbooks, as the forest in the area that later became Gotska Sandön National Park was described as a place that ‘sets the mind to calm and idyll’ (Ruhe, 1903, p. 102).

Experiencing a scenic and rural area that awakens feelings of calmness and peace is a remnant of the romanticism of the 1800s when people left the stressful cities and visited places such as the forest to escape from the stressful pace of human societies (Erlandson-Hammargren, 2006; Urry & Larsen, 2011). However, while the textual representations of the yearbooks contained formulations about the scenic forests as calming, there were few photographs of tourists who were relaxing while gazing towards a scenic forest or being in such a forest. Instead, most photographs portray active tourists who are hiking or participating in other activities.

Concluding remarks and reflection: insights into the discourse on Swedish forests as arenas for experiences

In this article, I have sought to extend insights into the discourse on Swedish forests as arenas for experiences by unravelling, making visible, and problematizing how ways of seeing Swedish national park forests have been constructed over time. To enable this endeavour, I have focused on the empirical material of the STA’s yearbooks published between 1886 and 2013. Through an analysis focusing on representations, I have identified eight themes of representations that together construct two ways of seeing: seeing primeval national park forests as arenas for experiences and seeing scenic national park forests as arenas for experiences.

The first way of seeing is composed of five themes of representations: 1) representations of pristine forests, which are portrayed to be untouched by human presence and human impact; 2) representations of wild forests, which are depicted to be located far away from human societies and civilization; 3) representations of old forests, which are portrayed to be ancient hosts of big trees and continuity; 4) representations of the woods as inaccessible places that are difficult to reach but also pass through; and 5) representations of the forests as mythological with folklore atmospheres. The second way of seeing is composed of three themes of representations: 1) representations of aesthetic forests depicted to be beautiful and pleasing to the eye; 2) representations of grand forests, which are portrayed as impressive and magnificent; and 3) representations of calming forests that are depicted as places to relax and stress down.

When reflecting upon how the two identified ways of seeing and their belonging representations inform the discourse on Swedish forests as arenas for experiences, one noticeable thing is that they contain traces of romanticism. By this, I mean that they represent and communicate meanings from the late 1700s and early 1800s and the Romantic movement of that time. In short, it was a movement that focused on sentient human beings and poetic mysteries, often focusing on non-human environments (Abrams, 1975; Feifer, 1985). It extended beyond its initial period and has since then shaped subsequent artistic movements while leaving a lasting impact on literature, music, art, and tourism (Fälton, 2021c; Fletcher, 2014; Macnaghten & Urry, 1998). In this section, I will explain how I contemplate that romanticism is present in the two ways of seeing that I have identified.

One of the characteristics of the Romantic movement was a celebration of intense emotions, where the importance of feelings and individual expression was emphasized. It also embraced the power of imagination, encouraging artists to explore fantastical and dreamlike realms of aesthetic character (Abrams, 1975). The Romantic movement fostered a deep appreciation for the non-human world and its beauty. That world was seen as a source of spiritual renewal, offering solace and transcendence. Thus, romantic works often portrayed awe-inspiring landscapes and celebrated the sublime of the non-human world (Rosenthal, 2008; Stone, 2018). The representations that I have identified in relation to seeing the forests as scenic relate to several of these dimensions. The national park forests are portrayed as aesthetic, with vistas that should be consumed by visiting tourists because of their beauty. They are also depicted as grand due to their magnificent and impressive character while being represented to offer tourists a calm atmosphere where they can relax. The focus on the forests as offering solace can also be related to another branch of the values of the Romantic movement – the desire to escape the constraints of urbanization and industrialization (Macnaghten & Urry, 1998).

During the 1700s and 1800s, non-human settings were seen as sources of inspiration and as means of escaping such constraints. The Romantic movement especially expressed criticism of the negative impacts of industrialization and urbanization on society and the environment. Simultaneously, the movement reflected a longing for simpler times and a more harmonious relationship between humans and the non-human world. Concerning this, the non-human world became a haven for stressed city-dwellers to escape to in order to get away from the stressful life of the cities (Erlandson-Hammargren, 2006). Besides being related to representations of the Swedish national forests as calming spaces, these strands of romanticism can also be related to the pristine, wild, and old representations within the way of seeing the forests as primeval. All three focus on forests with little human presence and a distance from human societies.

Furthermore, romanticism incorporates supernatural elements, the mysterious, and eerie settings. Many 1700s, 1800s, and 1900s romantic artists drew inspiration from folklore, legends, and historical narratives to celebrate their nation’s unique character and traditions (Ķencis, 2020). The presence of folklore, legends, and historical narratives can also be seen in the yearbooks of the STA and become embodied through the representations of the forests as mythological spaces with folklore atmospheres. One last component from the Romantic movement and romanticism that becomes visible in the representations of the yearbooks is the approach to forests as challenging. With the search for grand and beautiful vistas during the Romantic era, mountaineering experienced a significant rise in popularity. It became intertwined with the broader Romantic fascination with the non-human world. Thus, many mountaineers wanted to conquer mountains to reach their summits and the reward of scenic views. It was a challenging pursuit (Fletcher, 2014; Zuelow, 2016; Zweig, 1974), which reminds me of how the forests in the Swedish national parks are represented as inaccessible.

As an interdisciplinary research field, leisure studies explores various aspects of leisure and recreation, with a few examples being the motivations behind different leisure activities, the impact such activities might have on individuals, communities, or places, how leisure choices might contribute to formatting and expressing identities, and how social and cultural factors influence leisure and recreation. Through its focus on analyzing ways of seeing Swedish national park forests produced within one corner of the Swedish tourism industry, this article is part of the leisure studies that focus on the cultural and social dimensions of leisure. By analyzing historical ways of seeing national park forests, leisure scholars can get insights into how such have been embodied in various contexts and evolved over time. Such understandings are important since they can help us grasp the development of norms, values, and beliefs produced within various tourism practices. They can also help us understand how such norms, values, and beliefs are part of different cultural and social contexts, as well as the roots of our present ways of seeing. The strands of romanticism in the visual representations I have identified in the yearbooks of the STA can, for example, also be seen in more contemporary materials concerning the Swedish national parks, such as in tourists’ Instagram posts (Fälton, 2021b).

Together, studies of past and present ways of seeing can make it possible to uncover power dynamics and constructed ideologies embedded in visual representations of the tourism industry. Such insights are crucial for fostering critical thinking within leisure studies and the tourism industry itself, as they open possibilities to learn from the past and the present to make new, and maybe other, decisions for the future. They invite reflections upon the ‘taken-for-granted’ and encourage discussions about implications that come with various ways of seeing. The ways of seeing that I have identified in this article, for example, approach the Swedish national park forests as areas to be consumed primarily by humans while little attention is directed towards seeing them as homes for many other species than us. Such a human-centred approach could shadow the importance of taking other species’ interests into consideration while making decisions about which role the forests should play for us.

Future research may wish to explore ways of seeing forests enabled by tourism practices in other geographical contexts than Sweden, which would contribute to broadening existing knowledge. Concerning national parks, several studies have focused on how ‘nature’ or ‘the non-human world’ gets constructed through nature-based tourism in parks of countries such as Sweden (e.g., Fälton, 2021c), Canada (e.g., Cronin, 2011; Rutherford, 2011), and the United States (e.g., Patin, 2012; Tschida, 2012). However, few studies have focused particularly on ways of seeing forests. As a kind of environmental area that is often approached both as an important space for leisure activities and in the transformation towards more sustainable societies, forests are particularly relevant to focus on at this particular time. Studies focusing on forests with other or no protection statuses than national parks would also enrich the insights, as it would be possible to identify similarities and dissimilarities in how different forests are approached. Furthermore, there are many other environments that would be relevant to study, with mountains, lakes, and bogs being three examples of environments where tourism often takes place.

Acknowledgments

A special thanks to Sten Westerström and Karin Gabrielsson, who donated a collection of all 126 yearbooks of the Swedish Tourist Association to the project. The collection had belonged to Sten Axel Westerström, who wanted to support research.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This article was made possible by funding provided by the Swedish foundation Carl-Göran Adelswärds stiftelse.

Notes

1. All quotations have been translated from Swedish into English by the author.