Festival participation for integration and inclusion? A critical reflection

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this research is to get a better understanding of the impact of the Stockholm Fire Festival on the cultural integration of immigrant communities, and particularly its impact on the sociocultural integration of individual participants into Swedish society. The methodological approach is mixed-methods, consisting of participant observation, and a selected part of the data from 280 completed surveys based on answers to open-ended and closed-ended questions. The results indicate that participation in the festival and its celebration have a positive impact at the macro and ethnic community levels in terms of recognition of the festival by the host society, and thereby cultural integration, identity and inclusion of the ethnic community in the entire society. However, the results do not support the idea that participation in this festival has a positive impact on the sociocultural integration of the individual participants into society. Sociocultural integration presupposes intercultural encounters between immigrant individuals, between them and other ethnic groups (including the natives). It is evident that this festival cannot create such a platform for individual participants. This research contributes to the existing body of research on immigrant-oriented festivals in Western societies and strengthens the debates on migration, inclusion, integration, multiculturalism and interculturalism.

KEYWORDS:

• Festivals
• sociocultural integration
• interculturalism
• multiculturalism
• social network

Introduction

Festivals as leisure activities are important for individuals, people, communities, countries and states for many reasons (Bennett & Woodward, 2014; Mair, 2018). A predominant share of earlier festival studies has dealt with the economic impact of festivals on the host community and its promotion for touristic purposes (Báez & Devesa, 2014; Grunwell & Ha, 2007; Prayag et al., 2013), while relatively less attention has been paid to other aspects. In particular, a link to immigrants in host societies, and their ethnic and cultural festivals has been less visible. When the visitors of a festival in a Western society are mostly immigrants in the local community, this importance becomes even greater because it might include other issues, such as identity, integration, community, inclusion and belonging (e.g. see Li & Penny Wan, 2017; Olokodana-James, 2022; Tao et al., 2020). The overall integration of immigrants into Western societies has been debated in these countries for decades (e.g. see Jetten & Esses, 2018; Lucassen et al., 2006; Olwig, 2011). The sociocultural integration of immigrants into society is especially important – that is, their access to influential social networks and cultural spheres (Karlis et al., 2020; and Mata-Codesal et al., 2015) – but it has been mostly defined in collective ethnic community terms. Nevertheless, the impact of the festival on the individual’s sociocultural integration into society goes beyond and in parallel with their ethnic community integration as a collective. Immigrant individuals belong to different communities with different backgrounds and preconditions (Giovanis, 2021), which might have an impact on their paths of integration into the host society beside the path of their own ethnic community as a whole (Lucassen et al., 2006). Consequently, it is relevant to investigate how a festival can facilitate such integration for immigrant communities and the individual participants belonging to these communities.

Relatively few studies have focused on cultural festivals arranged by or for immigrants and ethnic minorities in Western societies (e.g. Apostol, 2018; Chacko, 2013; Hassanli et al., 2020, 2021; Walters & Venkatachalam, 2022). Meanwhile, many leisure studies (mostly performed in the United States and Canada) have focused on different generations of Asian, Latino and European immigrants and their integration into the host society (e.g. Juniu, 2000; Stodolska, 1998; Stodolska et al., 2007; Stodolska & Alexsandris, 2004; Stodolska & Yi, 2003), while other groups (e.g. Middle-eastern, and especially in a European context) have been invisible or less visible. In the other words, there is a research gap on this issue, which this paper aims to fill.

The purpose of this research is to get a better understanding of the impact of the Stockholm Fire Festival on the cultural integration of immigrant communities, and particularly its impact on the sociocultural integration of the individual participants into Swedish society. This paper is a contribution to the existing body of research on cultural festivals, especially those that are arranged by or for immigrants in Western societies. The word “immigrants” here includes different nationalities and ethnic minorities other than natives, as well as refugees (despite distinction between them). In contrast to mainstream research, where the term “migrant” is normally used, here the term “immigrant” is used in accordance with its official use by Swedish authorities. This paper is both descriptive and analytical. The research questions follow:

Q1. How do the participants of the Fire Festival reason their motivations behind participation? What emotions are created after the participation? And, how do they justify continuous celebrations in the years ahead?

Q2. Does their participation facilitate mutual encounter with other participants, and thereby result in faster sociocultural integration at an individual level?

Research context

Sweden has been a multicultural society for decades. More than 200 nationalities are represented in Sweden and more than 25% of the population are of immigrant origin (SCB Population, 2021). Although Sweden is one of the pioneering countries in promoting multiculturalism as an integration strategy, the Swedish integration politics in recent decades have been criticized and judged to be a failure (Gripp, 2020), especially for non-European immigrants. Apart from deficient labour market integration, increased ethnic residential segregation in Swedish cities has contributed to even more marginalization, and deficient social and cultural integration of immigrants (Cetrez et al., 2020; Gripp, 2020; Kadarik, 2019). For example, there are 60 so-called exposed districts in Swedish cities and towns with high rates of ethnic residential segregation, unemployment and criminality (The Global Village, 2022). In 2021, the average rate of unemployment among native-born people was 5.4%, while the corresponding rate for people born outside Sweden was around 20%, and for people born in Asia and Africa it was 28% and 33%, respectively (Ekonomifakta, 2022). The highest rate of all nationalities in the country was 80% for immigrants from Iran, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Syria, Iraq and Somalia (SVD Näringsliv, 2022). In these groups, there is generally a lower educational level than the country’s average. However, 37% of people of Iranian origin had more than three years of higher education, compared to the country’s average rate of 29% (SCB Education, 2020).

The Fire Festival has been celebrated outdoors since the 1980s in Stockholm by many different ethnic communities. In 2010, the Swedish National Turing Theatre (henceforth Riksteatern) began to officially organize the annual festival in downtown Stockholm with their own budget. The celebration was cancelled in 2020 due to the pandemic but was restarted digitally in 2021 (without the public) and was broadcasted live through Internet TV. In 2022, the festival was restarted physically but fewer members of the public were allowed to enter the venue due to still continued restrictions. The festival consists of live multiethnic music accompanied by dance, the symbolic ritual of jumping over fire that the participants do according to an ancient ceremony, and ethnic food and lasts for five hours, including entrance, preparation and live show. The visitors and artists at the festival are mostly of Iranian, Kurdish, Afghan, Tajik, Turkish and Azeri origin, but there are also a few ethnic Swedes. The visitors come mostly from Greater Stockholm. This research is based on data that were collected after the celebration in March 2019 in which 16,000 people participated (Riksteatern, 2020).

Literature review

Integration and power issues

The integration of immigrants into Western societies is mostly linked to three important realms: economic integration with regard to access to jobs and incomes, social integration with regard to a well-functioning social life and access to networks in mainstream society, and cultural integration with regard to the host society’s recognition of cultural diversity and the immigrants’ intercultural encounter with the host people and other ethnic groups (Achkasov & Rozanova, 2013). In a festival context, it is somewhat irrelevant or unthinkable to discuss whether the immigrants’ participation in a short-lived festival impacts on their economic integration as defined in terms of access to jobs and incomes, although research does not rule it out (e.g. Stodolska et al., 2017).

Sociocultural integration refers to the immigrants’ ability to establish networks with other ethnic groups, including the host people, and to accept the basic behavioural norms and values of the host society, and the host society’s ability to accept the immigrants and their ethnic and cultural identity (Achkasov & Rozanova, 2013). In the era of globalization, with increased migration from developing countries to Western societies, the debate on the sociocultural integration of immigrants is essential because it can help to establish sustainable multicultural societies (Berry, 2003; Berry et al., 2006; Kosic et al., 2005; Lee et al., 2012a; Picard & Robinson, 2006; Piontkowshi et al., 2000). In particular, it has given rise to the importance of social connections between all ethnic groups in the community and their access to the host community’s cultural spheres (Ager & Strang, 2008). Since 2015, the huge waves of refugees and immigrants to European countries have certainly been a contributing factor in this regard (Apostol, 2018).

There are critical authors who question current integration politics in Western countries, including Sweden, with a link to the power issue. They suggest that difficulties with the integration of immigrants (especially non-Europeans) in these societies should be studied in the context of their lack of power. This includes social power, unequal power relations, domination and subordination of power relations, ethnic hierarchical order, and access to resources that decide their power position, empowerment, inclusion and exclusion (Berggren, 2019; Eliassi, 2019; Käkelä, 2020; Klusmeyer, 2001; Korteweg, 2017; Matejskova & Leitner, 2011). Here, power can be considered as the immigrants’ lack of access to different economic, cultural and social resources, which empower them to encounter the host society on an equal basis of power relations. Furthermore, they emphasize that difficulties with integration should not be reduced or delimited to the immigrants’ lack of cultural adaptation, or to cultural differences between hosts and immigrants, but should be addressed to deeply rooted structural problems and that immigrants should not bear the whole burden of this dilemma on their own shoulders (Berggren, 2019; Eliassi, 2019; Käkelä, 2020; Klusmeyer, 2001; Korteweg, 2017)

Community integration through festival participation and celebration

Festivals contribute to the social inclusion of communities and their members, and create stronger communities (Laing & Mair, 2015; Mair & Duffy, 2015; McClinchey, 2017; Yolal et al., 2016). This can also be applied to the immigrants’ festivals. Most earlier studies in ethnic or cultural festival context have tended to discuss the festivals’ benefits for the ethnic community or communities, rather than for their individual members. Nevertheless, it is important to emphasize that neither ethnic or immigrant groups, nor individual members in their community or communities are homogenous (Giovanis, 2021). For example, Hassanli et al. (2021), and Walters and Venkatachalam (2022) in their similar studies in Australia and New Zealand, respectively, with support from the theory of Psychological Sense of Community (PSOC by Sarason 1974; McMillan, 1986- as cited in Hassanli et al., 2021; Walters & Venkatachalam, 2022) or MPSOC (Brodsky and Marx, 2001- as cited in Hassanli et al., 2021) explain the benefits of ethnic festivals at a macro or community level. However, at the individual level, this MPSOC and also the heterogeneity at the individual level can strongly vary between individuals in the ethnic community regarding the individuals’ degree of integration into the entire society, and their membership in and belonging to parallel communities (Walters & Venkatachalam, 2022).

Karlis et al. (2020) and Mata-Codesal et al. (2015) emphasize the relationship between immigrants’ participation in cultural and ethnic festivals in Western societies and their sociocultural integration. Achkasov and Rozanova (2013) claim that the celebration of multiethnic or multicultural festivals can be a means for immigrants to achieve access to social and cultural spheres, finding a balance between home and host culture and socialization, while also decreasing the sense of xenophobia among the host people towards immigrants. From the perspective of the government, mutual cultural interactions at festivals between hosts and newcomers can result in providing the latter with recognition of their ethnic identity, and thus a reduced risk for cultural clashes between ethnic groups and hosts (Berry, 2003; Berry et al., 2006; Kosic et al., 2005; Lee et al., 2012b; Picard & Robinson, 2006; Piontkowshi et al., 2000).

Festivals are also suggested to create a series of positive effects for communities and their members (Getz, 2010; Pavlukovic et al., 2017). Crespi-Vallbona and Richards (2007), der Horst (2010) and Lee et al. (2012bc) suggest that cultural and multicultural festivals in Western societies can create a sense of integration, community and togetherness for participants, including those of immigrant origin. Through positive social cultural and psychological benefits for individuals, groups and communities, this contributes to strengthened multicultural societies. For example, immigrants’ socialization and cultural encounter with the hosts and other people at such festivals can create mutual understanding, and thereby result in their well-being (Boucher & Maclure, 2018; der Horst, 2010; Hassanli et al., 2020; Karlis et al., 2020; Lee et al., 2012bc). Studies in Canada and Australia (Furlan & Faggion, 2016; Karlis et al., 2020) have confirmed that participation in festivals can achieve faster social and cultural mutual integration of host people and immigrants, and in this regard the ethnic non-profit community organizations play a major role. Nevertheless, there are also some examples of the opposite, where community festivals with a clearly expressed vision of social inclusion and integration have failed and have been forced to relaunch with new names (e.g. Carlsen et al., 2010).

Other positive effects of festivals concern their ability to achieve stronger social capital for the community through bringing (among other things) broadened networks and relationships, trust, values, norms and so on to the community (Arcodia & Whitford, 2006). In addition, collective feelings and emotions that are created for participants through participation (Kim et al., 2016a; Wood & Kenyon, 2018) are among the important effects that festivals have on community level. For example, Colantonio (2010) states that immigrants’ participation in multicultural festivals can bring a series of positive emotions and feelings, such as a sense of identity, belonging and inclusion, and empowered social capital. During their first years in the host country, immigrants tend to have feelings of homesickness, alienation, discrimination and lacking identities (Brown & Trimboli, 2011; Jackson, 2020; Richards & Wilson, 2004), which can be reduced through festival participation (Waitt, 2008). A part of earlier festival impact studies with a focus on immigrants also found results such as attachment, belonging and solidarity beside identity creation through festival participation (e.g. Bartleet, 2014; de Regt & van der Lippe, 2017; Taylor, 2014).

Festivals, individuals’ sociocultural integration and multiculturalism

Festivals in general are good platforms for local residents and their well-being; they create social interaction, socialization and a sense of belonging, and they counteract the social isolation of individuals (Mair & Duffy, 2015). As cultural platforms, festivals are generally considered to result in better intercultural encounters, and faster social and cultural integration of immigrants (Alencar, 2018; Apostol, 2018; DiMaggio & Fernández-Kelly, 2015; Le et al., 2015; Martiniello, 2015). Because individual immigrants follow their own paths of integration beyond their ethnic community or communities (Lucassen et al., 2006), it is important to discuss how or if their festival participation can speed up their sociocultural integration. Multiculturalism can be used as a context in which the issue of sociocultural integration at an individual level with a link to leisure activities including festival participation is studied. In recent decades, multiculturalism has been the main integration policy for many Western countries, such as Sweden, Germany and Canada but has been criticized both from scholars and leading politicians for being in-efficient (e.g. see Abu-Laban & Stasiulis, 1992; Baker & Row, 2014). The question is whether festivals can create a platform for immigrant individuals to achieve faster sociocultural integration into the society through an intercultural encounter with other participants, and thereby find new friends, connections and relationships there when multiculturalism as a governance policy recognizes ethnic and cultural diversity.

Leisure activities among immigrants are suggested to connect them with host people and individuals from other ethnic groups (Horolets, 2012). For example, the immigrants’ sport and outdoor activities with people in the host community can first strengthen their social integration, and thereafter their cultural integration (Sotoodegan & Pettersson, 2021). Here, Alport’s (1954- as cited by Hassanli et al., 2021 and Lee et al., 2012b) classic contact theory can be used to explain the importance of a faster sociocultural integration of immigrants because in many cases it is not achieved at all or can take long time to achieve it. This can also be linked to the issue of power that was mentioned earlier – when sociocultural integration is faster, the immigrant will be more empowered to be integrated into other spheres of the new society.

After arrival to their new countries, immigrant individuals face many challenges, such as new language, homesickness, identity crisis, feeling of exclusion and discrimination, residential segregation and isolation, and so on (e.g. see Walters & Venkatachalam, 2022). They need to learn the language, current cultural codes, norms and values to understand how the new society functions. They also need a social network (preferably among natives) to help them contact authorities, find a job or internship, or facilitate for them to move to a less-segregated neighbourhood. Based on Alport’s contact theory (Alport 1954- as cited by Lee et al., 2012b), both immigrants and hosts in the beginning have stereotypies and prejudice against each other, which creates social distance between them. However, intercultural encounter, in accordance with the theory, results in cultural proximity, acculturation and mutual understanding between them. Connections with members of the host community and other established ethnic groups, which hopefully constitute their references and friends (Lee et al., 2012b), empower them and give them a sense of being meaningful members of the society, instead of feeling alienated or isolated. The question, once again, is if festival participation can facilitate finding such contacts and references. Such a facilitator was found for immigrant individuals and their outdoor sport activities (Blattel, 2011; Gentin et al., 2018; Sotoodegan & Pettersson, 2021; Stodolska et al., 2017).

Authors such as Radford (2017) and Hassanli et al. (2020) talk about cultural and cross-cultural encounters and counterspace between immigrants and hosts in leisure activities that can create spaces for acculturation and cultural proximity between these groups, and give opportunities for direct contacts between hosts and immigrants. Meanwhile, authors such as Glorius et al. (2020), Kim et al. (2016b), Koefoed et al. (2022) and Li et al. (2015) emphasize that such encounters create mutual understanding of each other’s cultural backgrounds, facilitate the immigrants’ adaptation to the host society’s norms and values, and results in a proximity between immigrants’ and hosts’ culture. These issues can be addressed to two different approaches (i.e. interculturalism and multiculturalism) and also include the intercultural relationships between the immigrants themselves.

Authors with a critical interculturalism approach (e.g. Boucher & Maclure, 2018; Zapata-Barrero, 2017) that are fond of more in-depth intercultural relations hesitate to state that the current politics of multiculturalism in Western societies can create in-depth interactions between immigrants and host people, which might facilitate sociocultural integration of the former. Multiculturalism, in similarity with its refined term interculturalism, recognizes cultural diversity and inclusion of all ethnic groups in the society but emphasizes mutual sociocultural encounters between individuals from different ethnic groups to a lesser extent than interculturalism (Kymlicka, 2012; Maclure, 2010). Interculturalists argue that in-depth intercultural relationships between immigrants and host people can create social cohesion and social capital for immigrants (Boucher & Maclure, 2018). The interculturalist Zapata-Barrero (2017) supports more in-depth contacts between individuals from different ethnic groups (including host people) in real time and space (i.e. face-to-face meetings), which is quite different from the multiculturalists’ ideas (e.g. see Balint & de Latour, 2013; Modood’s, 2017) that in the best way can result in superficial meetings between ethnic groups (see also Boucher & Maclure, 2018)

Methodology

Data collection

A mixed-methods approach was initially assessed to fit the research, consisting of the author’s own participant observation and a survey online with both close-ended and open-ended questions. While participant’s observation and qualitative survey questions in this approach can give a deeper insight on the issue, the quantitative survey questions help to collect important background information, such as demographic data (Fetters & Molina-Azorin, 2020; Ivanov et al., 2020). Here, the quantitative survey questions not only give valuable background information about the respondents but also served as relevant socioeconomic data that has been used in the content analysis (see Findings). The author together with another researcher participated in the celebration on 19 March 2019. He participated as an objective social scientist to get deeper insight into the festival and its participants, collect data, and make observation notes, hand out flyers on the research project, and then as a person of Iranian origin to experience the whole concept on his own. Nevertheless, despite his link to the Swedish-Iranian community, for the sake of the nuanced truth and social scientist’s position to show this truth neutrally (Agazzi, 2014), the author used the lens of a critical but objective social scientist here.

Then, a questionnaire in Swedish with 18 closed-ended and open-ended questions was prepared and the survey link was placed on two Swedish homepages in Stockholm (one in the Swedish language and the other in Persian) at the end of March and for one month. The questionnaire had complete information about the two responsible scientists behind the survey (the author and a scientist from Riksteatern) and their organizations. The survey was administrated through the Sunet Survey online system, which was hosted by the author’s own university and only one person per device was allowed to send a complete survey. Participation in the survey was totally anonymous and in accordance with European GDPR law (General Data Protection Rule), which was clearly reported to the participants in the initial information text. This means that the research team had no selection or pre-selection of the sample and the participants chose on their own to participate in the investigation. By participating in the investigation, they gave their consent in the questionnaire for their responses to be used for research purposes. Furthermore, we do not know the individual’s gender, age, ethnic or socioeconomic background and so on behind the answers or quotations that have been used in this paper.

The survey resulted in 280 complete questionnaires, which were clearly presented by Sunet Survey’s SPSS software in texts and bar charts. In addition to observation notes and answers to nine demographic questions, the author chose to include answers to three relevant open-ended questions in this data for the following research, and excluded other open-ended questions that were deemed less relevant to the research purpose and question (Bryman, 2016; Camprubí & Lluís Coromina, 2016; Lune & Berg, 2017). These questions were about celebration motivations and emotions (Please see Findings)

Analysis method

The content analysis method was assessed to be suitable for this research because the content analysis provides a description of people’s experiences and perspectives through data that comes from (for example) interview transcripts or observation notes (Kyngäs, 2020; Lune & Berg, 2017). The analysis is also inductive (empirically driven) because the author had no theoretical framework, theories or hypotheses in advance to prove but let the data be analysed first and then sought to connect the results to relevant earlier research (Bryman, 2016; Kyngäs, 2020). The author also followed a procedure that began with the author moving all 280 answers to the open-ended questions to a Word sheet. He then repeatedly read the answers to get a holistic perspective on what the document says. Concerning abstraction, condensing and coding, given that the document was already delimited to three open-ended questions and observation notes, it was already condensed and the coding was easier to perform. Then, through text coding, visible (manifest) and underlying (latent) meanings were discovered and relevant words or codes in the data were then placed in relevant categories. In the last steps, the author sought to reconnect to relevant theory or earlier research, verified the results and drew some conclusions (Kyngäs, 2020; Lune & Berg, 2017). Through reviewing answers to the three open-ended questions, and close-ended demographic questions and observation notes, the author chose in the other words to include all themes and patterns that were recurrent in the data and relevant to the research purpose and questions (collective and individual sociocultural integration; Bryman, 2016; Lune & Berg, 2017). Quotations were used to illustrate the important results.

Demographic data and observation notes in brief

From the demographic data in Table 1, it is clear that most of the respondents (64%) were men. The majority (66%) of the respondents were older than 40. Less than half of the respondents had lived in Sweden for more than 21 years and the same for less than 21 years, and 4% reported that they were born in Sweden. This latter 4% can include both natives and second-generation immigrants (i.e. those who are born and raised here with least one parent born outside Sweden). More than 16% of the respondents can be considered as newcomers given that they have lived here less than five years. A predominant majority (83%) called themselves Swedish-Iranian, while the rest called themselves Swedish Afghan, Swedish Iraqi, Swedish and other. Most of them (80%) had an academic education and were employed, while the rest were either unemployed, retired or students. A predominant majority came from Greater Stockholm and the neighbouring municipalities. They came to the festival mostly with family members, friends and relatives, and most of them were participating in the festival for the second time or more. A predominant majority (73%) also answered that they had earlier visited the venue (i.e. the Open-air Museum of Skansen). Finally, less than 80% believed that their expectation was fully or partly fulfilled.

Table 1. The respondents’ answers to close-ended questions.

Gender	64% Men, 36% Women
Age	66% were aged more than 40 years old
Years in Sweden	About half had lived in Sweden for less than 21 years, 4% were born and raised there, and the rest had lived here for more than 21 years.
Nationality/ethnicity	Swedish-Iranian (83%), Swedish Afghan (6%), Swedish Iraqi (1%), Swedish (4%) and other (6%).
Educational level	82% had an academic education. The rest had elementary school and high school education.
Profession	72% were employed, 13% were students and 15% were unemployed or retired.
Residential area	More than 81% of them came from Greater Stockholm. The remainder came from counties in immediate proximity.
Lone participant or in company?	17% came alone while 83% came with friends, relatives and family members.
Participation in the Fire Festival in Stockholm in previous years	62% had been participating for 3 years or more, 18% participated for second time and the rest participated for first time.
Previous visits of Skansen	More than 73% had visited Skansen prior to the festival
Are your expectations fulfilled?	54% believed that the festival had fully fulfilled their expectations, 25% believed that their expectations were partly fulfilled, 21% believed that their expectations were not fulfilled.

The participant observation was ongoing between 15:00 and 21:00 outside the entrance and inside the venue. Two researchers participated in freezing temperatures, they talked to people and distributed flyers on the research project among them outside the arena. Furthermore, the author made observation notes inside the venue without the possibility to talk to people. Most of the participants were of Iranian and Afghan origin and of different age categories. By different languages that were used there, one could hear that many other ethnic groups (including ethnic Swedes) were also attending. Inside the arena, the participants did different things. Some were just sitting and watching the show from a distance, some were dancing to live music in front of the stage, some participants were sitting and eating in the venue’s cafeteria and restaurant, some were queuing before food tracks, and some participated with their small children in their special activities. Thousands of people went in and out of the venue during these hours.

Findings

Expression for cultural integration at a macro or community level

When asked why they celebrate, respondents indicated that this celebration is above all an attempt to get recognition for their culture and tradition from the host Swedish society. Here, they emphasized the importance of celebrating an old tradition, to preserve the ancient ancestors’ legacy, to get acceptance for their culture from Swedes, and to strengthen multiculturalism, diversity and integration in society. A few also talked about having times of happiness and togetherness with families and friends. All these are examples where the respondents talked about integration at the macro or community level (i.e. a recognition of their ethnic groups and their cultural identities; Berry, 2003; Berry et al., 2006; Kosic et al., 2005; Lee et al., 2012b; Picard & Robinson, 2006; Piontkowshi et al., 2000) and PSOC (Hassanli et al., 2021; Walters & Venkatachalam, 2022) rather than on the micro level that touches upon them individually. None of the respondents talked in individual terms (e.g. that they celebrate to find new friends among native people and other ethnic groups), or that the festival or the celebration is a good platform for intercultural encounter with natives and other ethnic groups, or they celebrate to extend their networks with native Swedes or other ethnic groups, and so on (Achkasov & Rozanova, 2013; Glorius et al., 2020; Kim et al., 2016b; Koefoed et al., 2022; Li et al., 2015; Radford, 2017). As in the following example:

• Important feast that brings the family together. Important to maintain fine Persian

• manners and customs. Important to show the outside world that Persian culture is so

• much more than what you read on the news today and see in the country in general.

• I am an Afghan who grew up in Iran. I experienced the Fire Festival all my life and I

• want to continue celebrating it.

Concerning annual celebration and arrangement by Riksteatern, a predominant majority were positive, and an obvious key category of multiculturalism and integration was discovered, consisting of codes such as multiculturalism, integration, recognition of cultural diversity, cultural encounter, respect for other cultures/nations, community, solidarity and belonging. In addition, the answers here refer almost entirely to state-driven multiculturalism and integration at the macro or community level (e.g. Kymlicka, 2012; Modood, 2017) – that is, towards ethnic communities for achieving PSOC (Hassanli et al., 2021; Walters & Venkatachalam, 2022) – rather than interculturalism – that is, in term of individuals’ encounters with host people and other ethnic groups (e.g. Boucher & Maclure, 2018; Maclure, 2010; Zapata-Barrero, 2017). The following quotations are illustrative:

• I think it’s very important. There are many people in Sweden, Iranians, Kurds, Afghans,

• and others who celebrate the Fire Festival, and it is important to highlight that Sweden

• is a multicultural country and that everyone can celebrate their traditions and festivals

• and that you get to take part in each other’s cultures.

• Yes! for me as an Iranian, it is important. Also, I think since Iranians are playing an important role in Swedish society, it is important to consider our culture and respect that. In general, I think in Sweden we have to respect the multinational society we have and start to respect every culture of the immigrants, as well as the host. Only in such situation, we can really live in peace and efficiency together in one society.

Concerning feelings and emotions, respondents mostly reported positive feelings of happiness, followed by feelings of integration and community. Less frequently reported feelings were spring and nature-related feelings, and nostalgic memories. However, the category of integration and community contained the words pride, honour, respect, valuable, visible, community, affinity, belonging, being together, socialization, solidarity, identity, culture, tradition, patriotism and motivation. The use of these words mainly expresses a sense of integration and inclusion in society at the macro or ethnic community level, but it says nothing about integration at the individual level in terms of encounters with the host people and other ethnic groups. The fact that such a cultural festival is organized by the Swedish Riksteatern indicates recognition of the tradition at the national level, which can be important for some minority groups that might have experienced feelings of discrimination (Richards & Wilson, 2004). This creates pride, honour, respect, visibility and identity for these groups of people who see their ethnic communities and cultural traditions as being noticed by mainstream society. This result is partly in line with some of the earlier research (e.g. Bartleet, 2014; de Regt & van der Lippe, 2017; Taylor, 2014). The following quotations are representative:

• A certain feeling of togetherness, joy of gathering and celebrating together and that

• the tradition is noticed and returns every year.

• When you see how big and organized it is then you feel pride and belonging and community with everyone else who likes to celebrate it with me.

Already socio-culturally integrated into society

As is clear by the manifest meaning in the data (i.e. answers to demographic questions), a predominant majority of the respondents have already been well-integrated into society. They have had a good education and they have had an attachment to the labour market as ordinary employees or as business owners. This means that these people already have an influential network via their jobs and connections. Furthermore, through their jobs and networks, they had certainly good knowledge about the society’s sociocultural norms, codes and values. Therefore, these individuals can be recognized as persons with MPSOC (Hassanli et al., 2021; Walters & Venkatachalam, 2022) with various identity belongings and they do not need to try to achieve sociocultural integration any longer.

In earlier studies, one of the main motivators behind participation for some participants was to find new friends and extend their network (e.g. Lee et al., 2012c; Walters & Venkatachalam, 2022). Thus, searching for new friends and contacts among natives and individuals in other ethnic groups in this festival has not been relevant for these respondents. No one in the open-ended questions in the survey (especially the question on motivation for celebration) mentioned, directly or indirectly, the importance of the festival for their individual sociocultural integration, or that they participated to find new friends or to extend their social networks. To link these results to the power issue, these persons can be considered as individuals with power resources (Berggren, 2019; Eliassi, 2019; Käkelä, 2020; Klusmeyer, 2001; Korteweg, 2017; Matejskova & Leitner, 2011) that helped them to achieve sociocultural integration, while there are many other individuals in their ethnic community or communities who lack these resources and still need help to come up to an optimal level of sociocultural integration.

In the crowd but not interactive with others

Sociocultural integration in an ethnic or cultural festival context presupposes the appearance of encounters, intercultural encounters and counterspace in the venue and between individuals of immigrant origin themselves, and between them and the host people (Achkasov & Rozanova, 2013; Alencar, 2018 Apostol, 2018; Hassanli et al., 2020;; Radford, 2017). However, this opportunity was not observed by the author during his participation in the festival.

A latent meaning that was observed by the author outside the entrance and also inside the venue was the lack of intercultural encounters between participants who belonged to different ethnic groups and who were unknown to each other. In one of the close-ended questions, 83% of the respondents answered that they had come in company with friends, relatives and family members, and the rest came alone. This was clearly observed by the author before the entrance and inside the venue. Everywhere inside the venue – in front of the stage when dancing, in the restaurant and cafeteria when queuing for food and coffee, outside the toilets, in front of the food trucks or in children’s play section – the author could observe that people kept in tight contact with their company. If someone wished, there was no possibility for intercultural encounter, even on a basis and superficial level. The very high level of the noise (very loud music) plus the rather dark area outside the stage area worsened the situation. This was not felt to be a suitable platform for in-depth mutual sociocultural connections between people who may wish or look for new connections. In addition, there were no possibilities for quick, superficial and transitory conversations. The Fire Festival practically created no platform for active cross-cultural or intercultural encounters and counterspace between individuals from different ethnic groups (Glorius et al., 2020; Hassanli et al., 2021; Kim et al., 2016b; Koefoed et al., 2022; Li et al., 2015; Radford, 2017)

Discussion and conclusions

The purpose of this research was to get a better understanding of the impact of the Stockholm Fire Festival on the cultural integration of immigrant communities, and particularly its impact on the individual participants’ sociocultural integration into Swedish society. The results of the data, in consistency with a large number of earlier studies, support the idea that participation in the Fire Festival and its annual celebration creates a collective sense of cultural integration for the ethnic communities participating in the celebration. Through recognition of their ethnic cultures by the host society, they get a sense of inclusion, community, identity, multiculturalism and diversity, pride, acceptance and belonging at macro or ethnic community level (Berry, 2003; Berry et al., 2006; Kosic et al., 2005; Kymlicka, 2012; Lee et al., 2012b; Modood, 2017; Picard & Robinson, 2006; Piontkowshi et al., 2000). It creates also a collective PSOC among the members (Hassanli et al., 2021; Walters & Venkatachalam, 2022). Beside the ethnic communities as whole, the celebration and participation also benefit the ethnic associations involved in the festival’s organization at a macro level, especially for Stockholm municipality and Swedish society, for Riksteatern as Sweden’s largest civil society actor for stage art, and it contributes to creating a stronger community (Laing & Mair, 2015; McClinchey, 2017). Most likely, the different immigrant associations involved in the organization will have better access to social networks and to cultural spheres (Furlan & Faggion, 2016; Karlis et al., 2020), while Stockholm and Sweden get a stronger image and identity (Laing & Mair, 2015; McClinchey, 2017; Yolal et al., 2016). Here, in consistency with multiculturalism, these ethnic groups have had their festival and their cultural identities recognized by the host society (Balint & de Latour, 2013; Modood, 2017).

The results of the data, on the contrary, do not give any indication that participation in the Fire Festival in its current form and the celebration of it can facilitate faster sociocultural integration of the individual participants. Sociocultural integration in a multicultural festival context presupposes that intercultural encounter happens between individual immigrants themselves, and between them and host people (Boucher & Maclure, 2018; der Horst, 2010 Hassanli et al., 2020; Hassanli et al., 2021;; Lee et al., 2012b; Radford, 2017c; Achkasov & Rozanova, 2013; Arcodia & Whitford, 2006; Colantonio, 2010). It is also supposed to be based on successful face-to-face cross-cultural and intercultural encounters (Glorius et al., 2020; Kim et al., 2016b; Koefoed et al., 2022; Li et al., 2015; Radford, 2017). Such successful face-to-face cross-cultural encounters, in contrast to a part of the earlier studies that concluded more optimistically on the issue (Furlan & Faggion, 2016; Karlis et al., 2020), were not observed by the author during his hours of observation outside and inside the venue. In addition, the answers in the survey did not make it clear that this festival can make this possible.

Given that relatively few native-born individuals have participated in the festival over the years, it seems highly doubtful that such relations would get a chance to grow, especially during the few hours that the festival lasts. It is also highly doubtful that this short-lived festival with a high noise level even provides the opportunity for superficial encounters, let alone in-depth interactions between immigrants themselves or between them and natives. None of the respondents in this survey gave examples saying whether they had succeeded in extending their social network, attained stronger social capital or obtained better access to cultural spheres through participation in the festival. Perhaps other types of festivals, such as food festivals of longer duration or other types of outdoor activities, are better platforms to achieve more in-depth and face-to-face encounters with native-born people and other ethnic groups in real time and space.

These results contribute to further take a critical reflection on whether such festivals facilitate intercultural encounters between participants and faster sociocultural integration of immigrants (Alencar, 2018; Apostol, 2018; DiMaggio & Fernández-Kelly, 2015; Le et al., 2015; Martiniello, 2015). This festival, in contrast to the idea of interculturalism, is not yet able to facilitate platforms for in-depth intercultural relations in real time and space (Boucher & Maclure, 2018; Zapata-Barrero, 2017) with the empowered social capital and networks for the individuals coming from different ethnic minorities (Arcodia & Whitford, 2006; Colantonio, 2010).

Shortcomings, implications and suggestions for further research

A shortcoming of this research is that a group of individuals who are well-educated and well-integrated into society (mostly from the Iranian community) has answered the questions. This study has not been able to include those powerless individuals who are marginalized in society and who need help to achieve faster sociocultural integration. These 280 individuals, are neither representative of the remaining 16,000 individuals who participated in the festival nor of the rest of the Iranian community in Stockholm. The results should thereby be interpreted cautiously. Another shortcoming of this study is that only the Swedish language was used in the questionnaire. A questionnaire in Persian could most likely attract many more individuals, and facilitate their ability to answer the questions and express their feelings.

This research has implications for the research community and for Western societies that have received many immigrants during recent decades. Hopefully, it will give inspiration to new research projects that will more specifically focus on individuals and their strengthened sociocultural integration through festival participation. It also has implications for the hosting societies and gives them insight into how to help immigrants, both as individuals and also as members of communities, to achieve better integration (especially in the social and cultural areas) into society. It also has implications for Swedish society that despite its global reputation as a peaceful and tolerant society, during recent years has experienced a large number of violent incidents of destruction of public property and altercations with police in which some individual members of immigrant communities (and not the communities themselves) have been involved.

This research makes a contribution to the already existing body of research on the topic through highlighting the importance of sociocultural encounter between immigrants as individuals and host people, and whether multicultural and multiethnic festivals have the capacity to facilitate it. This needs to be addressed in future studies in Sweden or other countries. Regardless of country, it is highly relevant that social scientists with a speciality in leisure activities find out how multicultural and multiethnic festivals through better schedule, programme, place selection and so on can really create platforms for in-depth intercultural encounters between participants of different ethnic backgrounds. Suggestion for further research in Sweden should continue the current research and conduct an even larger survey solely in Persian that could also be used by several ethnic groups (i.e. Iranians, Kurds and Afghans) coming from different socioeconomic backgrounds, offering them the chance to better express themselves concerning their sociocultural integration through clearer and more oriented open-ended questions. This survey could also be completed with focus group interviews or individual interviews to gain deeper insight into the issue. Hopefully, through their answers, it would be possible to find new types of leisure activities that function better for creating spaces for intercultural encounter, and thereby result in better and faster sociocultural integration of immigrant individuals in Sweden.

Acknowledgements

This research has been conducted in collaboration with Swedish National Turing Theatre (Riksteatern). There is no conflict of interest in this research. The research has received no external funding.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).