ABSTRACT
The historical, social, political, economic and geographical context plays a significant role in the articulation of a living cultural heritage. Tangible and intangible relationships to heritage add to its authenticity. The complex dynamics of a historic site require insightful documentation, highlighting areas conflicting with the current socio-political and physical built environment. This paper analyzes the case of Mazar of Bhitai, with its focus on the essential role played by morphology and land-use characteristics. Altered and expanded shrines have lost their connection to history, due to major renewals. Socio-spatial connections of place to oldest caretakers need to be documented, respected and supported. Physical mapping of the place and context and qualitative interviews of key stakeholders and participant observation, for performed rituals at the shrine, were mixed methods used. The paper highlights the need to incorporate policies in urban planning and site management of cultural heritage with deep-rooted associations to sustain them.
Acknowledgements
This paper is extracted from the author’s doctorate research data.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 This is the case in several cases, but this is not a generalized statement as stakeholders vary from shrine to shrine, based on their history, significance and other parameters. It holds true for the Mazar of Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai, taken as case study.
2 compiled today in a book, Shah jo Raag, with translations
3 Initially this was not performed at this location, as some other rituals too, but locations and orientations of rituals were later changed, decisions made reinforcing their significance.
4 The word Auqaf is Arabic plural of the word waqf.
5 The process of nationalization of waqf properties in Pakistan had three objectives (Malik Citation1996, 55): 'first, the State wanted to extend and protect its interest since these endowments are often in the form of religious schools, estates and shrines. The shrines are meeting points for large contingents of people, because of the popular cults associated with them. Religious schools are the centers which produce both religious and political leaders. Secondly, the State was interested in the financial resources accruing from the shrines and schools. Thirdly, nationalization meant the bureaucratization of the shrine-culture and of endowments which, in association with Folk-Islam, was striving for autonomy.'
6 This is where he would mostly be found resting, meditating or praying.
7 Space for lighting fire for the ritual
8 The dark colours representing the built spaces and their lighter shades, the open spaces within its bounded edges.
9 Tamar fakir is the name of the fakir originally entrusted by Bhitai with the kalaam performance at the mazar. His descendants have subsequently secured this title by his name.
10 groups of women usually stay at residences of people they know in Bhitshah
11 Sermons in public gathering, mostly religious in nature.
12 Elsa kazi, Shah jo Risalo – English translation.
13 Nazranas as gifts to saints were originally used mostly for offering hospitality to their visitors.