Nose of dog, eye of elk, and wolf’s liver: exploring the interconnectedness of Indigenous health and foraging among the Dukha reindeer herders of Mongolia

ABSTRACT

Recent studies show that Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) of Indigenous Peoples’ food systems and the transfer of that knowledge to their children are critical to physical and mental health, promote the transfer of language and culture, and further resilience. The aim of this exploratory, medical ecological study was to document TEK about foraging and plant use among the Dukha, a small, semi-nomadic reindeer herding community in Northern Mongolia. Field research was conducted at multiple remote camps in 2019 and 2023. Methods included semi-structured, open-ended interviews (N = 16), photo identification, and participant observation (N = 34 families). Study Informants identified 27 foraged plants. Results placed Dukha foraging practices within a framework illustrating the interconnectedness of their worldview and cultural norms, including the physical and spiritual aspects of the landscape, with health, illness, and curing. Dukha curative knowledge of the flora aligns with both Traditional Mongolian Medicine (TMM) and scientific studies on healing and preventative care. Through foraging and plant use, the Dukha balance relationships with the land and spirits, benefit from better nutrition and physical activity, utilise healing qualities of Indigenous flora, and foster the intergenerational transfer of language and traditional knowledge.

KEYWORDS:

• Foraging
• traditional ecological knowledge
• medical ecology
• reindeer herders
• Mongolia
• Indigenous health

Introduction

Migrating within the taiga (boreal forests) of the Sayan Mountains, the semi-nomadic Dukha of Northern Mongolia, who today number approximately 400 people in 55 families, represent the most southerly located of the world’s Indigenous reindeer herders. As with other reindeer herding communities around the world, Dukha identity is closely linked with their animals. Moreover, cosmological beliefs include Animism, Tengrism, and Shamanism, where relationships between humans and nonhumans (the spirits of ancestors and nature) are carefully managed [1,2]. Dukha cultural values embrace generosity, hospitality, and egalitarianism. Whether collecting water, making offerings at an ovoo (a stone monument to the area’s deities) on a mountain pass, entering a dwelling, foraging, or hunting, Dukha everyday behaviours reflect mutualism and responsibility for and with the environment and its inhabitants [1–3].

The Dukha are an Indigenous Turkic-speaking people from Tuva in South Siberia. Traditionally, they herded reindeer in the high mountains between Russia and Mongolia [4]. In 1921, Tuva became a satellite of the Soviet Union and in the 1940s, the border was closed, disrupting Dukha seasonal Tuva-Mongolia migration patterns. Unable to return to Tuva, families travelling with their herds in Mongolia at this time settled into two groups. Those northeast of the Shishged River (Zuun taiga) formed the East Taiga Dukha and those who settled to the southwest (Baruun taiga), the West Taiga Dukha [5]. Though some differences exist in how their camps are organised, east and west families are closely connected through clan affiliations, their identities intertwined with the taiga and their reindeer.

Today, the Dukha have approximately 2700 reindeer [6]. Alerted by their herds when it is time to move, the Dukha migrate to fresh pastures four or more times a year. While in the taiga, herders live in teepee-style circular dwellings called urts made of larch and canvas and heated with a wood-burning stove. These goods and household furnishings are easily dismantled by the families and transported by their reindeer during migration. The Dukha also use reindeer for personal transportation and hauling firewood. While not regularly slaughtered for meat, the reindeer are milked to produce cheese, yoghurt, and butter. Until recent times, a variety of wild game was hunted; herders also fished and seasonally foraged plants [4]. After the Tengis-Shisghed National Park was established in 2011 to protect threatened animal species, hunting restrictions were enacted making it difficult for the Dukha to obtain wild game [7]. The government now provides a monthly stipend to offset the cost of purchased foodstuffs. Restrictions also affect land use. Permits are now required to enter some conservation areas, altering migration and hampering visitation to ancestral sites [8].

Threats to the Dukha and their traditions have existed since the middle of the last century. Decades of Soviet led socialism, followed by privatisation, and then the increased focus on conservation, brought political, religious, social, and economic upheavals to all Mongolians. However, as a small, immigrant ethnic minority of reindeer herders living in remote Northern Mongolia, the Dukha continue to face unique obstacles [4,9]. The establishment of protected areas and conservation zones disrupt hunting, migration, and socio-religious patterns of the community [8]. Youth are losing proficiency in their native Dukha tongue as the boarding school model for education assimilates them to Mongolian culture and language. Further, economic opportunities draw young people away from reindeer herding, with relocation to different parts of Mongolia or even other countries for work and education not uncommon [10]. These social and economic realities can be barriers to the transfer of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) – the cultural, biological, and physical relatedness learned through generations of lived experience – to Dukha youth [11]. Currently, international organisations such as the Association of World Reindeer Herders (AWRH)¹ and the International Center for Reindeer Husbandry (ICR)² support programmes to document and strengthen the use and transfer of TEK regarding reindeer husbandry and food systems to the next generation of herders, including the Dukha [11–13].

Whether hunting, herding, or foraging, Indigenous reindeer herders employ TEK [1,3,14–16]. A mental vocabulary of historical, ancestral, multisensory, animistic, and cosmological beliefs guides their actions as they move through the taiga. These ways of knowing and thinking acquired through generations of lived experience involve biological, physical, and cultural perceptions. This knowledge is not static, but updated as people daily observe the behaviour of animals and other phenomena in the landscape. This expertise is necessary for the health of both people and the environment, as an imbalance in one can produce stress in the other [1–3,14,15,17,18].

Around the world, estimates reveal that 70 to 90% of all health care takes place in what medical anthropologists refer to as the popular sector [17]. When seeking health advice for an ailment, an individual may consult with family or group members, or have conversations with someone who has had the same symptoms. Treatments include self-medication based on cultural norms (herbs, teas, over-the-counter medications, or changes in behaviour), folk healers (shamans, faith healers, or herbalists), and professional doctors (physicians, nurses, chiropractors) [17]. Many Indigenous Peoples believe that illness can result from misfortune or a state of disharmony with one’s familial/social, natural, or spiritual relations [1]. Among some Latinos, episodes of bad luck or “fright” [19, p. 98] can result in sociocultural polarity and stress leading to physical manifestations of sickness [17]. For the Dukha, these sectors of illness causation and health-seeking behaviour also apply. The Dukha may visit a physician, seek folk remedies, or take over-the-counter medications for symptom relief. Some illnesses may require a shaman’s expertise. Through trance, shamans communicate with the spirits, performing rituals to aid people in crisis [1,20,21].

Much ethnographic research has been conducted on the cultural beliefs and worldview of reindeer herders and their relationships with the physical and spiritual inhabitants of their landscapes [1–3,7,8,14,16,20]. Few studies focus specifically on the Dukha [21], describing their TEK of local plants and the interconnectedness of gathering behaviours with beliefs about the environment, health, and illness. Using a holistic approach, this qualitative, medical ecological look at plants examines how the taiga – the environment of the Dukha and their reindeer – is composed of physical, biological, and cultural components that have a role in Dukha well-being [3,17,18,21]. A review of Dukha emic descriptions of foraging in the taiga allows for an exploration of cultural norms and strategies surrounding the collection, preparation, preservation, and consumption of specific plants during seasonal migrations.

Materials and methods

An introduction

In 2016, an invitation to the Mongolian taiga to examine Dukha perceptions of gift-giving by tourists was accepted. Trips to both the east and west taiga were conducted in May and early June of that year. Data was collected using participant observation, in-depth structured and unstructured interviews, and a modified pile sort of common gifts brought by tourists [10]. Fifty percent of families in the east and west taiga were visited and a close rapport was established. While staying in the community, the researcher was introduced to many aspects of the herders’ daily routines. In addition to tourism, much was revealed about foraging, food production, cooking, milking of reindeer, the enculturation of children, and sundry everyday Dukha norms, values, and world view. During casual encounters, many herders revealed issues facing their community. People spoke of physical ailments, particularly among older community members, that included high blood pressure, headaches, and liver, kidney, heart, and lung problems, many times asking if medication was available that would help. The loss of cultural knowledge among Dukha youth as pertains to reindeer herding, hunting areas, and foraging was a concern. Frequently mentioned, too, was the fear that young people were no longer able to communicate in the Dukha language. Mongolian Reindeer Tuvan (Dukha) is listed in the UNESCO Red Book on Endangered Languages as severely threatened [22]. In a 2012 United Nations Environment Program report, “Changing Taiga: Challenges for Mongolian Reindeer Herders”, Dukha participants reiterated that “language is essential to preserving the traditional knowledge of the reindeer herding culture and ensuring recruitment of the next generation of herders” [22, p. 37]. Further, in a meeting at the nearly completed Dukha Culture and Development Center in Tsagaannuur, the researcher learned of anticipated programmes to promote Dukha language and culture; in addition, the Director hoped to create a hospitality and museum space for tourists to stay and learn about the culture, food, and values of the Dukha reindeer herders.

After the 2016 research period was completed, established rapport was maintained with some families over the next several years through social media and the occasional video call. A return social visit to the west taiga autumn camp in 2018 brought an invited opportunity to forage with extended family members for a variety of berries and nuts used as food and medicine, an activity that is also offered to tourists. Riding reindeer and horses to specific locations in the forest and along the river, bilberries, blackcurrants, blueberries, and pine nuts were gathered “in the family context”, with a 6 year-old, a teenager, and several adults in their thirties and forties. It was evident that the Dukha have much knowledge of edible and curative flora on their migration routes and that they make return trips to particular areas to harvest useful items each year. Witnessing Dukha youth learning plant knowledge from their parents and keeping in mind the wishes of the Dukha Culture and Development Center and previous concerns from the families about language and culture loss, a research project was conceived. An exploratory, interpretative approach was used to examine TEK and foraging during taiga migrations with the intent to deliver all results to the Dukha community and the Dukha Culture and Development Center.

This study focuses on Dukha patterns of behaviour when foraging and their nutritive and ethnomedical knowledge of plants currently employed while seasonally living in the taiga, away from the dietary and medicinal conveniences (and the health clinics) of the town. Methods include participant observation with families (N = 34), a survey questionnaire on foraging and plant use, a photographic survey, and semi-structured, open-ended, individual interviews. Notes were taken during all research interviews and written surveys were translated from Mongolian to English. Participant observation data recorded in 2016 about the landscape and cultural activities were included. By analysing the research inductively using Grounded Theory, the researcher could theorise processes that emerged during the data collection process [23]. Three seasons, from late spring to early autumn, were observed.

Information specific to foraging and plant use began in 2019 with visits to the east taiga spring and summer camps and the west taiga summer camp. Travelling by horse the dozens of kilometres to and from the camps, the researcher was immersed in the landscape, observed the flora, and experienced the capriciousness of seasonal weather changes in the mountains, including thunderstorms, hailstorms, deep mud, swollen rivers, and snow. There were also opportunities to forage with members of the community and to taste plants in situ. Stays were arranged with families in their home urts or in specially erected tourists urts, depending on availability. Interviews took place both outside and in families’ urts. The latter allowed for observation of foodstuffs inside the dwellings, which included store bought teas, dried meat, fresh reindeer milk products, homemade sourdough bread, fresh fish when camps were near a lake, and drying plants or strips of drying reindeer meat hung from strapping on the urts larch poles.

For the research process, a convenience sample of participants was identified from the previous visit in 2016. Initially, the translator spoke with the interviewees and explained the purpose and scope of the research on plants. After, the translator asked for permission to proceed. Using a self-administered questionnaire translated into Mongolian, the first group of participants (N = 6) provided information on plants commonly foraged in the taiga. They stated what month the plants were harvested and described how and for what purpose or purposes the plants were used. These questionnaires and follow-up inquiries produced a free list of 25 plants collected for food and medicine. This free list was expanded to include plants identified through secondary sources as being gathered by the Dukha in the taiga or in Khovsgol Province [8,24,25], bringing the number of plants to 41. No specimens were collected, but the researcher took reference photographs of the landscape and plants. Photographs within the families’ urts were taken with permission.

In July 2023, using the free list of 41 plants, a second round of semi-structured, open-ended interviews (N = 16) was conducted. The researcher again travelled on horseback to the east and west taiga summer camps, at times tenting overnight enroute. In mid-summer the landscape was bursting with colour from the wildflowers. Preceding each interview, the translator explained the purpose of the study and asked permission to proceed. In this phase, participants were shown individual photographs of the 41 plants which, for the researcher’s reference, were attached to index cards with data from the 2019 free list. Some photographs were taken previously in situ while others were depicted in publications on Mongolian wildflowers [26,27]. Questions were asked to determine if the interviewee was familiar with the plant and if so, to provide a local name and explain where and how the plant was harvested and used. In this way, information from 2019 was corrected and updated. The participants identified other community members who were particularly knowledgeable about plants and their applications. This led to further questions with three key informants. In total, 16 people – three men and 13 women – were interviewed, with an age range between early twenties and late sixties.

As the scope of this study was restricted to identifying plants known and utilised by these Dukha staying in remote areas when on migration in the taiga, some of the items obtained from secondary sources were eliminated while other plants were added to the original list of 41. For example, those plants either identified by the researcher or known through secondary sources but that were not foraged by these taiga families were removed from the list, as were species collected in meadows close to town, but not in the taiga [8,24,25]. It is not suggested that this catalogue of plants identified by these Dukha informants is complete. Further studies may provide a more detailed list.

A cultural consensus among the interviewees from 2019 and 2023 revealed 27 plants commonly gathered while staying in the taiga during June, July, and August, covering late spring, summer, and early autumn. In all, 16 plant families were identified: Ericaceae (heath) was most represented (6), followed by Rosaceae (3), Gentianaceae (2), Amaryllidaceae (2), and Asteraceae (2). All other plant families were represented by a single species each. Along with their nourishing qualities, most plants were described as having a medicinal purpose. Illnesses most mentioned that were helped by these plants included stomach ache, high and low blood pressure, and lung, heart, kidney, liver, and womb problems.

It is important to note that ethnomedicinal and sustenance information on plants mentioned in this research is available in varying detail in other sources [1,3,14,21,24,25,28] and that these plants are foraged for medicinal use by other Indigenous herders and hunters in Mongolia [3,24] and South Siberia [1,14]. The researcher observed that some plants are commercially processed and available in cities and towns or are sold dried and packaged in small local markets and at tourist sites. The aim of this study is to document cultural beliefs, world view, and behaviours regarding foraging and plant use specific to the Dukha while living in the remote east and west taiga of Northern Mongolia during summer to autumn migration and to examine how this information interconnects with language, health, illness and curing, and the intergenerational transfer of knowledge in the community.

Results

The Dukha are semi-nomadic and seasonally follow their reindeer to fresh pastures. To illustrate this rhythmic movement in the taiga, data on the plants are presented here in accordance with how and when each plant is collected. The ethnographic descriptions of plants and the environment aim to give context to the foraging process. A full list of plants and how they are processed and used is shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1. List of plants and their uses by the Dukha Community.

Figure 1. (Continued).

In late August, temperatures start to cool, and families migrate from summer camps in the taiga to Tsagaannuur soum, the government centre for Dukha. From the end of August to spring, a small rotating group of herders will manage the reindeer at winter camps, not too far from town and reachable by four-wheel drive, located at an elevation of 1800 m. The rest of the community return to town, with trips made out to the winter camps for holidays and festivals. As winter temperatures can reach −40 C, the frozen ground makes vehicle travel possible. The town has an elementary school and high school with dorms for the older children; a community centre; banks and petrol stations; a small hospital; tourist guest houses; restaurants; and shops selling sundry necessities and food items. All buildings are heated with wood burning stoves (coal in winter). While staples like flour, rice, ramen noodles, a variety of pickled vegetables, and sometimes fresh potatoes and carrots are available, candy, cookies, chocolate, and alcohol appear overly represented on the shelves.

Spring awakening

In early May, female reindeer are moved to the spring camps. They are heavily pregnant and will give birth over the next month. School ends on June 1 with the celebration of Mothers and Children’s Day (a national holiday) after which families once again prepare to migrate to the taiga. Here, everyone will reunite at the summer camps with the reindeer and each other. At elevations of 2300 m, the herds will snack on “reindeer lichen” (Cladonia rangiferina) and cool off on the remaining ice patches found in the mountains [29]. During the next few months, the Dukha community will draw upon TEK regarding reindeer husbandry to keep their reindeer safe and healthy. They will also use their botanical expertise to forage plants. While participating in these seasonal routines, a cultural and spiritual understanding of the taiga environment will further be passed on to Dukha youth [11].

Informal conversations and observations reveal that Dukha children look forward to this special time when they do chores and learn Dukha traditions. At the camp they will draw water from the streams, lakes, and rivers, pick up garbage, mind younger siblings, and play volleyball and other games with their friends and extended family. Skills regarding reindeer husbandry include riding and herding the reindeer; tying them to stakes for the night; cleaning up reindeer faeces in the camp after the herd has been let out to graze; helping tend to sick baby reindeer; milking; and supplemental feeding. The Dukha place their urts among close relations, so it is easy for the children see their aunts, uncles, cousins, and grandparents throughout the day. They can also ride a reindeer to a neighbouring camp or to one of the many small, impromptu festivals or other gatherings that occur throughout the summer during tourist visits. Asked by the researcher which they liked better, town or the taiga, one group of Dukha children laughed and shouted in unison, “the taiga!”

The ride from Tsagaannuur to the east and west taiga spring camps in early June weaves through bogs, meadows, and forest. The weather is still cool at this time and snow can be seen on the distant hills and mountains. Spring wildflowers create a multi-coloured landscape, but most abundant and dramatic are the purple rhododendrons. Six varieties were identified as foraged by the Dukha. The four spring flowering species will be discussed here and those collected in August, later in this paper. These four include: Rhododendron adamsii, known locally as Tsagaan Dali; Rhododendron aureum Georgi, or Khavsrai; Rhododendron dauricum, called Dalin Yagaan, Terelj and Sumag; and Rhododendron tomentosum, called Surgag or Surkir, though in other geographic areas of the world it is familiarly known as Marsh Labrador Tea.

Tea brewed from these plants has medicinal value. All informants agreed that the purple rhododendrons Tsagaan Dali and Dalin Yagaan are good for high blood pressure. Tsagaan Dali is also “good for brain pressure”, described as being like headaches or migraines. The leaves can also be sewn into a pillow for good sleep. One senior male informant in his early sixties, a biologist, said older people are known to sit among the bushes and breathe the scent of the flowers to feel better, saying, “If you are sleepy already, you will go then into a deeper sleep”. On learning this, one of the Mongolian translators who grew up in a herding family in the Gobi Desert gathered some leaves to take to her mother. Most Dukha informants stated that golden yellow Khavsrai and white flowered Surgag were good for low blood pressure; one said that Khavsrai was also good for high blood pressure.

Harvested towards the end of June and into July is Rheum undultatum, or rhubarb, from the Polygonaceae family, local names Saravsgana or Gichuunii Undes. Two wild onion varieties are gathered at this time as well: Allium nutans (Siberian chives) called Manganei, and Allium senescence, known as Songino by locals. Both are in the Amaryllidaceae family. The Saravsgana is used for food and medicine. It is chopped, mixed with sugar, cooked, and spread on bread. For medicinal purposes, the root is eaten raw or dried, or it can be made into a decoction for a stomach ache. Both Mangenei and Songino are used in cooking. Prior to blooming, the plants are first dried before use; after blooming, the flower can be added to food recipes. Both Manganei and Songino are also known by the Dukha to have vitamins and can be preserved for winter by layering in a jar with salt.

Summer blooms

Most foraging takes place in July and August. Interviews in family urts usually began with reindeer milk tea and perhaps pieces of sourdough bread or deep-fried bread knots called boortsog. Plants drying in scarves tied to interior larch poles or gathered and hung upside down in bunches were observed. Flowers from the Gentianaceae and Roseaceae families included: Gentiana algida Pall., locally called Vanjingarab or Tsagaan Tash; Gentiana decumbens, local names include Khukh Degd, Kukh Tash, but most common was Chonin Uvs (grass of wolf). A decoction made from the flower of Vanjingarab, the white-flowered Arctic gentian, is used to treat a cold. The above ground parts of Chonin Uvs can be ground and made into a decoction for long lasting airway diseases, while boiled leaves treat the common cold, fever, and cough. Wrapping the petals of the flowers in a scarf and placing it around the chest is good for both children’s and adult’s lung disease.

Flora of the Rosaceae family include: Potentilla fruticosa L., Tayanii Shar Tsetseg (yellow flower of taya); Rosa acicularis, known as Nokhoin Khoshuu (nose of dog); and Sanguisorba officinalis or Sud Uvs. In mid-July the Tayanii Shar Tsetseg was in flower all around the east taiga summer camp. While visiting a female herder in her forties, the researcher was offered milk tea with dried yellow flower petals of Tayanii Shar sprinkled on top. More flowers were drying nestled in a scarf that was tied at two ends to the urts poles. A decoction can also be made from the petals and given orally for diarrhoea. In another interview, a female participant smiled and explained, “you can boil the flowers and use the tea to rinse your mouth, then use the stems to clean the pot”, mimicking the action with her hands as she spoke. Tayanii Shar Tsetseg is good for tooth pain and kidneys, and the leaves help with heart disease. With its distinctive red tipped flower, Sud Uvs is dried and used as a tea by older people and children when they have a stomach ache. The petals of Nokhoin Khoshuu are dried and mixed with tea or preserved in water and sugar. Placed in tea, the dried berries are good for fatigue as well as for thinning the blood.

Two prominent plants from the Asteraceae family grow in both summer taiga camps. Frequently mentioned in academic research and popular literature is the Saussurea involucrate, or Snow Lotus, known locally as Vansemberuu. The other is Rhaponticum carthamoides (Willd.), or Bugiin Zuult (eye of elk). Both are valued not only by the Dukha but are sought by outsiders for their health properties. While sorting through the plant photos with a female herder, she suddenly said, “Would you like to go see the Snow Lotus?” Answering with an enthusiastic, “YES!” we walked to the shrubby hillside. As we left her urts, clouds were darkening and moving towards the camp. The hike was steep and somewhat rocky and went straight through the dense foliage; there was no trail. She pointed to the top of the hill and asked my interpreter if I was OK with the climb. I answered that if I couldn’t make it, the interpreter could take photos of the plants. That was not necessary in the end. After 15 minutes she pointed to a fading Vansemberuu, or Snow Lotus. The herder identified several other plants on our hike, including the wild potato (Lilium martagon), which she dug up and we sampled. The darkening clouds soon turned into a torrential thunderstorm. We stopped under a small tree and waited. She smiled and remarked, “This kind of rain passes quickly”. And it did.

Known as “the heart flower” or “the sky flower”, Vasemberuu is good for the lungs, heart, and cough. The flower and leaves are dried and put into a jar of lukewarm water. Sugar is added, the lid closed, and the mixture kept for seven days before use. This plant is harvested in a special way: it is not dug up by the root but cut with a knife, then shaded from the sun with a jacket and brought home to dry inside the urts. If these steps are not followed correctly there may be unlucky consequences. The Dukha pick only five or six of these plants a year. A female herder described how horse guides recently came to the taiga and picked hundreds of Vasemberuu by the roots. Described as a rare plant, it sells for 10,000 Mongolian tugrik (roughly $4) in Ulaanbaatar. The Dukha believe that because the horse guides took so many Vasemberuu, root and all, the weather was excessively wet (the researcher had in some cases to alter the route to the taiga because the rain had made some trails impassable). To keep this from happening again, the community got together and decided not to tell anyone of the plant’s location.

Found in the east taiga, but not the west, Bugiin Zuult is also coveted by outsiders. Traditionally, only Elders knew where it grew. It is eaten by elk during the mating season. For humans, the leaves are boiled in water to make a decoction used for kidney problems and backache. In addition, Bugiin Zuult also improves energy and relieves stress. However, it is believed by others to enhance performance for wrestlers and horses. Wrestling and horse racing are two of the three most important sports for Mongolians; along with archery, these make up the “three manly games” of Naadam Festivals. Because of this, informants said, people come to the taiga and take the plant to sell in Ulaanbaatar.

Each of the next group of late summer flora come from a different botanical family. Aquilegia glandulosa was newly added to the researcher’s list in 2023. This beautiful blue Siberian Columbine is part of the Ranunculaceae family and known by the Dukha as Zurkhen Tsetseg. It is believed to be good for the heart. The fringed pink Dianthus superbus L. in the Caryophyllaceae family is known locally as Sogoon Sumon (uterus of female elk) or Sogoon Sav. The leaves are dried and used to make an infusion described as good for “women’s problems” associated with the womb. The infusion also helps the kidneys. Traditionally, cutting the top of the flower was banned as it was believed this would “make the weather take a turn for the worse.”

The Dukha used the wild potato as their main starch long before flour and rice were introduced [5,11]. Not actually a potato, and tasting sweeter, the bulb of the Lilium martagon resembles a large garlic cluster. Known locally as Shar Tums or Zerleg Tums, it is used just as one would any potato; it can be mashed with milk or added to meat and wild onions in soup and noodle dishes [11]. It is said to be good for the stomach and bladder. Angelica archangelica subsp. Decurrens, in the Apiaceae family, is known as Balchargan by the Dukha. The stem is eaten before it blooms and tastes like celery. Balchargan is also made into a musical instrument like a bagpipe.

Rhodiola Rosea or Altan Gaganur, is in the Crassulaceae family. A decoction is made from either fresh flowers (if present) or dried root, the latter which can keep for many years. It is used for open wounds, broken bones, arthritis, and joint pain. The root can be boiled and used as a compress, while the leaves and flower can be steeped for tea. Also used externally is Veratrum lobelianum Bernh, known as Alanguas, from the Melanthiaceae family. Helpful for swelling, the leaves are boiled in water and wrapped around the injured body part. It is also good for mosquito bites.

Autumn berries and evergreens

Four types of berries are harvested in late July until late August and into September. In the Ericaceae family are bog bilberry, or Vaccinium uliginosum, locally called Ners, and lingonberry, Vaccinium vitis-idaea, known as Anis. Black currant, Ribes nigrum or Ukhriin Nud (eye of cow), is in the Grossulariaceae family and Lonicera caerulea, called Chonin Eleg (wolf’s liver) or Tayanii Ners by the Dukha, is in the Caprifoliaceae family. Known as a good source of vitamins, all these fruits play an important part in the Dukha diet. They are eaten fresh or dried and can be preserved for winter. Further, the leaves, fruits, and flowers of Anis are made into tea or syrup that helps a cough, while Chonin Eleg berries are said to be good for the liver. Pinus sibirica, or Samar, pine nuts in English, are roasted in the urts stove before eating. Surplus nuts are sold by some families in the market. The needles of the Samar can be boiled and the liquid drunk while hot for three days to treat a cough. The distinctive Bergenia crassifolia is in the family Saxifragaceae. The flower is called Baagain Chikh or Galkhash (Bear plant), while Badaanii Navch specifically refers to the leaves and root, which can be made into a tea known to treat stomach problems.

If visitors become familiar with any plant when visiting the taiga in any season, it is Juniperus sabina L., or Khonin Arts, simply referred to by the Dukha as “arts”. It is in the Cupressaceae family. Burned as an incense, it is used by shamans during ceremonies. The scent is of the forest, fresh and calming. Some informants warned against eating the berries; others believed the berries are good for the liver. Another mentioned putting the dried, smashed root into boiled water to drink for a stomach ache. In earlier times the berries were used as a contraceptive and some still believe that eating them will prevent pregnancy. The plant can also be boiled and used to wash one’s hair.

Limitations on plant data

The information contained herein examines a cultural consensus on plants foraged for food and medicine among these Dukha participants. It does not claim to represent all knowledge of plants among all Dukha. Further interviews might reveal more local flora foraged seasonally during spring, summer, and early to late fall migration. For example, the Asian Globeflower, Trollius Asiaticus, local name Jamyan Myaadog, was in bloom and sighted in both east and west taiga summer camps. It was identified by only two informants. One said that “some people make a tea”, while the other did not know how it was used. Due to lack of data, Jamyan Myaadog was removed from the final list. Also, Empetrum nigrum L., or black crowberry, was identified by a guide after the data collection period had ended. Personal correspondence with a Dukha informant revealed, “Yes, we eat it, it has many seeds inside. We call it ‘the eye of a raven’ (khereenii nüd) we say it’s good for the eyesight, we suck the juice and spit out the seeds inside, the seeds are very hard”.

Other plants known in the ethnographic literature to be foraged by the Dukha were observed and sometimes sampled while traversing the steppe meadows and the taiga. These included: Polygonum viviparum (Alpine Bistort); Rumex acetosa L. (Sour Leek); Rubus arcticus (Arctic Raspberry); and Paeonia anomala L. (Anomalous Peony) [8,25]. As they were either not recognised in photographs or not mentioned by Dukha informants during interviews or conversations, they were not included in this study. Also, plants given only to reindeer as medicine or characterised as animal food were excluded, though further research may reveal that these plants are also used by some Dukha. Beyond the scope of this study are Dukha emic perspectives on the decision-making process involved in diagnosing sickness and choosing a particular plant cure.

Discussion

The purpose of this study is to document TEK regarding cultural behaviours and ethnomedical and subsistence knowledge of plants used by the Dukha while migrating in the taiga during summer through early autumn. It is evident that foraging is a complex, holistic activity inseparable from the physical, mental, and spiritual well-being of the community. Away from the conveniences of market foods, over-the-counter medicines, and health clinics, this information plays a larger role in the everyday lives of the Dukha than it does in urban settings or during the winter when they return to school and work. Harvesting plants encompasses a unique world view regarding the landscape and its inhabitants and has a role in the intergenerational transfer of language and cultural knowledge. Additionally, a review of the data further revealed that the ethnomedicinal knowledge of plants described by the Dukha addresses ailments commonly suffered by the community, with medical benefits supported by Traditional Mongolian Medicine (TMM) [25] and scientific studies [30–37].

The act of foraging shows Dukha interconnectedness with nature, what Tim Ingold refers to as “the synergy of organism and environment” [38, pg. 9]. Though he is referring to tracking game, not foraging, according to Ingold, hunters use sensory education, one that includes songs and stories of how animals respond to the presence of the hunter, to guide perceptions of the environment, knowledge he calls “sentient ecology” [38]. The Evenki reindeer herders of Northern Baikal demonstrate this when sharing narratives about healing plants; they believe luck plays a role in finding some species that can be scared off or hide if foragers are too noisy in their movements or show a lack of skill [14, p. 247]. The Evenki also practice moderation, taking just enough of a resource, leaving the rest for the future [14, p. 247], though competition for species and over-commodification by outsiders has been reported [14, p. 246].

The Dukha have several methods for naming the locally foraged flora. Some plant names show a relationship to the plant’s appearance. This includes those described mainly by colour: the “blue flower” (Khukh Degd), “white flower” (Tsagaan Tash), “golden flower” (Altan Gaganuur), and “yellow flower” (Shar Tsetseg), with the same name at times applied to more than one species. Other plant names are linked to features shared with animals. These include: “eye of elk” ‘(Bugiin Zuult), “nose of dog” (Nokhoin Khoshuu), “eye of cow” (Ukhriin Nud), “grass of wolf” (Chonin Uvs), “wolf’s liver” (Chonin Eleg), and “womb of female elk” (Sogoon Sumon). These descriptions link the flora to fauna and thus to the landscape; further, these names are animistic, personal, and somewhat anthropomorphic. Cures can be tied to descriptive labels, as with “wolf’s liver”. The Tuvan language is kept “alive” as children learn the nuances of plant collection and application, listen to stories linked to the plants and their location, and create memories entwined with traditional (cosmological, ecological, medicinal) knowledge of the taiga.

From a medical ecological perspective, we see that Dukha foraging practices are physically demanding and involve not only therapeutic and nutritive knowledge, but ways of perceiving their environment that gives nature agency [2,39]. Dukha ethnomedical beliefs regarding foraging strategies show how mutualistic environmental interactions with the sentient landscape, one that can be generous or aggrieved, guide their behaviours and contribute to physical and socio-emotional health, comfort, and security [1,2,5,14,38]. Elders resting amid spring rhododendrons can be soothed by the scent of the flowers. When gathering Vasemberuu (Sausserea involucrata), the Dukha take enough, but not too much, keeping a balanced reciprocity with nature [14]. Respect is shown by cutting Vasemberuu with a knife and shading the plant until reaching home where it will be hidden from the sun inside the urts. Violations of these processes have consequences. When Bulgiin Zuult (Rhaponticum carthamoides (Willd.) was collected by non-Dukha, taken to Ulaanbaatar, and sold for profit, an imbalance in the landscape occurred, violating the rule of not taking too much. Foraging is somatic and multisensory, requiring sight, taste, touch, and smell; a person must be knowledgeable, generous, nurturing, and respectful of human-nature connections. By practicing a sentient ecology, the Dukha optimise myriad benefits gained from gathering plants.

An examination of Dukha foraging behaviours further reveals how Dukha subsistence strategies include ethnomedical knowledge that aligns with established TMM [25]. Traditional Mongolian Medicine developed over thousands of years and is linked to the nomadic lifestyle, climate, and culture of Indigenous herders. Over the centuries, Ayurvedic medicine and, in the 16^th century, Tibetan medicine, influenced the existing traditional Mongolian medical knowledge [40 p. 944]. Today TMM is an important medical system in Mongolia and practitioners are licenced [40, p. 944]. In 2013, the World Health Organization Regional Office for the Western Pacific published “Medicinal Plants in Mongolia” as part of a process to establish good medical practices for practitioners using traditional herbal medicines [40, p. 947, 25].

A comparison of ailments and plant use reported by the Dukha and listed in “Medicinal Plants in Mongolia” [25] include: Gentiana algida Pall. for lung disorders (p. 64); Gentiana decumbens for fever and cough (p. 70); Vaccinium vitis-idaea L. for cough (p. 222); Rheum undulatum for stomach ache (p.163); Rosa acicularis for increased vigour (p.176); and Dianthus Superbus, for “womb and women’s problems”, as an aid in delivery of baby and placenta, for inducing contractions, and uterine diseases (p. 46). For the following plants, the WHO “Medicinal Plants in Mongolia” publication [25] attributes additional medicinal benefits to those described in the data by the Dukha. For example, Aquilegia glandulosa relieves inflammation and is used to treat liver, stomach, and lung problems [25, p. 7]; Juniperus sabina L., soothes fever, cough, and kidney illness and acts as an anti-inflammatory [25, p. 95]; Gentiana algida Pall., aids liver dysfunctions and relieves a cough [25, p. 64]; and Bergenia crassifolia, which is good for treating disorders of the stomach and intestine, diarrhoea, and inflammation of the lung [25, p.18].

The use of TMM in Mongolia and in the West has increased over the last several decades [34,35], prompting scientific studies in biochemistry, biology, and other sciences on the pharmaceutical properties of foraged plants used as medicine [30–37]. A few examples supporting the medical benefit of data presented in this research include: Ribus nigram, with anti-inflammatory, antioxidant, and antimicrobial properties, known as a “super fruit” [33]; Lonicera caerulea, providing anti-cancer, anti-inflammatory, and antioxidant benefits, and high in vitamin C [30,31]; Sanguisorba officinalis, which has antiviral, antioxidant, and anti-bacterial uses [37]; and the Snow Lotus, Saussurea involucrate, which provides anti-cancer, antioxidant, and neuroprotection effects [32], to name a few.

Access to hospitals, pharmacies, and traditional medical doctors is concentrated in urban areas of Mongolia [40]. In rural areas, Indigenous herders continue to forage medicinal plants while migrating [1,14,21]. The Evenki hunters and reindeer herders of Northern Baikal continue to collect “Evenki medicines” such as Gentiana algida, considered a universal remedy, and Rhodiola rosea, when in the taiga [14]. Both are highly valued and when shared or gifted are an integral part of maintaining social relations [14, p. 246]. Other plants used as medicine include larch resin, wild rosemary, tea from lingonberry leaves, and wormwood [14, p. 244]. In South Siberia, the Orochen hunters and reindeer herders consume chaga, a birch fungus (Inonotus obliquus) to prevent cancer and drink a tea made from Siberian dwarf pine (Pinus pumila) as a “blood enhancer” [1, p. 224]. In Mongolia, herders in the Khangai Mountains pick two or three petals of yargui (Pulsatilla spp.) to clean themselves internally [3, p. 8]. For these hunters and herders, an intimate knowledge of their environment allows them to locate medicinal plants, while at the same time “the landscape itself can be described as ‘healing’” [14, p. 250].

Among reindeer herders, the TEK of foraging and plant use also plays a role in food production, enabling a sustainable and healthful way of life based on mutual relationships with the land, water, and animals [1,3,11]. It is evident through this study’s observations and interviews that seasonally gathered plants are an important dietary as well as medicinal resource for the Dukha. Studies show that understanding the social, behavioural, and ecological processes that shape foraging further underscores the resilience of people who have faced restrictions, removal, or lack of resources and agency when it comes to maintaining traditional avenues of procuring food [11, pg. 14, 41]. When Indigenous People with generations of knowledge on how best to protect, maintain, and benefit from practices that ensure whole health for their community are allowed to do so, they will thrive [28,42,43]. When people are challenged with language loss and threats to cultural continuity, it is not only important to document TEK but to recognise its medical ecological value to the community [41]. Despite generations of political and economic turmoil, relocation, constraints on migratory routes, and conservation regulations that place a burden on traditional game hunting, Dukha foraging patterns and the ethnomedical and subsistence knowledge of plants continue to play a part in their health and overall well-being.

Conclusion

Though sundry food items and over-the-counter medicines can be purchased in the local soums, towns, and cities, these items are less accessible for the Dukha when they are living in the taiga on seasonal summer to autumn migration. To supplement their finite stock of items transported periodically by horse and reindeer from the soum, plants are foraged using a culturally constructed methodology. This way of knowing based on TEK is inseparable from their social-ecological routines [11]. Guided by a sentient ecology, the Dukha honour their reciprocal obligations with the spirits and nature, utilising a set of cultural norms that keep life in balance and avoid misfortune that can lead to illness [17]. Promoting holistic beliefs embedded in TEK that guide subsistence practices such as plant foraging can improve health through better nutrition and exercise [28,42–44]. When utilising the popular sector for curing [17], results show that the Dukha emic view on the application of plants for healing is consistent with TMM [25] and substantiated in scientific research [30–33,36,37].

During warm weather migrations, the Dukha herd their animals and forage fresh plants. Daily routines are guided by seasonal changes, the weather, and needs of the reindeer. The Dukha renew their bonds with nature and each other, transferring knowledge of reindeer husbandry and foraging to Dukha youth. Documenting and further supporting Dukha traditional practices have the potential to play a part in ensuring language continuity, cultural survival, and a healthier community.

Informed consent

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study. This research was approved by the Institutional Review Board of Western Connecticut State University, IRB protocol number 2324–28.

Acknowledgments

The author wishes to thank the Dukha community for their hospitality and for sharing their cultural knowledge for this project. All results of foraging and plant use presented here have been shared with the Dukha community and the Dukha Culture and Community Center in Tsagaannuur. An invitation to assist the Dukha with any future projects they wish to initiate involving the data was accepted. Plans with the Director of the Dukha Culture and Community Center are currently under discussion.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Additional information

Funding

Observations from research conducted in 2016 was supported by an ACMS Field Research Fellowship Grant from the American Center for Mongolian Studies. Research presented from 2019 and 2023 received no external funding.

Notes

¹ https://arctic-council.org/about/observers/awrh/

² Reindeerherding.org.