The formation of the united lineage in korea

Abstract

The majority of Koreans belong to several notable family name-groups. Furthermore, most Koreans believe that, if they hold their family name in common, they have common ancestors. Today in South Korea many lineages, convinced that they have descended from a common ancestor, organize united lineages, the so-called taejonghoe. These exercise a large influence on Korean social life through various activities. This article describes the reasons that caused the development of the united lineages with hundreds of thousands of members; who the persons were who felt the need to build up such mass organizations; and how society has reacted upon the emergence of these organizations. In addition, comparisons are drawn between Korean lineages with their counterparts in China, so as to bring out some characteristics of the Korean lineage more clearly.

Acknowledgements

This article is a revised version of a paper read at the workshop “Korean Identity in History,” held at Leiden University in September, 1996. I would like to thank Professors Wim Boot (Leiden University), Ken Robinson (Japanese Christian University), and Jürgen Schlumbohm (MPI for History in Göttingen) for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this article.

Notes

1 “Lineage” here means a patrilineally defined group whose members have at least one common ancestor in the fourth generation above the base of a genealogical chart. Its range and scale are different according to various circumstances. Another important term here is the “ancestral home town,” which has been added to the family name to make one's social background clear. This custom became established after the tenth century among many Korean aristocratic families. For a historical genesis of this convention see Yi 1981, pp. 191–193; Song 1987, p. 105.

2 Apart from these lineages, there are 44 other lineages of that origin belonging to the Silla royal family, Kim: Allo Kim, Anak Kim, Ansan Kim, Ansŏng Kim, Ch'angwŏn Kim, Changyŏn Kim, Chinch'ŏn Kim, Chinjam Kim, Chinju Kim, Ch'ŏngju Kim, Chŏnju Kim, Haeju Kim, Haŭm Kim, Hongju Kim, Hŭich'ŏn Kim, Kimhwa Kim, Miryang Kim, Mujang Kim, Munhwa Kim, Nagan Kim, Och'ŏn Kim, Paekch'ŏn Kim, Puan Kim, P'ungsan Kim, Sach'ŏn Kim, Samch'ŏk Kim, Sinch'on Kim, Sŏhŭng Kim, Sŏlsŏng Kim, Sŏnsan Kim, Suan Kim, Sunch'ŏn Kim, Taegu Kim, Tangak Kim, T'ongch'ŏn Kim, Ubong Kim, Wŏlsŏng Kim, Wŏnju Kim, Yanggŭn Kim, Yangju Kim, Yasŏng Kim, Yŏngch'ŏn Kim, Yŏngdong Kim, Yŏnggwang Kim, Yŏnghae Kim, Yŏngsan Kim, Yŏngwŏl Kim, and Yŏnju Kim. Concerning this, see HC 1980, pp. 163–340.

3 The 32 lineages are as follows: Ch'angwŏn Pak, Chinwŏn Pak, Chŏnju Pak, Chuksan Pak, Ch'unch'ŏn Pak, Ch'ungju Pak, Hamyang Pak, Inje Pak, Kangnŭng Pak, Koryŏng Pak, Kosŏng Pak, Kunwi Pak, Miryang Pak, Muan Pak, Munŭi Pak, Myŏnch'ŏn Pak, Pannam Pak, P'yŏngju Pak, Sach'ŏn Pak, Samch'ŏk Pak, Sangju Pak, Sangsan Pak, Sŏnsan Pak, Sunch'ŏn Pak, T'aean Pak, T'aein Pak, Ulsan Pak, Unbong Pak, Wŏlsŏng Pak, Yŏju Pak, Yŏngam Pak, and Yŏnghae Pak, To this, see HC (1980, pp. 477–537).

4 In the available census registers from the seventeenth century, I could not find any commoner who does not have a family name.

5 In the late sixteenth century, it seems there were only a few genealogies in which the registration of the daughter's offspring was restricted to the great-grandchildren of the daughters, as in the genealogies of the Andong Kim, Kwangsan Kim, and Chinju Kang lineage. Such restriction prevailed widely after the eighteenth century. Concerning this change, see Kang (1987)(p. 228); Man'gi Kim, (1987)(p. 185); Ŏngnyŏng Kim, (1987)(p. 61); Mok (1987)(p. 234).

6 In connection with this change, it is noteworthy that from the later seventeenth century the majority of the lineage members faced a downhill battle both politically and economically. This was true especially after the eighteenth century. A statiscal analysis of the genealogy published during the nineteenth century by the Munhwa Ryu shows that 76 percent of its male members living between 1340 and 1476 possesed a title or a post in the government, while only 3.6 percent of their male offspring who lived between 1700 and 1820 were appointed to government posts (see Kawashima 1989, p. 1).

7 Between 1804 and 1816 the ancestral home town of Song Surim was given as Hoedŏk. In the 1819 edited census register, however, all of his family members including his son Song Ikpo recorded Yŏsan as their ancestral home town (see CTTHC 1993, vol. 1, pp. 27, 253).

8 Dozens of lineages named Pak, including Miryang Pak, printed a united genealogy in 1939 in both Taegu and Chŏnju City (see Suha Pak, 1939; Manch'ŏn Pak, 1939). In contrast to this, however, the Kim lineages assumed to be the descendants of King Kyŏngsun have not yet edited a united genealogy.

9 Concerning the political activities of some Namp'o Paek members during the twelfth and the fourteenth century, see Yi (1984)(pp. 291–292).

10 Concerning this occurrence, see Kangjin Kim munsŏ (n. d., nos. 40–42). These documents are possessed by the author in photocoped form.

11 This was not changed in the modern genealogy (see Paekssi taedong po 1982, vol. 8, pp. 348–389.