Between Orient and Occident: Transformation of Knowledge

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Notes

¹See, for example, David Pingree, ‘Indian influence on Sasanian and Early Islamic astronomy and astrology’, The Journal of Oriental Research, 34–35 (1964–1966 (1973)), 118–126; David Pingree, ‘The fragments of the works of Yaqūb ibn Ṭāriq’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 26 (1968), 97–125; David Pingree, ‘The fragments of the works of al-Fazārī’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 29 (1970), 103–123; Heinrich Suter, Die astronomischen Tafeln des Muḥammed ibn Mūsā al-Khwārizmī in der Bearbeitung des Maslama ibn Aḥmed al-Madjrīṭī und der latein. Uebersetzung des Athelhard von Bath (Copenhagen (Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab), 1914); and Otto Neugebauer, The Astronomical Tables of al-Khwārizmī. Translation with Commentaries of the Latin Version edited by H. Suter supplemented by Corpus Christi College MS 283, (Copenhagen (Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab), 1962). More generally, see also D. Pingree, From Astral Omens to Astrology. From Babylon to Bīnāker (Rome (Istituto italiano per l'Africa et l'Oriente), 1997).

²See Edward S. Kennedy, ‘A Survey of Islamic Astronomical Tables’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 46–2 (1956), 123–77; and David A. King, Julio Samsó, and Bernard R. Goldstein, ‘Astronomical handbooks and tables from the Islamic world (750–1900): an interim report’, Suhayl, 2 (2001), 9–105. A new survey of Islamic astronomical handbooks with tables is in preparation by the present author.

³Otto Neugebauer and Olaf Schmidt, ‘Hindu Astronomy at Newminster in 1428’, Annals of Science, 8 (1952), 221–228.

⁴See Dimitri Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture. The Graeco-Arabic Translation Movement in Baghdad and Early Abbāsid Society (2nd-4th/8th-10th centuries) (London (Routledge), 1998); various articles in Mohammad Abbatouy, Jürgen Renn, and Paul Weinig (eds.), Transmission as Transformation: The Translation Movements in the Medieval East and West in a Comparative Perspective, special issue of Science in Context, 14 (2001), 1–311; and Sonja Brentjes, ‘Textzeugen und Hypothesen zum arabischen Euklid in der Überlieferung von al-ḥağğāğ b. Yūsuf b. Maṭar (zwischen 786 und 833)’, Archive for History of Exact Sciences, 47 (1994), 53–92.

⁵See Charles Burnett (ed.), Adelard of Bath. An English Scientist and Arabist of the Early Twelfth Century (London (Warburg Institute), 1987); Charles Burnett, Arabic into Latin in the Middle Ages. The Translators and Their Intellectual and Social Context (Farnham, UK (Ashgate-Variorum), 2009); various articles in Abbatouy et al. (note 4); and Menso Folkerts, Euclid in Medieval Europe (Winnipeg (Benjamin Catalogue for History of Science), 1989).

⁶See, for example, Dag Nikolaus Hasse, ‘Mosul and Frederick II Hohenstaufen: Notes on Atīraddīn al-Abharī and Sirâğaddīn al-Urmawī’, in: Draelants et al. (note 7), 145–163; and Matthias Schramm, ‘Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and Arabic Science’, in: Abbatouy et al. (note 4), 289–312.

⁷See Isabelle Draelants, Anne Tihon & Baudoin van den Abeele (eds.), Occident et Proche-Orient: Contacts scientifiques au temps des Croisades. Actes du colloque de Louvain-la-Neuve, 24 et 25 mars 1997 (Turnhout (Brepols), 2000).

⁸See Paul Kunitzsch, ‘Das Fixsternverzeichnis in der “Persischen Syntaxis” des Georgios Chrysokokkes’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 57 (1964), 382–411; David Pingree, The Astronomical Works of Gregory Chioniades. Volume I, The Zîj al- Alā ī, 2 parts (Amsterdam (Gieben), 1985–86); and Anne Tihon, Études d'astronomie byzantine (Aldershot, UK (Variorum), 1994).

⁹See, for example, Michael H. Shank, ‘The Classical Tradition in 15th-Century Vienna’, in: Ragep et al. (note 12), 115–36. For the influence that Islamic astronomical works may have had on Copernicus, see, among others, Jamil F. Ragep, ‘Copernicus and his Islamic Predecessors: Some Historical Remarks’, History of Science, 45 (2007), 65–81; and George Saliba, Islamic Science and the Making of the European Renaissance (Cambridge, MA (MIT Press), 2007).

¹⁰See also various relevant contributions in the following proceedings of conferences on transmission: Ahmad Hasnawi, Abdelali Elamrani-Jamal, and Maroun Aouad (eds.), Perspectives arabes et médiévales sur la tradition scientifique et philosophique grecque. Actes du colloque de la SIHSPAI (Societé internationale d'histoire des sciences et de la philosophie arabes et islamiques), Paris, 31 mars - 3 avril 1993 (Leuven (Peeters)/Paris (Institut du Monde Arabe), 1997); Dominique Tournès (ed.), L'océan Indien au carrefour des mathématiques arabes, chinoises, européennes et indiennes. Actes du colloque, Saint-Denis, La Réunion, 3–7 novembre 1997 (Saint-Denis (Publication de l'I.U.F.M. de la Réunion), 1998); and Yvonne Dold-Samplonius, Joseph W. Dauben, Menso Folkerts, and Benno van Dalen (eds.), From China to Paris: 2000 Years Transmission of Mathematical Ideas (Stuttgart (Steiner), 2002).

¹¹A.I. Sabra, ‘The Appropriation and Subsequent Naturalization of Greek Science in Medieval Islam: a Preliminary Statement’, History of Science, 25 (1987), 223–43. Reprinted in Ragep et al. (note 12), 3–27.

¹²F. Jamil Ragep, Sally Ragep, and Steven Livesey (eds.), Tradition, Transmission, Transformation. Proceedings of Two Conferences on Pre-Modern Science Held at the University of Oklahoma (Leiden (Brill), 1996).

¹³Robert Wisnovsky, Faith Wallis, Jamie Fumo and Carlos Fraenkel (eds.), Vehicles of Transmission, Translation, and Transformation in Medieval Textual Culture (Turnhout (Brepols), 2011). The proceedings of a second conference in Montreal on ‘Agents of Transmission, Translation and Transformation’ (2010) are in preparation. Several of these themes have been summarised, in respect to the translations from Greek and Arabic into Latin, in Charles Burnett's contribution to the Cambridge History of Science, vol. 2: Medieval Science (eds. David Lindberg and Michael Shank) (Cambridge (Cambridge University Press), 2012), which includes sections on ‘goals’, ‘Greek or Arabic’, ‘sources’, ‘patrons’, ‘translators’ and ‘techniques’.

¹⁴The conference Between Orient and Occident. Transformation of Knowledge was organized as part of the project ‘Wissenstransfer zwischen Orient und Okzident’, which was granted under the ‘initiative of excellence’ of the Ludwig Maximilians University in Munich. Generous financial support for the conference was granted by the German Research Foundation (DFG), and additional funding was kindly provided by the Münchener Universitätsgesellschaft. I would like to thank all members of the Lehrstuhl für Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften of Munich University for their support in the various stages of the organisation of the conference.