Science, Politics and Networks: Shibukawa Harumi and the Birth of the New Almanac in Seventeenth-century Japan

Summary

In 1684, during the Edo period (1603–1868), the imperial court of Japan passed a reform act that resulted in a new almanac called the Jôkyô almanac. This was the first reform in more than eight hundred years, and marked a departure from the past practice of adopting almanacs from China. Yet, the reform was complicated, and it was achieved after decades through the efforts of Shibukawa Harumi (1639–1715). How was the reform accomplished, and why was it significant? In this study, I will focus on Harumi's role in the reform. I propose to examine the reform as the culmination of a process deeply linked to Harumi's political connections and his intellectual growth especially in the field of calendrical sciences. I will show that this approach of looking at the reform by analyzing different aspects of Harumi's life has implications for understanding trends in society in seventeenth-century Japan. First, despite the ban on Christianity, intellectuals like Harumi assimilated European sciences in unique ways. Second, Harumi's activities exemplified how intellectual ties were increasingly embedded within political networks. Overall, I will argue that the reform of the almanac, viewed as a process surrounding the core figure of Harumi, was driven by scientific goals and personal ambitions.

Acknowledgements

I sincerely thank the Editor and the two anonymous referees for their invaluable comments on an earlier draft, and the National Diet Library of Japan and the Harvard-Yenching Library for permission to use the images in this article. I also wish to express my heartfelt gratitude to Professor Shigehisa Kuriyama, Professor Helen Hardacre, Professor David Howell, and Dr. Har Ye Kan for their helpful suggestions and support during the early phase of research. All errors are my sole responsibility.

Notes

¹ Koyomi no hyakka jiten 暦の百科事典, ed. Koyomi no kai 暦の会 (Tokyo, 1999), 112; Okada Yoshirô 岡田芳朗 et al., eds, Koyomi wo shiru jiten 暦を知る事典 (Tokyo, 2006), 54–7; Koji ruien 古事類苑, eds. Hosokawa Junjirô 細川潤次郎 et al, vol: hôgi (Tokyo, 1909), 316; Kamada Motokazu 鎌田元一, Ritsuryô kokkashi no kenkyû 律令国家史の研究 (Tokyo, 2008), 329–30; Nihon shoki 日本書紀, eds. Sakamoto Tarô 坂本太郎 et al., vol. 68 of Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 日本古典文学大系 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1965), 104–5. The eighth-century chronicle Nihon shoki 日本書紀 informs us that by Emperor Kinmei's 欽明天皇 reign (r. 539–571) in the 550s, Paekche foreigners were already serving the Yamato court in their capacity as court diviners, physicians and almanac makers. Nihon shoki explains that with each arrival of the Kudara mission, the incumbent court practitioners were replaced.

² For details about Shibukawa Harumi's calculations expressed in mathematical terms, see Shigeru Nakayama, A History of Japanese Astronomy (Cambridge, MA, 1969), 116–52. Nakayama's work is one of the earliest in English scholarship on the Jôkyô reform. Harumi and his role in the Jôkyô reform have also been briefly discussed in later works. See, for instance, Masayoshi Sugimoto and David L. Swain, Science and Culture in Traditional Japan, A.D. 600–1854 (Cambridge, MA: The M.I.T. Press, 1978), 251–8, and Peter Kornicki, The Book in Japan: A Cultural History from the Beginnings to the Nineteenth Century (Leiden, 1998), 353–8. For works in English on related developments in late Ming and early Qing China, see Keizô Hashimoto, Hsü Kuang-Ch'i and Astronomical Reform – The Process of the Chinese Acceptance of Western Astronomy, 1629–1635 (Osaka, 1988); Minghui Hu, ‘Provenance in Contest: Searching for the Origins of Jesuit Astronomy in Early Qing China, 1664–1705’, The International History Review 24: 1 (2002), 1–36; Catherine Jami and Han Qi, ‘The Reconstruction of Imperial Mathematics in China during the Kangxi Reign (1662–1722)’, Early Science and Medicine 8:2, Science and Patronage in Early Modern East Asia (2003), 88–110; Benjamin Elman, On Their Own Terms: Science in China, 1550–1900 (Cambridge, MA, 2005).

³ For more about heliocentrism and astronomical ideas in the late Edo period, see Gabriel Thirion, ‘L'Ensei kanshô zusetsu (1823) de Yoshio Nankô: une fenêtre sur la science classique’, Annals of Science vol. 69, no. 1 (January 2012), 105–26.

⁴ Nishiuchi Tadashi 西内雅, Shibukawa Harumi no kenkyû 渋川春海の研究 (Tokyo, 1940); Hayashi Makoto 林淳, Tenmonkata to Onmyôdô 天文方と陰陽道 (Tokyo, 2006); Watanabe Toshio 渡辺敏夫, Kinsei Nihon Tenmongakushi 近世日本天文学史, vol. 1 (Tokyo, 1984).

⁵ Nishiuchi 1940 (note 4), 59–70 and 97–104.

⁶ Hayashi 2006 (note 4), 53–5; Watanabe 1984, vol. 1 (note 4), 62–3. For a detailed discussion of Harumi's early life and the background of Harumi sensei jikki 春海先生実記 and Jinzanshû 秦山集, the two primary sources from this period, see Nishiuchi 1940 (note 4), 19–30.

⁷ Hayashi 2006 (note 4), 51–52.

⁸ Hayashi 2006 (note 4), 54.

⁹ Watanabe 1984 (note 4), vol. 1, 63.

¹⁰ Watanabe 1984 (note 4), vol. 1, 61; Shintô jiten 神道事典, ed. Kokugakuin daigaku Nihon bunka kenkyûjo 国学院大学日本文化研究所 (Tokyo, 1994), 517.

¹¹ Harumi wrote a number of important treatises on almanacs like The Historical Almanacs of Japan 日本長暦 (Nihon chôreki), and The Study of Three Almanacs 三暦考 (Sanrekikô). For a description of Nihon chôreki, see Koten no Jiten Hensan Iinkai 古典の事典編纂委員会, ed., Koten no jiten 古典の事典, vol. 8 (Tokyo, 1986), 337–48. Among his later post-Jôkyô works, Tenmon keitô 天文瓊統, from which many examples are drawn in this essay, stands out as one of the most outstanding works reflecting his eclectic views on astronomy, astrology, and Shinto ideology. Another work from this period is Nuboko shûi 瓊矛拾遺, a collection of exegetical writings on Shinto kami from Kamiyo no kan of Nihon shoki.

¹² Shibukawa Hironari 渋川敬也, Harumi sensei jikki 春海先生実記, Kotenseki sôgô database 古典籍総合データベース (Waseda University): http://www.wul.waseda.ac.jp/kotenseki, retrieved 5 October 2011, image 3; See also Nihon kinsei jinmei jiten 日本近世人名辞典, eds. Takeuchi Makoto 竹内誠 and Fukai Masaumi 深井雅海 (Tokyo, 2005), 1059. Santetsu achieved distinction at an early age. Nihon kinsei jinmei jiten cites from Yasuike monjo 安井家文書 that upon the recommendation of Sakakibara Yasumasa 榊原康政 (1548–1606), Santetsu was ordered to appear before Tokugawa Ieyasu at Fushimi castle. This honor launched the Yasui clan's career as go players. Before Harumi was born, Santetsu had previously nominated his adopted son Yasui Sanchi 安井算知 (1617–1703) from the Fujinaka clan 藤中氏 as his heir apparent.

¹³ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 4. See also Edo bakufu daijiten 江戸幕府大事典, ed. Ôishi Manabu 大石学 (Tokyo, 2009), 838. The oshirogo was essentially a live performance of a go match before the Shogun for his appraisal and entertainment.

¹⁴ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 4.

¹⁵ For more information on Hoshina Masayuki, please refer to Nihon kinsei jinmei jiten (note 12), 892. Masayuki had a special role in the Tokugawa house because he was secretly appointed by Tokugawa Iemitsu 徳川家光 (1604–1651) to be the custodian and regent of the inexperienced eleven-year old Ietsuna.

¹⁶ Nathan Sivin, Granting the Seasons: The Chinese Astronomical Reform of 1280 with a Study of its Many Dimensions and an Annotated Translation of its Records (New York, 2009), 39. For a discussion of Chinese calendrical sciences and computational methods, see Yabuuchi Kiyoshi 薮内清, Chûgoku no tenmon rekihô 中国の天文暦法 (Tokyo, 1990).

¹⁷ Elman 2005 (note 2), 64.

¹⁸ Koyomi no hyakka jiten (note 1), 160; Uchida Masao 内田正男, Koyomi to toki no jiten ;暦と時の事典 (Tokyo, 1986), 66–7 and 88. In terms of content, the shichiyô almanac documented the daily positions of the sun, the moon, and the five planets – Chinsei 鎮星, Saisei 歳星, Keiwaku 螢惑, Taihaku 太白, and Shinsei 辰星. As for the guchû almanac, it annotated the auspicious and inauspicious days and warned of taboos that had to be observed with respect to where the stars were located and the directions that the deities were facing. Once the drafts were completed, they were turned over to the Nakatsukasa shô 中務省 for inspection. Two separate copies of the guchû almanac had to be composed. One called the goryaku 御暦 was dedicated to the Emperor for his exclusive use. The Emperor's goryaku was composed of two kan or volumes. The year was evenly split between the two volumes so that the upper volume recorded the first six months while the lower volume detailed the latter half of the year. The second annotated version called the hanreki was intended for use among court officials and those serving in provincial offices. In contrast to the goryaku, the hanreki copy was composed as a single volume.

¹⁹ For an explanation of intercalation, see Sivin 2009 (note 16), 71–2. See also Uchida 1986 (note 18), 19–20.

²⁰ Okada 2006 (note 1), 22. Okada provides a brief explanation about the intercalation rule. For more about the disputes over intercalation between supporters of the Mishimagoyomi 三島暦 (Mishima almanacs) and the Ômiyagoyomi 大宮暦 (Ômiya almanacs), see Watanabe Toshio 渡辺敏夫, Nihon no koyomi 日本の暦, (Tokyo, 1976), 291–2 and 297–8.

²¹ Ôsaki Shôji 大崎正次, ed, Kinsei Nihon tenmon shiryô 近世日本天文史料 (Tokyo, 1994), 4.

²² Ôsaki 1994 (note 21), 5. See also Hanawa Hokinoichi 塙保己一, Hoi Oyudono no ue no nikki 補遺御湯殿上日記, ededited by Ôta Tôshirô 太田藤四郎, et al., in Gunsho Ruijû (Tokyo, 1957–66), 482–3. Entries from the volume covering the years from Keichô 3 to Kan'ei 21.

²³ Elman 2005 (note 2), 90.

²⁴ Hayashi 2006 (note 4), 84.

²⁵ Keizô Hashimoto and Catherine Jami, ‘From The Elements to Calendar Reform: Xu Guangqi's Shaping of Mathematics and Astronomy’, in Statecraft and Intellectual Renewal in Late Ming China – The Cross Synthesis of Xu Guangqi (1562–1633), edited by Catherine Jami, Peter Engelfriet, and Gregory Blue (Leiden, 2001), 264. For more about Matteo Ricci's legacy, see Michela Fontana, Matteo Ricci – A Jesuit in the Ming Court (Lanham, MD, 2011).

²⁶ Hashimoto and Jami 2001 (note 25), 275.

²⁷ Emperor Shunzhi's reign was marked by complex negotiations of power and identity to ensure that Ming defectors were removed and replaced by the more trusted Chinese-martial bannermen, who served the Qing. For more about this, see Pamela Kyle Crossley, A Translucent Mirror – History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 105–7. The Ming-initiated almanac reform was taken up by Emperor Shunzhi, possibly as part of his overall strategy to appropriate Ming imperial vestiges and project an image of his legitimacy as the new sovereign ruler.

²⁸ Jami and Qi, 2003 (note 2), 88–90.

²⁹ Kornicki, 1998 (note 2), 324–31.

³⁰ Sugimoto and Swain 1978 (note 2), 223–9. Although I have identified Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism as two separate strands of thought, Neo-Confucian teachings, being a derivative of Confucianism, blended with Confucian teachings in complementary ways and stressed the primacy of the metaphysical, monistic principle ri 理 (Ch: li). For a discussion of Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism in early Edo society, see Bitô Masahide and Kate Nakai Wildman, ‘Thought and Religion: 1550–1700’, in The Cambridge History of Japan vol. 4: Early Modern Japan, edited by John Whitney Hall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 396–404.

³¹ Sivin 2009 (note 16), 149. Sivin's translation of Shoushi li as the ‘Season-granting system’ is consistent with his argument that an almanac made up a system. For a sample list of printed calendrical treatises in Japan during the 1600s, see Sugimoto and Swain 1978 (note 2), 253.

³² Nishiuchi 1940 (note 4), 105.

³³ Kinsei kagaku shisô 近世科学思想, eds. Hirose Hideo 広瀬秀雄, Nakayama Shigeru 中山茂, and Ôtsuka Yoshinori 大塚敬節, Nihon shisô taikei 日本思想体系 (Tokyo, 1971), volume 63, no. 2, 111. See also Nathan Sivin, ‘Cosmos and Computation in Early Chinese Mathematical Astronomy’, T'oung Pao, second series, vol. 55, Livr. 1/3 (1969), 61. Harumi followed the traditional Chinese astronomical idea that the sun moved along a trajectory in the sky called the kôdô 黄道 (the solar ecliptic). The other trajectory of the Earth's movement was the sekidô 赤道 (the celestial equator). By tracking the sun's position day by day, he determined that the sun made a full circuit of slightly over 365.25 degrees. What this means is that one degree is slightly smaller than the corresponding value in modern geometry.

³⁴ Nakayama Shigeru 中山茂, Nihon no Tenmongaku 日本の天文学 (Tokyo, 1972), 64.

³⁵ Nishiuchi 1940 (note 4), 39–42.

³⁶ Ikeda Kôun 池田好運, Genna kôkaisho 元和航海書, in vol. 12 of Nihon kagaku koten zensho 日本科学古典全書, ed. Saigusa Hiroto 三枝博音 (Tokyo, 1943), 21–3. The usefulness of Western coordinates was discovered as early as Genna 2 (1616) in the maritime navigational guide Genna kôkaisho 元和航海書 by Ikeda Kôun 池田好運, who wrote it when he was attached to a certain Jesuit called Emmanuel Gonzalo (or Manuel Gonzalo). From the transliteration 万能恵留權佐呂, it is hard to tell if the name should be Manuel or Emmanuel. The suggested reading provided by the editor is Emanuel Gonsalo, but the last name is more likely Gonzalo.

³⁷ Marius B. Jansen, The Making of Modern Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 78–9.

³⁸ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 6.

³⁹ Tani Shigetô 谷重遠, Jinzanshû 秦山集, Jinkiroku vol. 1 (Tokyo: Tani Kanjô, 1910), 11. In a day divided into a hundred koku, one koku would correspond to approximately 14.4 minutes.

⁴⁰ Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 121–2; Tani 1910, Jinkiroku vol. 1 (note 42), 3.

⁴¹ Nakayama 1972 (note 35), 64.

⁴² Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 7. See also Unno Kazutaka 海野一隆, Chizu no bunkashi: Sekai to Nihon 地図の文化史:世界と日本 (Tokyo, 1996), 137. Unno suggests that what Harumi completed was the draft plan or blueprint instead of the globe itself. Matteo Ricci's Kon'yo bankoku zenzu was purportedly drawn up circa 1602. See also John D. Day, ‘The Search for the Origins of the Chinese Manuscript of Matteo Ricci's Maps’, Imago Mundi, 47 (1995), 96. As Day has pointed out, three terrestrial globes were made in 1585 in Ming China, though they have not been recovered.

⁴³ Tani 1910, Jinkiroku vol. 1 (note 42), 2.

⁴⁴ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 9; Saijô Keiichi 西城恵一, ‘Kokuritsu kagaku hakubutsukan shozô no Shibukawa Harumi saku Edo jidai tenkyûgi’ 国立科学博物館所蔵の渋川春海作江戸時代天球儀, Bulletin of the National Science Museum 23, series E (December 2000), 2–14. Harumi sensei jikki lists the year of Mitsukuni's injunction as Tenna 3 (1683), suggesting that at least one wooden globe was made before this time. There is one celestial globe that appears to have been made around 1690, but because the authorship cannot be established, it is hard to tell for sure if it could be attributed to Harumi. The early celestial globes made by Harumi most probably did not survive the ravages of time because the earliest extant celestial globe attributed to Harumi in the collections of the National Science Museum of Tokyo is dated around Genroku 10 (1697), and it was fashioned out of thickened sheets of paper instead of wood. It is evident that this celestial globe constituted one half of a pair of globes that Harumi had designed and produced in 1697. The other half – a terrestial globe – was acquired by the National Science Museum from the Tani household in Shôwa 33 (1958) and designated as an important cultural property in Heisei 2 (1990).

⁴⁵ 1 shaku is approximately 30 centimeters, and 1 sun 3 centimeters.

⁴⁶ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 10; See also Uchida 1986 (note 18), 122. The four other stars were imaginary. They were Ragô 羅睺, Keito 計都, Shiki 紫炁, and Geppai (or Getsuhai) 月孛.

⁴⁷ Ebisawa Arimichi 海老澤有道, Nanban gakutô no kenkyû: Kindai Nihon bunka no keifu 南蛮学統の研究 : 近代日本文化の系譜 (Tokyo, 1958), 90–1; Sugimoto Isao 杉本勳, Kinsei jitsugakushi no kenkyû: Edo jidai chûki ni okeru kagaku gijutsugaku no seisei 近世実学史の研究 : 江戸時代中期における科学技術学の生成 (Tokyo, 1962), 204 and 211. Christovão Ferreira (1580–1650) adopted the name Sawano Chûan after he was arrested and forced to commit apostasy. The origins of Kenkon bensetsu can be traced to the order issued by Inoue Masashige 井上政重 (1585–1661), a trusted subject acting on behalf of the bakufu in persecuting Christians, to translate an astronomical work by Chûan's peer Giuseppe Chiara (1601–1685). This translation project was supposedly completed around 1645. After Chûan's death in 1650, the Nagasaki interpreter Mukai Genshô 向井元升 (1609–1677) received instructions from the Nagasaki magistrate to render the text into readable kanji and kana forms. With the help of fellow interpreter Nishi Kichibê 西吉兵衛, the product was finished by 1656.

⁴⁸ Hiraoka Ryûji 平岡隆二, ‘Nanban uchûron ni okeru kurabuiusu – Gomesu ‘Shingaku yôkô’ chû no tenmongakuteki sûchi wo megutte’ 南蛮宇宙論におけるクラブイウス : ゴメス「神学要綱」中の天文学的数値をめぐって, Kagakushi kenkyû 科学史研究 47: 246 (2008a), 95–111, and 104; Pedro Gomez taught at the Jesuit College of Japan in Funai 府内. For a study of Clavius' life and works, see James M. Lattis, Between Copernicus and Galileo – Christoph Clavius and the Collapse of Ptolemaic Cosmology (Chicago, 1994).

⁴⁹ Hiraoka Ryûji, ‘“Kenkon bensetsu” shoshahon no kenkyû’ 「乾坤弁説」諸写本の研究, Nagasaki rekishi bunka hakubutsukan kenkyû kiyô 長崎歴史文化博物館研究紀要 1 (2006), 59–60; Hiraoka Ryûji, ‘The Transmission of Western Cosmology to 16^th Century Japan’, in The Jesuits, the Padroado and East Asian Science (1552–1773), eds. Luís Saraiva and Catherine Jami (Hackensack, NJ, 2008b), 92–6. There are two main versions of the Kenkon bensetsu – one with a preface by Mukai Genshô and the other prefaced by Ro Sôsetsu 廬草拙 (1675–1729).

⁵⁰ Kazuhiko Miyajima, ‘Japanese Celestial Cartography before the Meiji Period’, in The History of Cartography, volume 2, book 2, eds. J. B. Harley and David Woodward (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 585.

⁵¹ Sugimoto 1962 (note 51), 214–5; For more about Nakai Riken's study of Tenkei wakumon, see Yûki Yoshinobu 湯城吉信, ‘Nakai Riken no uchûkan: sono tenmon kankeizu wo yomu 中井履軒の宇宙観 : その天文関係図を読む’, in Kaitokudô kenkyû 懐徳堂研究, ed. Yuasa Kunihiro 湯浅邦宏 (Tokyo, 2007), 301–24.

⁵² Shigeru Nakayama, The Orientation of Science and Technology: A Japanese View, vol. 3 of the series Collected Papers of Twentieth-Century Japanese Writers on Japan. (Folkestone, UK, 2009), 153. Nakayama suggests that parts of Tenmon keitô were carelessly quoted from Tian wen da cheng guan kui ji yao 天文大成管窺輯要 dated 1653 by the Qing scholar Huang Ding 黄鼎.

⁵³ Hideo Hirose, ‘The European Influence on Japanese Astronomy’, Monumenta Nipponica, 19, 3/4 (1964), 300.

⁵⁴ Nishiuchi 1940 (note 40), 150–4.

⁵⁵ Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 110–4.

⁵⁶ Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 126.

⁵⁷ Unno 1996 (note 45), 133.

⁵⁸ Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), no. 2 (vol. 63), 129. ‘蛮人説いて云ふ、「太陽、地を繞りて隠見するの候、或いは数月に至り、或いは半年に至る。両極の下は、半年は昼たりて、半年は夜たり。その地甚だ冷く、人寒に耐ふ」と。これによりてこれを推すに、赤道を距たる南北二方は、その気候、必ず相ひ反すること、太陽の星紀を纏するごとし。’ While sekidô 赤道 can refer to the equator or the celestial equator, Harumi's usage of sekidô seems to refer mostly to the celestial equator. See Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 111. ‘Between the North and South poles, where the celestial bodies are located on the sides, is the celestial equator 南北二極の中に当たりて、横に天体を絡るものは、赤道なり。’

⁵⁹ Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 117. ‘月食は天下みな同じきなり’; ‘日月の地を離るるの遠近、全体の大小を知るものなり。’

⁶⁰ Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 115–7. ‘日食なるものは、月、日光を掩ふなり。朔日に、日と月と相遇し、南北、経を同じうし、東西、緯を同じうすれば、月、黄道に至るの時、日の下にありて、日光を遮掩し、人、日輪を見る能はず。日食と謂ふなり。しかれども日輪は了に光を失ふなし。故にその食は、天下相同の食にあらず。或いはこの処食し、他処は食せず。或いはこの処全食にて、他処は半食なり。およそ南北に離るること一百五十許里にして、一分を差ふ。この処は既食にて、南北に離るること二千里の他処は食せず。食分の深浅はみな数を以てこれを推すべし。’

⁶¹ Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 118. ‘日月、相ひ対するの時、日と月との間、地体、日光をこの面に隔てて、影を彼の面に射、月、影中にありて、借るところの光を失ふを、月食となす。天経或問に曰く、「月食に大小、遅速あり」と。’

⁶² ‘朔則日月同其經緯為一線。月受日光于上。月體隔日光于下。是月掩日。若無光為日食。而光實未常失也。望則日月相對如一線。日光正照之。月體正受之。中間地體適當線上。在日與月之間。地體隔日光於此面而射影于彼面。月在影中。失其所借之光。為月食。龍頭龍尾。是日躔之両界。月食所經之處。若龍尾距過数度則無食。而日食因地之遠近。則見食有多有寡焉。’

⁶³ Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 111. See also Shintô jiten (note 10), 324.

⁶⁴ Eiko Ikegami, Bonds of Civility: Aesthetic Networks and the Political Origins of Japanese Culture (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2005), 12. A recent work that looks at the complex networks of artists and patrons in Kyoto is Igarashi Kôichi 五十嵐公一, Kinsei Kyôto gadan no nettowâku: chûmonnushi to eshi 近世京都画壇のネットワーク: 注文主と絵師 (Tokyo, 2010).

⁶⁵ Bettina Gramlich-Oka, ‘A Domain Doctor and Shogunal Policies’, in Economic Thought in Early Modern Japan, eds. Bettina Gramlich-Oka and Gregory Smits (Leiden, 2010), 121–32, and 142–53. The rise to prominence through interpersonal connectivity is evident in the case study of Kudô Heisuke 工藤平助 (1734–1800), a domain doctor who tapped onto his network to direct his views on the Nagasaki trade and kokueki economic policies to the shogunate.

⁶⁶ Anna Beerens, Friends, Acquaintances, Pupils, and Patrons: Japanese Life in the Late Eighteenth Century: A Prosopographical Approach (Leiden, 2006), 15–20, and 275–9.

⁶⁷ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 6.

⁶⁸ For more information about Okanoi Gentei, see Watanabe 1984 (note 4), vol. 1, 49. Apparently, in Kan'ei 20 (1643), Gentei had taken advantage of the Korean emissaries' visit to Japan. He consulted the Korean Confucian scholar Yôrazan 容螺山 and picked up calendrical skills.

⁶⁹ Kondô Keigo 近藤啓吾, ‘Yamazaki Ansai to Hoshina Masayuki’ 山崎闇斎と保科正之, Shintôshi kenkyû 神道史研究 30, 4 (July 1982), 34–5.

⁷⁰ Yamazaki Ansai 山崎闇斎, Suika Shintô 垂加神道, ed. Shintô taikei hensankai神道大系編纂会, vol. 12 of Shintô taikei ronsetsu hen 神道大系論説編, (Tokyo, 1984), 524–5.

⁷¹ Yamazaki (note 78), 525. For biographical details of Kawabe Kiyonaga, refer to Shintô jiten (note 10), 506.

⁷² Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 4.

⁷³ Hayashi 2006 (note 4), 39–40; Nishiuchi 1940 (note 4), 42.

⁷⁴ Yamazaki (note 78), 526.

⁷⁵ Thatcher Deane, ‘Instruments and Observation at the Imperial Astronomical Bureau during the Ming Dynasty’, Osiris 9, second series, Instruments (1994), 130–1.

⁷⁶ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 6. See also Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 131–2. For an abbreviated description of the Chinese model, see Sivin 2009 (note 16), 195–6. The shiyûgi is also commonly referred to as the shiyû sôkan 四遊雙環 (translated by Sivin as ‘the four excursions double circle’).

⁷⁷ Kinsei kagaku shisô (note 33), 63, 2, 131. The astronomical instruments and equipment, which Harumi had set up and used, were reportedly moved to the private residence of the Tsuchimikado at Umekôji 梅小路 in Kyoto.

⁷⁸ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 7.

⁷⁹ Hayashi, 2006 (note 4), 42.

⁸⁰ Ôsaki, 1994 (note 21), 20.

⁸¹ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), images 7–8.

⁸² Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), images 7–8.

⁸³ Nishiuchi, 1940 (note 4), 73.

⁸⁴ Miyajima, 1994 (note 56), 585 and 588.

⁸⁵ Nishiuchi, 1940 (note 4), 98.

⁸⁶ From the late 900s onwards, the Kamo clan and the Abe clan dominated the top posts of the Onmyôryô. It was these two clans – the Kamo and the Abe – that the Kôtokui clan and the Tsuchimikado clan claimed to have descended from respectively.

⁸⁷ Watanabe, 1976 (note 20), 23–4.

⁸⁸ Lee Butler, ‘The Way of Yin and Yang’, Monumenta Nipponica 51, 2 (Summer 1996), 195–6.

⁸⁹ Tani 1910, Jinkiroku vol. 3 (note 42), 2.

⁹⁰ Endô Katsumi 遠藤克己, ‘Edoki ni okeru Onmyôdô to Rekidô: Tsuchimikado-ke to Kôtokui-ke’ 江戸期における陰陽道と暦道 : 土御門家と幸徳井家, in vol. 3 of Onmyôdô sôsho 陰陽道叢書, edited by Murayama Shûichi村山修一 et al. (Tokyo, 1992), 74–5. See also Endô Katsumi, Kinsei Onmyôdôshi no kenkyû 近世陰陽道史の研究 (Tokyo, 1994), 70.

⁹¹ Tsuchimikado Yasushige 土御門泰重, Yasushige kyôki 泰重卿記, eds. Takebe Toshio 武部敏夫, Kawada Sadao 川田貞夫, and Honda Keiko 本田慧子, Shiryô sanshû kokiroku hen 史料纂集古記録編 (Tokyo, 1993), vol. 1, 243; Tsuchimikado, vol. 2, 33. Along with Hisanaga, four high-ranking officials – namely Madenokôji Atsufusa 万里少路充房, Yotsutsuji Chûjô 四辻中将, Takakura Chûjô 高倉中将, and Horikawa Chûjô 堀川中将 – were sentenced. Less than a year later, in the sixth month of Genna 6 (1620), we are told that Hisanaga was pardoned, but not reinstated. Horikawa Chûjô was ordered to vacate his existing premises and move out to Higashi Kujô. As for the remaining three, Atsufusa Nyûdô was banished to Sasayama in Tanba province, while Yotsutsuji Chûjô and Takakura Chûjô were both sent away out west to Bungo province. Apparently, Hisanaga was spared exile and allowed to keep his house and landed possessions. See also Kubo Fumitake 久保文武, ‘Tokugawa Masako no judai to Tôdô Takatora’ 徳川和子の入内と藤堂高虎, Nara shigaku 奈良史学 6 (December 1988), 30; Endô 1994 (note 81), 78–9. Although the diary does not explain why Hisanaga was punished, it was likely because he as well as the others was punished for opposing the proposal to make Tokugawa Hidetada's 徳川秀忠 daughter Tokugawa Masako 徳川和子 (1607–1678) the imperial consort of Emperor Gomizunô 後水尾天皇 (1596–1680; r. 1611–1629).

⁹² Endô, 1994 (note 100), 139–54.

⁹³ Endô, 1992 (note 100), 77–93.

⁹⁴ Shintô jiten (note 10), 440. See also Endô, 1994 (note 100), 136–7. The Kurahashi were not exclusive holders of the Onmyô no suke title. The Kôtokui were not completely disinherited, since later generations of Kôtokui members appeared to have filled this post.

⁹⁵ Reigen Tennô jitsuroku 霊元天皇実録, eds. Fujii Jôji 藤井譲治 and Yoshioka Masayuki 吉岡真之, vols. 109–11 of Tennô kôzoku jitsuroku 天皇皇族実録 (Tokyo, 2005), vol. 109, 353. See notes from Kinchû hinamiki 禁中日次記. An alternate version suggests that the edict was issued as early as the fourteenth of the fourth month. See also Endô 1992 (note 100), 93. This ruling was the result of repeated appeals from Yasutomi to command the same degree of authority the Yoshida house 吉田 had in issuing shrine licenses after the Shosha negi kannushi hatto 諸社禰宜神主法度 (Regulations for shrines and clergy) took effect in 1665.

⁹⁶ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), images 4–5.

⁹⁷ Shintô jiten (note 10), 438.

⁹⁸ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 9.

⁹⁹ Sugimoto and Swain, 1978 (note 2), 252.

¹⁰⁰ Tsukamoto Manabu 塚本学, Tokugawa Tsunayoshi 徳川綱吉 (Tokyo, 1998), 70–1.

¹⁰¹ Watanabe, 1976 (note 20), 120.

¹⁰² Shintô jiten (note 10), 518.

¹⁰³ Harumi sensei jikki (note 12), image 9.

¹⁰⁴ Reigen Tennô jitsuroku (note 107), vol. 109, 378.

¹⁰⁵ For a biography of Konoe Motohiro, please see Nihon kinsei jinmei jiten (note 12), 381–2. Motohiro rose to the prestigious office of kanpaku in the first month of Genroku 3 (1690). He resigned as kanpaku in Genroku 16 (1703), and was appointed as Daijôdaijin 太政大臣 in the tenth month of Hôei 6 (1709). But he stepped down two months later. He was the adopted son of Emperor Gomizunô's daughter Akiko Naishinnô 昭子内親王 and was known for his waka poetry and calligraphy.

¹⁰⁶ Reigen Tennô jitsuroku (note 107), vol. 109, 378–9. See also Nihon kinsei jinmei jiten (note 12), 381.

¹⁰⁷ Reigen Tennô jitsuroku (note 107), vol. 109, 379.

¹⁰⁸ I wish to thank the anonymous reviewer for this suggestion.

¹⁰⁹ Reigen Tennô jitsuroku (note 107), vol. 109, 381.

¹¹⁰ Nakayama, 1969 (note 2), 127.

¹¹¹ Tani, 1910, Jinkiroku, vol. 1 (note 42), 8–9.

¹¹² Tani, 1910, Jinkiroku, vol. 1 (note 42), 2.

¹¹³ Reigen Tennô jitsuroku (note 107), vol. 109, 387–8. Motohiro's diary claims that the edict was passed one day earlier on the twenty-eighth.

¹¹⁴ Tokugawa jikki 徳川実紀, ed. Kokushi Taikei Henshûkai 国史大系編修会, vol. 42 (Tokyo, 1935), 530.

¹¹⁵ The Tokugawa jikki records two hundred hyô whereas the Harumi sensei jikki records one hundred instead.

¹¹⁶ Higuchi Yoshichiyo 樋口慶千代, Kessaku jôrurishû 傑作浄瑠璃集, vol. 1 (Tokyo, 1935), 604–45; Miyamori Asatarô, trans., Masterpieces of Chikamatsu: The Japanese Shakespeare, rev. Robert Nichols (New York, 1926), 65–106; Fujino Yoshio 藤野義雄, Chikamatsu meisaku jiten 近松名作事典 (Tokyo, 1988), 253. The Jôkyô reform was celebrated in popular culture. The prolific playwright Ihara Saikaku 井原西鶴 (1642–1693) interpreted the reform in the light of an uphill moral struggle between good and evil in his less-known play koyomi 暦 of Jôkyô 2 (1685). Chikamatsu Monzaemon's 近松門左衛門 kabuki play Daikyôji mukashigoyomi 大経師昔暦 fictionalized and dramatized the political fallout from the reform. This play, which was first performed in Shôtoku 5 (1715) at the Takemotoza 竹本座, was variously adapted and staged.

¹¹⁷ See Nishiuchi 1940 (note 4), 87–90. Nishiuchi briefly discusses the layout of the Jôkyô almanac and the channel by which it was printed and distributed. My account expands on this discussion and seeks to show why Yasutomi played an important role even after the reform was passed and how his involvement would explain the similarities between the Jôkyô almanac and the Ise almanac 伊勢暦.

¹¹⁸ Hayashi Makoto, ‘Tsuchimikado-ke to Ise no rekishi shûdan’ 土御門家と伊勢の暦師集団, Ningen bunka: Aichi Gakuin Daigaku ningen bunka kenkyûjo kiyô 人間文化 : 愛知学院大学人間文化研究所紀要 15 (2000), 7–9; Uchida, 1986 (note 18), 60; Watanabe, 1976 (note 20), 175. By the Kamakura period, the court kyôji 経師 (sutra scribes) had evolved into their specialized roles as makers of almanacs. They were called In no mikyôji 院御経師, and the head was appointed from among them as the Daikyôji.

¹¹⁹ Kornicki, 1998 (note 2), 355.

¹²⁰ Hayashi, 2000 (note 130), 4–5; Okada 2006 (note 1), 135–6; Watanabe 1976 (note 20), 207–8. The Ise almanacs postdated the Mishima almanacs, and were genealogically related to the antecedent Niu almanacs 丹生暦, which was named after the area of production in present-day Taki-gun of Mie Prefecture. In Kan'ei 8 (1631), Moriwakadayû 森若太夫 from the town of Yamada in Watarai-gun started making and distributing his own almanacs. These were thought to have been the primers of the Ise almanacs. Later, from around 1634, Minôdayû 箕曲太夫 competed with Moriwakadayû to produce the Ise almanacs.

¹²¹ Tani, 1910, Jinkiroku, vol. 1 (note 42), 11.

¹²² Ôsaki, 1994 (note 21), 26. See also Ryûkô 隆光, Ryûkô sôjô nikki 隆光僧正日記, edited by Nagashima Fukutarô 永島福太郎 and Hayashi Akikatsu 林亮勝, Shiryô sanshû (kigai) 史料纂集 ( 期外) (Tokyo, 1970), vol. 2, 41.

¹²³ Tani, 1910, Jinkiroku, vol. 1 (note 42), 11.

¹²⁴ For an overview of Dutch learning in Japan and Dutch-Japanese relations, see Leonard Blussé, Willem Remmelink, and Ivo Smits, eds., Bridging the Divide: 400 years, the Netherlands-Japan (Leiden, 2000).

¹²⁵ Satô Masatsugu 佐藤政次, Rekigakushi taizen 暦学史大全 (Tokyo, 1977), 288–95.