Craft, money and mercy: an apothecary's self-portrait in sixteenth-century Bologna

SUMMARY

The apothecary occupied a liminal position in early modern society between profit and healing. Finding ways to distance their public image from trade was a common problem for apothecaries across Europe. This article uses the case of a Bolognese apothecary, Filippo Pastarino, to address the question of how early modern apothecaries chose to represent themselves to political authorities and to the wider public. ‘Mercy’, alongside ‘craft’, was a pillar of apothecaries’ social identity. By contrast, no matter how central financial transactions (‘money’) were to their activity, apothecaries did not want to be perceived as merchants. Thus, the assistance and advice apothecaries provided to patients and customers resulted as central aspects of their social role. In this context, Bolognese apothecaries aimed to defend their current status, which had been challenged by naturalist Ulysses Aldrovandi, city authorities and local monasteries. However, Pastarino's claims can also be seen as antecedents to the self-legitimizing strategy that seventeenth-century artisans deployed when faced with the need to enhance their new status as natural philosophers. The present study attributes a name, a date of birth and a shop to Filippo Pastarino, revising previous interpretations. More broadly, by focusing on how these artisans defended their position in the city it enriches our understanding of the self-representation of apothecaries.

Notes

1 This article is a substantially revised version of an essay originally titled ‘Being an Apothecary in Sixteenth-Century Bologna: Money, Expertise, and Mercy’, which was the winner of the 2015 Annals of Science Essay Prize. A previous version of this essay was the winner of the 2105 Jerry Stannard Award for the History of Pharmacy.

2 See, for example, Ch. 5, ‘Apothecaries, suppliers of medicines’, in Helen M. Dingwall, Physicians, Surgeons and Apothecaries: Medicine in Seventeenth-Century Edinburgh (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1995), pp. 185–212. For recent overviews of apothecaries, see ‘The World of the Italian Apothecary, 1400–1750’ special issue ed. by David Gentilcore, Pharmacy in History 45, 3 (2003); Franck Collard, and Evelyne Samama, eds., Pharmacopoles et Apothicaires: Les Pharmaciens de l’Antiquité Au Grand Siècle (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2006); Stefan Halikowski-Smith, ‘“The Physician’s Hand”: Trends in the Evolution of the Apothecary and His Art across Europe over the Early Modem Period’, Nuncius. Journal of the History of Science, 24, 1 (2009), 97–125.

3 On apothecaries’ contribution to the Scientific Revolution, see Pamela Smith, The Body of the Artisan. Art and Experience in the Scientific Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004); Deborah E. Harkness, The Jewel House. Elizabethan London and the Scientific Revolution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007); Florike Egmond, ‘Apothecaries as Experts and Brokers in the Sixteenth-Century Network of the Naturalist Carolus Clusius’, History of Universities, 23 (2008), 59–91; Sabine Anagnostou, Florike Egmond, and Christoph Friedrich, eds., A Passion for Plants: Materia Medica and Botany in Scientific Networks from the 16th to the 18th Centuries (Stuttgart: Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft, 2011). Predating this more recent wave of studies, though no less essential, is Richard Palmer, ‘Pharmacy in the Republic of Venice in the Sixteenth Century’, in The Medical Renaissance of the Sixteenth Century, ed. by Andrew Wear, Roger French, and I. M. Lonie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp.100–17.

4 On the importance of apothecary shops as centres of communication, see Filippo De Vivo, ‘Pharmacies as centres of communication in early modern Venice’, in Spaces, Objects and Identities in Early Modern Italian Medicine, ed. by Sandra Cavallo and David Gentilcore (Oxford: Blackwell, 2008), pp. 33–49; Filippo De Vivo, Patrizi, informatori, barbieri. Politica e comunicazione a Venezia nella prima età moderna (Milano: Feltrinelli, 2012); Filippo De Vivo, ‘La farmacia come luogo di cultura: le spezierie di medicine in Italia’, in Interpretare e curare. Medicina e salute nel Rinascimento, ed. by Maria Conforti, Andrea Carlino, and Antonio Clericuzio (Rome: Carocci, 2013), pp. 129–42; Joanna Kostylo, ‘Pharmacy as a Centre for Protestant Reform in Renaissance Venice’, Renaissance Studies 30, 2 (2016), 236–53.

5 Sharon Strocchia, ‘The Nun Apothecaries of Renaissance Florence: Marketing Medicines in the Convent’, Renaissance Studies 25, 5 (2011), 627–47; Elizabeth S. Cohen, ‘Miscarriages of Apothecary Justice: Un-separate Spaces for Work and Family in Early Modern Rome’, Renaissance Studies 21, 4 (2007), 480–504.

6 On apothecaries and the market, see James Shaw and Evelyn Welch, Making and Marketing Medicine in Renaissance Florence (Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi, 2011); Evelyn Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance: Consumer Cultures in Italy, 1400-1600 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005) pp. 151–58; Evelyn Welch, ‘Space and spectacle in the Renaissance pharmacy’, Medicina & Storia (2011), 127–58; Patrick Wallis, ‘Consumption, Retailing, and Medicine in Early-Modern London’, The Economic History Review, New Series, 61, 1 (2008), 26–53; Julia DeLancey, ‘Dragonblood and Ultramarine: the Apothecary and Artist Pigments in Renaissance Florence’ in The Art Market in Italy: 15th-17th Centuries, ed. Marcello Fantoni, Louisa C. Matthew, and Sara F. Matthews Grieco (Modena: F. C. Panini, 2003), 141–50.

7 Filippo Pastarino, Ragionamento di Pastarino sopra l'arte della speciaria (Bologna: Giovanni Rossi, 1575). The first scholar to draw attention to Pastarino was Piero Camporesi in Pane selvaggio (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1980), transl. by David Gentilcore; Piero Camporesi, Bread of Dreams: Food and Fantasy in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989) pp. 72–74; see also Piero Camporesi ‘Speziali e ciarlatani’ in Cultura popolare dell’Emilia Romagna Medicine erbe e magia (Silvana, Milano 1981) p. 138; idem La miniera del mondo (Milano: Il Saggiatore, 1990), pp. 249–55. Camporesi did not relate Pastarino to Ulysses Aldrovandi and suggested that Pastarino was a nickname. This suggestion was followed by David Gentilcore, ‘“All That Pertains to Medicine”: Protomedici and Protomedicati in Early Modern Italy’, Medical History 38, 2 (1994), 129.

8 Tommaso Garzoni, La Piazza universale di tutte le professioni del mondo (Venice: appresso Michiel Miloco, 1665, first edition Venice, 1585), pp. 662, 550.

9 Ezio Raimondi, Luigi Guicciardi, Cristoforo Masino, Per una storia della farmacia e farmacista in Italia - Emilia-Romagna (Bologna: Skema 1986), p. 13. Petitions are a category of documents ‘which single citizens, or organized and recognized groups, sent to the state authorities requesting grace, favors, privileges, or calling attention to injustice and abuses’. See Cecilia Nubola, ‘Supplication between Politics and Justice: The Northern and Central Italian States in the Early Modern Age’, in Petitions in Social History, International Review of Social History 9, ed. by Lex Heerma van Voss (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 35–56 (p. 35).

10 Angela De Benedictis, ‘Supplicare, capitolare, resistere. Politica come comunicazione’ in Suppliche e Gravamina: Politica, Amministrazione, Giustizia in Europa (Secoli XIV-XVIII) ed. by Cecilia Nubola and Andreas Würgler (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2002), pp. 455–72 (p. 456).

11 The Chronicles by Luca Landucci (Florence, fifteenth century) and Honorat de Valbelle (Marseille, sixteenth century), the spiritual diary of Elias Pledger (London, seventeenth century), and the muddled notes of Ercole Dal Buono (Bologna, seventeenth century) in James S. Amelang, The Flight of Icarus. Artisan Autobiography in Early Modern Europe (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), pp. 279, 308.

12 See, for example, Nicolaus Prévost, Dispensarium Magistri Nicolai Prepositi Ad Aromatarios, (Paris: Venundantur ab Jacobo Huguetan, 1505); Girolamo Calestani, Osservationi nel comporre gli antidoti (Venice: Francesco de Franceschi Senese, 1570) pp. 1–3; Arte de’ medici e degli speziali, Ricettario Fiorentino (Florence: Giunta, 1567); Prospero Borgarucci, La fabrica degli spetiali (Venice: Vincenzo Valgrisio, 1566). A reflection on the training of apothecaries can be found in Georg Melich, Auertimenti nelle compositioni de' medicamenti per vso della spetiaria (Venice: al segno della Fontana, 1575) pp. III–VI.

13 Smith, The Body of the Artisan, 177.

14 See Edoardo Grendi, ‘Micro-analisi e storia sociale’, Quaderni storici, 35 (1977), 506–20 (p. 512). With regard to apothecaries, microhistory has recently been used to show the divergence between norms and real behaviour, to offer new insights about women's participation in apothecary work, and to examine the spaces where such work took place, see Elizabeth S. Cohen, ‘Miscarriages of Apothecary Justice’.

15 Bernardino Farolfi, ‘Società commerciale e società civile in una città di antico regime’, in Storia di Bologna, ed. by Paolo Prodi and Adriano Prosperi (Bologna: Bononia University Press, 2009), iii, pp. 597–646 (p. 605); Alberto Guenzi, ‘L’identità industriale di una città e del suo territorio’, in Storia di Bologna, iii, pp. 449–524 (p. 450); Lia Gheza Fabbri, ‘L’organizzazione del lavoro. Corporazioni e gruppi professionali in età moderna’, in Storia di Bologna, iii, pp. 647–730.

16 The Bolognese apothecaries’ guild's archives have been lost as a consequence of the Napoleonic wars. On Bolognese apothecaries, see: Giovanni Baldi, Notizie storiche sulla farmacia bolognese (Bologna, Società Tipografica Mareggiani, 1955); Giovanni Baldi, Gli statuti dell’Arte degli speziali in Bologna (Pisa: Pacini Mariotti, 1958); ‘Gli statuti della compagnia degli speziali di Bologna (1377-1557)’, ed. by Leonardo Colapinto, Pagine di storia della scienza e della tecnica, allegato agli Annali di Medicina Navale 1, 24, 22 (Roma, Ministero della difesa) 1966; Claudia Pancino, ‘Malati, medici, mammane, saltimbanchi. Malattia e cura nella Bologna d’età moderna’, in Storia di Bologna, iii, pp. 683–770 (pp. 701, 717–18); Lucia Piccinno, ‘Speziali’, in Atlante delle Professioni, ed. by Maria Malatesta (Bologna: Bononia University Press, 2009), pp. 130–32; Paulina Oszajca, and Zbigniew Bela, ‘Granting a Licence for Opening a Pharmacy in Bologna During Activity of The Bolognese Arte De’ Speziali (13th–18th Century)’, Medicina nei secoli, 27, 1 (2015), pp. 215–40.

17 Antonio Pini, Città, Comuni e Corporazioni nel Medioevo Italiano (Bologna: CLUEB, 1986), p. 283.

18 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 5. Here and throughout, translations are my own.

19 On Protomedicato in Italy, see David Gentilcore, ‘All That Pertains to Medicine’. On Bolognese Protomedicato, see Edoardo Rosa, ‘La panacea dell'antichità approda all’Archiginnasio’ in L’Archiginnasio: il Palazzo, l’Università, la Biblioteca, ed. by Giovanni Roversi (Bologna, 1987) I, pp. 319–40; Gianna Pomata, La Promessa di Guarigione: Malati e Curatori in Antico Regime: Bologna XVI-XVIII Secolo (Roma: Laterza, 1994). An important source on Protomedicato is Liber pro recta administratione protomedicatus (Bologna: typographia Ferroniana, 1666).

20 Archivio di Stato di Bologna (hereafter ASB), Studio 217, Officiales aromatarios subjucunt se colegio, 99v.

21 Catalogo Dei Manoscritti Di Ulisse Aldrovandi, ed. by Ludovico Frati, Alessandro Ghigi and Albano Sorbelli (Bologna: Nicola Zanichelli, 1907), p. 233.

22 ASB, Assunteria d’Arti. Notizie sopra il sollievo delle Arti, b. 1. Nuova riforma, et ordini aggionti alla moderatione altre volte fatta sopra li Speciali, & altri (Bologna: Alessandro Benaccio, 1581).

23 ASB, Studio 248, ‘Atto degli Speziali dell’Arte comprovante nullità di certi Atti del Collegio’.

24 On this appointment, which caused a controversy between Aldrovandi and the Medical College, see Olmi, ‘Farmacopea Antica’, p. 205. Antidotarii Bononiensis sive de usilala ratione componendorum miscendorumque medicamentorum, Epitome (Bologna: Giovanni Rossi, 1574). In 1575, Bishop Paleotti asked for a raise for Aldrovandi as a prize for the Antidotarium, but the Senate refused. ASB, Senato, Lettere del Senato Copiari I busta 13 (1574-1580).

25 Arte de’ medici e degli speziali, Ricettario Fiorentino (Florence: Giunta, 1567).

26 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 1.

27 One extant previous publication, Ragionamento sopra le Pompe della città di Bologna, published in 1568 by the same publisher, Giovanni Rossi, might have influenced Pastarino’s conception of the treatise, at least as regards its title. In seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Bologna, published petitions by artisans became more common.

28 The mark features the sentence Scutum inexpugnabile Aequitas (justice is an unconquerable shield) inscribed in an ovoid reminiscent of a shield, which is supported by two fauns and surmounted by a goat’s skull.

29 One of the two copies of the Ragionamento held by the Biblioteca Universitaria in Bologna (hereafter BUB) was the property of another apothecary, Ercole Dal Buono. With some approximation, the following parts can be identified in the text: dedication (page 3); presentation of the author and his vocation as an apothecary (4–5); discredit experienced by apothecaries (5); reflections on where men’s nobility lies, importance of action and work (as opposed to idleness), how idleness induces pride (5–9); how the proximity of apothecaries to death and disease results in compassion and mercy (10); cure, assistance, and compassion in apothecaries’ daily work (11); payments and laws on credit (12–13); chastity and virtues of apothecaries and their place in the city (13–15); body of knowledge necessary to an apothecary and relevance of experience (16–20); relevance and usefulness of apothecary art, conclusion (20–23).

30 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 4.

31 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 5.

32 There are two Pastarinos in the guild registers. Filippo Pastarino, Antonio's son, was baptized in Saint Paul's Cathedral on July 25, 1509: Archivio della Curia Arcivescovile di Bologna (ACAB), Cathedral Parish Register 6, 1506–1510: 182. Filippo's son, Giovanni Antonio, was baptized on March 30, 1533. While either of these Pastarinos could have written the treatise, the author affirms his father to be dead, ruling out Giovanni Antonio, since Filippo was still alive in 1575. ASB, Libri matricularum, vol. 4, 259. Filippo's son, Giovanni Antonio, became an apothecary on March 26, 1565: ASB, Libri matricularum, vol. 4, p. 269.

33 Guidicini, Cose notabili della citta di Bologna, ossia, Storia cronologica de'suoi stabili sacri, pubblici e privati (Bologna, 1868) v, p. 129. See also ASB, Studio 197, Miscellanea Protomedicatus, April 20, 1580: ‘Pastalino ad insigna Turris’. The apothecary at the Two Towers was active until a few decades ago.

34 Filippo Pastarino, Preparamento del Pastarino, per medicarsi in questi sospettosi tempi di peste (Bologna: Giovanni Rossi, 1577), p. 7.

35 Biblioteca Comunale dell'Archiginnasio di Bologna (BCABo), ms. B.4266, Nomi, cognomi e stemmi dei Signori di Collegio (Tribuni della Plebe e Massari delle Arti) dall'ultimo quadrimestre 1583 al primo quadrimestre del 1618, p.7v. ASB, Assunteria D’arti Notizie sopra gli Speziali: Filippo was among the imborsati at least in 1563, 1569, 1573, 1577, 1581, and 1588; Giovanni Antonio was massaro in 1604 and among the imborsati in 1591 and 1597.

36 Giuseppe Fantuzzi, Memorie della vita di Ulisse Aldrovandi medico e filosofo bolognese (Bologna: Lelio dalla Volpe, 1774), pp. 39–47; Alberico Benedicenti, Malati, medici e farmacisti: storia dei rimedi traverso i secoli e delle teorie che ne spiegano l’azione sull’organismo (Milano: Hoepli, 1924–1925), ii, pp. 1022–23; Guido Zaccagnini, Storia dello studio di Bologna durante il Rinascimento (Geneve: Olschki, 1930) pp. 239–40; Aldo Andreoli, ‘Ulisse Aldrovandi e Gregorio XIII (e la teriaca)’, Strenna Storica Bolognese 11 (1961), 11–19; Giuseppe Olmi, ‘Farmacopea antica e medicina moderna. La disputa sulla teriaca nel Cinquecento bolognese’, Physis, 19 (1977), 197–246. It is not possible to reproduce a complete bibliography of the theriac dispute here; interested readers should turn to Giuseppe Olmi, note 2, 198. For the importance of theriac and theriac disputes in the creation of naturalistic collections, see Paula Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994) pp. 241–87.

37 BUB, Ms. Aldrovandi 21 III Narratione brevissima, 133r–183r, p. 151v. The date of this event is not specified.

38 Nubola, ‘Supplication between Politics and Justice’, p. 36. Nadia Corvini, ‘La trattazione delle suppliche nella cancelleria sforzesca: da Francesco Sforza a Ludovico il Moro’ in Suppliche e Gravamina: Politica, Amministrazione, Giustizia in Europa, p. 107.

39 Irene Polverini Fosi, Papal Justice: Subjects and Courts in the Papal State, 1500-1750 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2011), pp. 207–24; Natalie Zemon Davis, Fiction in the Archives: Pardon Tales and Their Tellers in Sixteenth-Century France (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1987).

40 Amelang, The Flight of Icarus, p. 237

41 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 12.

42 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 23.

43 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 13.

44 Antidotarii Bononiensis, p. 10.

45 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 12.

46 Olmi, ‘Farmacopea Antica’, p. 218.

47 Wallis, ‘Consumption, Retailing, and Medicine’.

48 Pastarino, Ragionamento, pp. 12, 23.

49 For a popular description containing negative views on apothecaries, see Garzoni, La Piazza universale, pp. 489–92.

50 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 15. The Dispensarium Magistri Nicolai Prepositi ad aromatarios was attributed to Nicolaus Salernitanus, a well-known twelfth-century physician; the attribution to Nicolaus Salernitanus is not certain, according to John Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica. A catalogue of the Alchemical, Chemical and Pharmaceutical books in the collection of the late James Young of Kelly and Duris (Kessinger Publishing, 2002), p. 223.

51 Baldi, ‘Gli statuti dell’Arte degli speziali in Bologna’, p. 31.

52 Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASV), Compilazione delle leggi. Seconda Serie, 231, 6.

53 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 13. Here and throughout, the word credit is used in its economic sense, as in Shaw and Welch, Making and Marketing, Ch. 4 and 5, (pp. 81–158). A system of credit allows one party to provide resources or money to another party who does not reimburse the first immediately.

54 Shaw and Welch, Making and marketing medicine, pp. 123–29.

55 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 12.

56 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 14.

57 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 4. On the importance of gift-giving in early modern society, see Natalie Zemon Davis, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000).

58 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 4.

59 Pastarino, Ragionamento, pp. 3–6.

60 De Benedictis, ‘Amore per la patria, diritto patrio’, p. 122.

61 Angela De Benedictis, ‘Amore per la patria, diritto patrio. Il sapere dei dottori dello Studio al servizio della città’, in Storia di Bologna, iii, 115–47 (p. 120).

62 Garzoni, La Piazza universale, p. 549.

63 On the theriac dispute, see note 36.

64 Findlen, Possessing Nature, pp. 273–77.

65 Guidicini, Cose notabili, v, p. 129.

66 BUB, Aldrovandi, Brevissima Narratione, p. 134v. Also in Olmi, ‘Farmacopea Antica’, p. 271.

67 ASB, Libri actorum utriusque collegi 1569–1604, pp. 244r–245v, July 1st 1575. Two copies of the same deposition are also in ASB, Studio 197 Miscellanea Protomedicatus, and a transcription can be found in Martha Teach Gnudi and Jerome Pierce Webster, The Life and Times of Gaspare Tagliacozzi Surgeon of Bologna 1545–1599: with a Documented Study of the Scientific and Cultural Life of Bologna in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Reichner, 1950), pp. 94–96.

68 Olmi, ‘Farmacopea Antica’, pp. 242–43.

69 Catalogo Dei Manoscritti Di Ulisse Aldrovandi, pp. 5, 13, 14, 93, 231, 235.

70 BUB, Aldrovandi, Brevissima Narratione, p. 134v. Also in Olmi, ‘Farmacopea Antica’, p. 271.

71 Imperato to Aldrovandi, July 10, 1573, in Fantuzzi, Memorie della vita di Ulisse, p. 225

72 Paula Findlen, ‘The Economy of Scientific Exchange in Early Modern Italy’, in Patronage and Institutions, ed. by Bruce Moran (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1991), pp. 5–24.

73 Fantuzzi, pp. 255–56; Findlen, Possessing Nature, p. 283.

74 Olmi, “Bologna nel secolo XVI”, p. 80.

75 On Leonardo Fioravanti, see Piero Camporesi, Bread of Dreams, pp. 5–86, William Eamon, ‘Pharmaceutical Self-Fashioning or How to Get Rich and Famous in the Renaissance Medical Marketplace’, Pharmacy in History 45, 3 (2003), 123–29; William Eamon, The Professor of Secrets: Mystery, Medicine, and Alchemy in Renaissance Italy (Washington, DC: National Geographic, 2010).

76 Olmi, ‘Farmacopea Antica’, pp. 224–26.

77 Claudio Donati, L’idea Di Nobiltà in Italia: Secoli XIV-XVIII (Rome: Laterza, 1988).

78 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 7.

79 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 8.

80 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 8.

81 Among the sources I have identified is Dispensarium Magistri Nicolai Prepositi. From Prospero Borgarucci, La fabrica degli spetiali, Pastarino draws some sentences almost verbatim, p. XVII. He also draws from the Pharmacopœa in compendium redacta per J. Placotomo. Ejusdem dispensatorium usitatissimorum hoc tempore medicamentorum descriptiones continens, published in Lyon in 1560 by Johannes Placotomus, a physician active in Gdansk in the sixteenth century. Not all of Pastarino's sources were strictly related to the profession, see Pauli de Palacio, Enarrationes in evangelium S. Mattaei, Lugduni, apud Simphorianum Beraudum, 1571, pp. 656, 571, Palacio was professor at the University of Coimbra and fortunate commentator of the Bible. There are several quotations from the Bible (Sirach, 38,4, and Maccabees I, 2,62).

82 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 20.

83 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 16.

84 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 8.

85 Alfonso de Ulloa, Dialogo della degnità dell’huomo (Venice: appresso Nicolò Beuilacqua, 1563), pp. 31–32, 89–90.

86 Borgarucci, La fabrica degli spetiali, XVIII.

87 Leonardo Fioravanti, for example, emphasized experience in his Dello Specchio di Scientia Universale (1567), yet there is no sign of this work—which offered a critical view of apothecaries—in the Ragionamento, see Leonardo Fioravanti, Dello specchio di scientia uniuersale (Venice: appresso Vincenzo Valgrisi, 1564).

88 Olmi, ‘Farmacopea Antica’, pp. 197–246.

89 On competition between apothecaries and physicians, see Halikowski-Smith, ‘The Physician's Hand’, pp. 102–08; on business links, see Andrew Wear, Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 1550-1680 (Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 47. On social ties between the two groups in Bologna, see Pomata, La promessa di guarigione, pp. 33–36.

90 Liber pro recta administratione, p. 12.

91 Pastarino, Ragionamento, pp. 9–10.

92 Pastarino defined misericordia (mercy) as a ‘certain kind of grief that we feel for somebody else's suffering when we think that the same could happen to us’ Ragionamento, p. 10. He used a number of different terms apparently interchangeably: misericordia (mercy), pietà (piety), carità Cristiana (Christian compassion, or charity).

93 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 11.

94 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 11.

95 In seventeenth-century Turin, apothecaries were part of the staff at Court, occasionally acting as personal attendants with tasks that required physical contact with their masters’ bodies, see Sandra Cavallo, Artisans of the Body in Early Modern Italy: Identities, Families and Masculinities (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2007), p. 65.

96 Katharine Park, Doctors and Medicine in Early Renaissance Florence (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985), pp. 109–10; Faye Getz, Medicine in the English Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), p. 9; Michelle Laughran, ‘Medicating with or without ‘Scruples’: the ‘Professionalization’ of the Apothecary in Sixteenth-Century Venice’, Pharmacy in History, 45 (2003), 95–107 (p. 96); Laurence Moulinier-Brogi, ‘Médecins et apothicaires dans l'Italie médiévale: quelques aspects des leurs relations’, in Pharmacopoles et Apothicaires, pp. 130–34; Gianna Pomata, ‘Practicing between Heaven and Earth: Women Healers in Seventeenth-Century Bologna’, Dynamis, 19 (1999), 119–43 (p. 123).

97 ASB, Studio 197, Miscellanea Protomedicatus.

98 Advice-giving by apothecaries was common practice in seventeenth-century England, and from 1704 they could also prescribe medicine, though at no cost, see Roy Porter, Disease, Medicine and Society in England, 1550-1860 (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1993), p. 28. Still today, this is a common experience in Latin America, India, Africa, and Europe (Bologna included), see Susan Reynolds Whyte, Sjaak van der Geest, and Anita Hardon, Social Lives of Medicines, (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 91–103.

99 Jole Agrimi, Chiara Crisciani, ‘Charity and Aid in Medieval Christian Civilization’ in Western Medical Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages, ed. by Mirko Grmek (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998).

100 The first known image of this kind is in a French manuscript dating 1519–1528. Fritz Krafft and Beiträgen von Christa, Christus ruft in die Himmelsapotheke: die Verbildlichung des Heilandsrufs durch Christus als Apotheker: Begleitbuch und Katalog zur Ausstellung im Museum Altomunster (Stuttgart: Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft, 2002); Wolfgang-Hagen Hein, Christus als Apotheker (Frankfurt am Main: Govi-Verlag, 1974).

101 Pastarino, Ragionamento, p. 21.

102 Garzoni, La piazza delle Professioni, p. 662.

103 Pomata, La promessa di guarigione, pp. 76–78.

104 Smith, The Body of the Artisan, 165–77.

105 Smith, The Body of the Artisan, note 82, p. 295.

106 Smith, The Body of the Artisan, p. 177.

107 Not a line in the Ragionamento refers to charlatans. At the time, charlatans were certainly active in Bologna as well as in other Italian cities, so either the apothecaries did not think this supplication the right place to address competition from charlatans, or they were not yet concerned by this emerging category.

108 On Italian convent apothecaries, see Benedicenti, Malati, medici e farmacisti, pp. 540–41; Antonio Corvi, Ernesto Riva, La farmacia monastica e conventuale (Pisa: Pacini, 1996); Strocchia, ‘The Nun Apothecaries of Renaissance Florence’.

109 Strocchia, ‘The Nun Apothecaries of Renaissance Florence’, p. 627.

110 Pomata, ‘Practicing between Heaven and Earth’.

111 ASB, Assunteria d’Arti. Notizie sopra il sollievo delle Arti, b. 1.

112 ASB, Studio 233.

113 ASB, Assunteria d’Arti. Notizie sopra il sollievo delle Arti, b. 1.

114 Filippo Pastarino, Preparamento.

115 Filippo Pastarino, Istruttione sopra la universal peste e frenetico morbo d’amore (Bologna: Giovanni Rossi, 1584), p. 1.

116 Istruttione is drawn almost entirely from Marsilio Ficino's De Amore and should be included in that large vein of sixteenth-century treatises about love (i.e., love for family members, for begetting children, and love as a spiritual force), which saw its highest point at the beginning of the century, see Matteo Palumbo, ‘La proliferazione del modello’ in Manuale di letteratura italiana, ed. Franco Brioschi e Costanzo Di Girolamo (Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 1994) ii, pp. 523–25. The first edition of Marsilio Ficino’s De Amore was published in Italian as Sopra lo amore, o ver convito di Platone (Firenze: Neri Dortelata, 1544). See, Michele Rosi, Saggio sui trattati d'amore del Cinquecento (Recanati: Rinaldo Simboli, 1889), p. 20; Paolo Lorenzetti, ‘La bellezza e l’amore nei trattati del Cinquecento’, Annali della Real Scuola Superiore di Pisa, 28 (Pisa: f.lli Nistri, 1917), p. 76.

117 Pastarino, Ragionamento, pp. 21–22.