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Abstract
Woodblock printed painting albums and manuals from early modern China sparked changes in the way some forms of art were produced in late Chosŏn Korea (1650–1800). Although such art books were firmly rooted in the middle-class public in China, most pictorial and literary evidence tells us that these same books were used exclusively by highly positioned artists and critics in early modern Korea. This disparity of readership points to inequalities in cultural exchange and communication between early modern China and Korea, in which misinformation gave rise to a new source of artistic inspiration.
Notes
1. For the quotation of Luwig Wittgenstein and its explanation, see Franz Von Kutschera, Philosophy of Language (Boston: D. Reidel, 1975), 110–12.
2. O Toil, “Okch'ŏn Ch'ungnyo˘lsa ki,” in So˘p'a so˘nsaeng munjip, kwo˘n 17: 32a
. Its original text is reprinted in Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan (Seoul: Minjok munhwa ch'ujinhoe, 1991), vol. 152, 345.3. Yi Seyo˘ng, “Chin'gyo˘ng sidae ŭi kyo˘ngje,” Kansong munhwa 50 (1996): 92–101.
4. For further discussion regarding the social structure of early modern Korea, see Hwang Kyung Moon, Beyond Birth: Social Status in the Emergence of Modern Korea (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2005)
; and Han Ugŭn and Yi So˘ngmu, Saryo ro pon Han'guk munhwasa: Choso˘n hugi p'yo˘n (Seoul: Ilchisa, 1995), 201.5. Yi Seyo˘ng, “Chin'gyo˘ng sidae ŭi kyo˘ngje,” 92–95.
In addition, the demographic register of another city, Ulsan, shows that during the eighteenth century, the number of people in the yangban class increased from 20 percent to 65 percent, while the commoners decreased from 50 percent to 20 percent. During the same period, the slave class shrank from 33 percent to 15 percent. John N. Somerville, “Success and Failure in Eighteenth Century Ulsan: A Study in Social Mobility” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1974).6. Edward Wagner, “Social Stratification in Seventeenth Century Korea: Some Observations from a 1663 Seoul Census Register,” Occasional Papers on Korea 1 (1974): 37.
7. Yi Chunghwan, “Ch'ongnon,” in T'aengniji (reprint; Seoul: Ŭryu munhwasa, 1971), 255.
For a discussion of the various scholarly positions on status in late Choso˘n society, see James B. Palais, Confucian Statecraft and Korean Institutions: Yu Hyo˘ngwo˘n and the Late Choso˘n Dynasty (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1996), 360–62.8. Pak Chega's writing is quoted in Han Ugŭn and Yi So˘ngmu, Saryo ro pon Han'guk munhwasa: Choso˘n hugi p'yo˘n, 91–94, 470.
9. Timothy Brook, “Family Continuity and Cultural Hegemony: The Gentry of Ningbo, 1368–1911,” in Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance, ed. Joseph W. Esherick and Mary Buckus Rankin (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 27–50
; and Ann Walter, “Building on the Ladder of Success: The Ladder of Success in Imperial China and Recent Work on Social Mobility,” Ming Studies 17 (1983): 25–55.10. Craig Clunas, Superfluous Things: Material Culture and Social Status in Early Modern China (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991), 108.
11. Yi Sangju, “18segi ch'o munindŭl ŭi udoron kwa munye ch'wihyang,” Han'guk Hanmunhak yo˘n'gu 23 (1999): 197–228.
12. An Taehoe, Choso˘n ŭi p'ŭrop'esyonŏl (Seoul: Humanist, 2007), 295–329
; and Kang Myo˘nggwan, Choso˘n p'ungsoksa, vol. 3 (Seoul: Pu'rŭn yo˘ksa, 2010), 107–9.13. Hwang Cho˘ngyo˘n, “Choso˘n sidae so˘hwa sujang yo˘n'gu” (PhD diss., Hangukhak chungang yo˘n'guwŏn, 2006), 221–23
; and Kang Myo˘nggwan, Choso˘n sidae munhak yesul ŭi saengso˘ng konggan (Seoul: Somyo˘ng ch'ulp'an, 1999), 256–57.14. Yun Kwangsim, “Ho˘ yo˘ngaek saengji myo˘ng,” in Pyo˘ngsejip. This story is introduced in Pak Chihyo˘n, “Yo˘ngak Ho˘ P'il kwa 18segi Ansan ŭi hoehwa hwaltong,” Misulsahak yo˘n'gu 252 (2006): 197.
15. Yi Hyo˘nhwan, “Kŭnjae so˘hwa so˘l,” in So˘mwa chapjo˘. For more discussion of such cases, see Pak Chihyo˘n, “Yo˘ngak Ho˘ P'il kwa 18segi Ansan ŭi hoehwa hwaltong,” 197–222.
16. Pak Hyoŭn, “18segi Choso˘n munindŭl ŭi hoehwa sujip kwa hwadan,” Misulsahak yo˘n'gu 233–34 (2002): 147
; and Hwang Cho˘ngyo˘n, “So˘ngnong Kim Kwangguk (1727–1797) ŭi saengae wa so˘hwa sujang hwaltong,” Misulsahak yo˘n'gu 235 (2002): 61–85.17. According to a storybook written in the late Choso˘n, the daughter of a wealthy merchant in Seoul collected enough paintings to fill her entire room. See Ch'o˘nggu yo˘ngo˘n, kwo˘n 8: 6 hwa. For other similar cases, see Kang Myo˘nggwan, Choso˘n sidae munhak yesul ŭi saengso˘ng konggan, 320–23.
18. Regarding art markets in Seoul and other cities during the Choso˘n period, see Hwang Cho˘ngyo˘n, “Choso˘n sidae so˘hwa sujang yo˘n'gu,” 70–71
; and Kang Myo˘nggwan, Choso˘n sidae munhak yesul ŭi saengso˘ng konggan, 335–40.19. Kang Ich'o˘n, “Hangyo˘ngsa,” in Chung'am ko. Its original text is found in Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, sok, vol. 111, 446.
20. Sin Wi, Kyo˘ngsutang cho˘ngo, ch'aek 8, Pyo˘ngnobang pyo˘lgo: 30. For the original text, see Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 291, 177.
21. Pak Chiwŏn and Yi To˘ngmu, quoted in Hong So˘np'yo, “Choso˘n hugi ŭi hoehwa aeho p'ungjo wa kamp'yo˘ng hwaltong,” Misulsa nondan 5 (1997): 133.
22. For further discussion regarding late Choso˘n literature, see Cho Tong'il, Han'guk munhak t'ongsa, vol. 3 (Seoul: Chisik sano˘psa, 2005).
23. In the fields of art history and literary criticism in East Asian studies, the term chin'gyo˘ng has been translated as true or real scenery, view, boundary, landscape, and so forth. Most recently, Burglind Jungmann advocates “true-scenery” as the most accurate translation in that the term chin'gyo˘ng refers to the actual landscape itself rather than its subjective portrayal by artists. Jugmann, Painters as Envoys: Korean Inspiration in Eighteenth-Century Japanese Nanga (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 187–94. However, many chin'gyo˘ng paintings, although designed to depict the naturalistic landscape of specific locations, cannot provide the “true” (photographic) descriptions of the location, since any given landscape painting is inevitably reproduced via that artist's subjectivity, that is, through his or her chosen and modified angles, perspectives, compositions, and color schemes as well as material execution of brushwork and personal style. While acknowledging the various possibilities for its interpretation, I think the customary translation, “true-view,” may better highlight the undefinable valence of the term chin'gyo˘ng.
24. An Hwijun (Ahn Hwi-joon), Han'guk hoehwa ŭi cho˘nt'ong (Seoul: Munye ch'ulp'ansa, 1988), 142–52, 250–367
; and Kim Wŏllyong and An Hwijun, Sinp'an Han'guk misulsa (Seoul: Seoul National University, 1993), 281–308.25. The portrayal of different classes in late Choso˘n genre paintings may have subtly embedded propagandist rhetoric. While pioneering paintings of the genre made by Yun Tuso˘ and Cho Yo˘ngso˘k displayed genuine interest in commoners and their lives, many of those created by such court painters as Kim Hongdo and Kim Tŭksin, for example, depict people from different classes living in harmony, prosperity, and peace, which indirectly celebrates the benevolence of Choso˘n's kingship and its governance. This is in contrast to many folk songs of the time, which clearly criticized the corruption and brutality of local officials, injustice in the social system, and famine in the countryside. Further discussion on this topic will be provided in my forthcoming book.
26. Cho˘ng Okcha, Choso˘n hugi Choso˘n chunghwa sasang yo˘n'gu (Seoul: Ilchisa, 1998)
; and Jahyun Kim Haboush, “Constructing the Center: The Ritual Controversy and the Search for a New Identity in Seventeenth-Century Korea,” in Culture and the State in Late Choso˘n Korea, ed. Jahyun Kim Haboush and Martina Deuchler (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 1999), 69–70.27. Cho˘ng Min, 18segi Choso˘n chisigin ŭi palgyo˘n (Seoul: Humanist, 2007), 74.
28. Ch'oe Wansu, “Kyo˘mje chin'gyo˘ng sansuhwa,” Kansong munhwa 29 (1981): 39–60.
29. Such high self-esteem among Choso˘n elites was not completely groundless. Many of the Chinese records also compliment the high level of education and culture as well as the civility of Choso˘n. Such examples can be found in Huang Qing zhigongtu (1759) and Sancai tuhui (1607), in which Koreans are described and portrayed as people of indisputable superiority in their manners and Confucian education among dozens of other ethnic groups around China.
30. See Ko Yo˘nhŭi, “Cho˘ng So˘n ŭi chin'gyo˘ng sansuhwa wa Myo˘ng Ch'o˘ng dae sansu p'anhwa,” Misulsa nondan 9 (1999): 137–62.
31. Han Cho˘nghŭi, “Choso˘n hugi hoehwa e mich'in Chungguk ŭi yo˘nghyang,” Misulsa hak yo˘n'gu 206 (1995): 67–97.
32. Ko Yo˘nhŭi, Choso˘n hugi sansu kihaeng yesul yo˘n'gu: Cho˘ngso˘n kwa Nongyo˘n kŭrup ŭl chungsim ŭro (Seoul: Ilchisa, 2001), 73–98
; idem, “Cho˘ng So˘n ŭi chin'gyo˘ng sansuhwa wa Myo˘ng Ch'o˘ngdae sansu p'anhwa,” Misulsa nondan 9 (1999): 137–62 ; Han Cho˘nghŭi, “17, 18segi Tong Asia eso˘ silgyo˘ng sansuhwa ŭi so˘nghaeng kwa kŭ ŭimi,” Misulsahak yo˘n'gu 237 (2003): 140 ; and Yu Mina, “Choso˘n huban'gi Chungguk myo˘ngsŭngdo yo˘n'gu—Sansu hwabo Immoch'o˘p ŭl chungsim ŭro,” Kangjwa misulsa 33 (2009): 227–65.33. Lydia Liu, The Clash of Empires: The Invention of China in Modern World Making (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 12–13.
34. Michael Baxandall, Patterns of Intention: On the Historical Explanation of Pictures (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 58–59.
35. Charles D. Orzech, “Fang Yankou and Pudu: Translation, Metaphor, and Religious Identity,” in Daoist Identity: History, Lineage, and Ritual, ed. Livia Kohn and Harold D. Roth (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2002), 213–34.
36. In a recent article, Burglind Jungmann has also probed the possibility of applying the measure of cultural translation instead of influence to Korean art history. See her “ Literati Ideals and Social Reorganisation in the Early Choso˘n Period,” in Shifting Paradigms in East Asian Visual Culture: A Festschrift in Honour of Lothar Ledderose (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 2012), 313–14.
37. The Derridean understanding of translation is well represented in Stuart Hall and Sarat Maharaj, “Modernity and Difference: A Conversation between Stuart Hall and Sarat Maharaj,” in Modernity and Difference, Annotations, vol. 6 (London: inIVA, 2001), 36–57.
They note (37), “There is always something which is left out, because a translation can never be a perfect rendering from one space or one language to another.” A more specific discussion of cultural translation in terms of art history can be found in Stephen Campbell and Stephen Milner, Artistic Exchange and Cultural Translation in the Italian Renaissance City (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).38. Harold Bloom, The Anxiety of Influence: A Theory of Poetry (London: Oxford University Press, 1975).
39. Regarding the painting manuals of early modern China, see J. P. Park, Art by the Book: Painting Manuals and the Leisure Life in Late Ming China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2012), chap. 2.
40. Richard Vinograd, “Private Art and Public Knowledge in Later Chinese Painting,” in Images of Memory, ed. Susan Küchler and Walter Melion (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991), 176–202.
41. Machida shiritsu kokusai hanga bijutsukan, Kinsei Nihon kaiga to gafu, edehon ten: Meiga o unda hanga; Kaikan 3-shūnen kinen (Tōkyō-to Machida-shi: Machida shiritsu kokusai hanga bijutsukan, 1990)
; and Joan Stanley-Baker, The Transmission of Chinese Idealist Painting to Japan: Notes on the Early Phase (1661–1799) (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 1992), 128–35.42. Some of the important research includes Satō Yasuhiro, “Nanga ni okeru hanga-teki hyōgen,” in Chūgoku shōkei: Nihon bijutsu no himitsu o sagure, kaikan 20-shūnen kinenten, exh. cat. (Machida: Machida shiritsu kokusai hanga bijutsukan, 2007), 126–32
; Kobayashi Hiromitsu, “Min-Shin kaiga to kinsei Nihon gadan—nanga reimeiki ni itaru Chūgoku kaiga no juyō ni sotte,” in Geijutsu, vol. 7 of Nicchū bunkashi kōryūshi sōsho, ed. Uehara Shōichi and Wang Yung (Tokyo: Taishūkan Shoten, 1997), 77–112 ; Takeda Kōichi, “Ike no Taiga ni okeru gafu ni yoru seisaku,” Bijutsu kenkyū 348 (1990): 39–60 ; and idem, “Sairon Chūgoku gafu to Nihon nanga no kankei,” in Chūgoku shōkei, 6–14.43. On Edo Japanese reprintings of Chinese art books, see Qi Yinping, “Riben Jianghu shidai Zhongguo huapu zhuanru kao,” Xin meishu 2 (2000): 68–88.
44. Regarding Japanese painting albums and manuals, see Suzuki Jun and Asano Shūgō, Edo no ehon: Gazō to tekisuto no ayanaseru sekai (Tokyo: Yagi shoten, 2010); Jack Hillier, The Art of the Japanese Book (New York: Harper and Row, 1987)
; and Roger S. Keys, Ehon: The Artist and the Book in Japan (New York: New York Public Library, 2006).45. For Gushi huapu's impact on Choso˘n, see Song Hyegyo˘ng, “Gushi huapu wa Choso˘n hugi hwadan” (Master's thesis, Hongik University, 2002).
46. On a painting titled Samyang kaet'aeto, Sim left a colophon reading, “In emulation of Gushi huapu.” Another painting of his, Sansŭng po'napto, now housed at the Pusan Municipal Museum, has a colophon written by Kang Sehwang (1713–1791) reading, “the painting of ‘a Mountain Monk Repairing His Robe’ is [originally found in] Jiang Yin's work Gushi huapu. Here, Sim Sajo˘ng's rough sketch delivers its meaning and shape. This is quite amazing.”
47. Cho˘ng Suyo˘ng, quoted in Ha Hyangju, “Choso˘n hugi hwadan e mich'in “Tangsi hwabo” ŭi yo˘nghyang” (Master's thesis, Dongguk University, 2004), 58–59.
48. Ho˘ Yo˘nghwan, “Choso˘n sidaeŭi Chunggukhwa mobangjakdŭl,” Misulsa hak 4 (1992): 7–30.
49. Ch'a Miae, “Chungguk Hwajohwabo ŭi yuhyo˘ng kwa kyet'ong,” Misulsa nondan 22 (2006): 131–65.
50. Daily-use encyclopedias were popular in late Ming China. They provided readers with practical knowledge and leisure reading on various topics such as astronomy, geography, agriculture, medicine, and architecture. For further information, see Wang Chenghua (Wang Zhenghua), “Shenghuo, zhishi yu wenhua shangpin: Wan Ming Fujianban riyong leishu yu qi shuhuamen,” Zhongyang yanjiusuo Jindaishi yanjiusuo jikan 41 (2003): 1–85.
51. Regarding late Choso˘n painters' use of Xianfo qizong, see Kouichi Igarashi, “Xianfo qizong to Chōsen to kaiga,” in Chōsen ōchō no kaiga to Nihon: Sōtatsu, Taiga, Jakuchū mo mananda ringoku no bi (Osaka: Yomiuri Shinbun, 2008), 221–25.
52. For the other images of such copies, see Ko Yo˘nhŭi, Choso˘n hugi sansu kihaeng yesul yo˘n'gu, 73–98.
53. Kim Kihong, “Hyo˘njae Sim Sajo˘ng ŭi namjonghwa p'ung,” Kansong munhwa 25 (1983): 41–54
; and Yi Yeso˘ng, Hyo˘njae Sim Sajong yo˘n'gu (Seoul: Ilchisa, 2000).54. Joseph Dane, The Myth of Print Culture: Essays on Evidence, Textuality, and Bibliographical Method (Toronto: University of Toronto, 2003), 15.
Per Allan Sekula's most insightful observation regarding the function of the archive in pictorial art, even the most idiosyncratic images could be easily transformed into something typical and generic if their representative mode is manipulated or if they are placed in an artificial filing system. Sekula, “The Body and the Archive,” October 39 (1986): 3–64.55. “Yun Tu-so˘,” in Nam T'aeŭng, Ch'o˘ngjuk hwasa. The original text is reprinted in Yi Naeok, Kongjae Yun Tuso˘ (Seoul: Sigongsa, 2013), 140. The copy of Gushi huapu that Yun used is housed in his family collection in Haenam, South Korea.
56. Yi Naeok, Kongjae Yun Tuso˘, 225–41.
57. Ho˘ Mok, Ŏnjip, Pyo˘ljip 10 kwo˘n: pal. The original text is transcribed in Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 99, 96.
58. Cho Yo˘ngso˘k left a comment comparing Cho˘ng So˘n's landscape paintings with a particular illustration in Gushi huapu: “The lovingly lustrous painting of Suokcho˘ng [by Cho˘ng So˘n] carries the brushwork of Jing Hao's [ca. 855–915] painting, while the work ‘Wo˘lt'an’ has the sense of inward distance as in Li Cheng's [919–967] painting in Gushi huapu.” The original text is quoted in Ch'oe Wansu, “Kyo˘mje Chin'gyo˘ng sansuhwa ko,” Kansong munhwa 35 (1988): 44.
In addition, Yi Sugwang's (1563–1628) Gushi huapu was inherited by his great-grandson Yi Hyo˘nso˘k (1647–1703), who left a note about his appreciation of the book. It reads, “I have never understood painting, [but] simply loved its flair. I was casually browsing the Gushi huapu in quietude, which I enjoyed very much. A myriad of images are depicted in it. What is left out is heaven and earth. How can I not leave words on it? I wish I [also] knew how to play [go] chess.” Yujae so˘nsaeng jip, kwo˘n 2, Suso˘ngnok: Lam Kossi hwabo. For its original text, see Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 156, 350.59. Ha Hyangju, “Choso˘n hugi hwadan e mich'in “Tangsi hwabo” ŭi yo˘nghyang,” 25.
60. Yu Manju, Hŭmyo˘ng, ch'aek 8: November 8. See Hwang Cho˘ngyo˘n, “Choso˘n sidae so˘hwa sujang yo˘n'gu,” 331.
61. Regarding Kwo˘n So˘p, see Oksogo, kwo˘n 6, mun 4. He also left a note about a screen painting copied after images in Tangshi huapu in the house of his younger brother, Kwo˘n Yo˘ng (1678–1745). For original texts of both records, see Yun Chinyo˘ng, “Okso Kwo˘n So˘p ŭi kŭrim ch'wimi wa hoehwagwan,” Cho˘ngsin munhwa yo˘n'gu 30, no. 1 (2007): 154.
62. According to Yu Suk's Ch'wigo˘ljip, several scholars of the time, including Yu Mong'in (1559–1623), Hong Kyo˘ngsin (1557–1623), Hong So˘bong (1572–1645), Hong Myo˘ngwo˘n (1573–1623), Ch'a Unlo (b. 1559), and Kim Chin (1564–1636), gathered to study the Gushi huapu. See Chin Hongso˘p, ed., Hanguk misulsa charyo chipso˘ng, vol. 4 (Seoul: Ilchisa, 1987), 158–63.
The colophons are transcribed in Hong Myo˘ngwo˘n's Haebong jip and Hong So˘bong's Hakkokchip. See Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 82, 159–67, and vol. 79, 445.63. Hong T'aeyu, Naejaejip, kwo˘n 4: “Che Kukpyo˘ng hu.” Its original text is reprinted in Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 187, 67.
The late Choso˘n master painter Kang Sehwang also left a note questioning the merit of Chinese painting albums. See Kang Sehwang, P'yoam yugo (reprint; Seoul: Chisik sano˘psa, 2010), 443.64. Such opposition was, to a degree, related to political conflicts between different factions. Choso˘n-centric culture was championed by the conservative party in power (Noron), and those who were excluded from the power, the Nam'in and Soron factions, probably criticized contemporary art and culture as a way to raise the profile of their political agendas. Ch'oe Wansu, “Choso˘n wangjo ŭi munhwa cho˘ljo˘nggi, chin'gyo˘ng sidae,” in Chin'gyo˘ng sidae, vol. 1 (Seoul: Tolbaegae, 1998), 35.
65. Yi To˘ksu and Kim Kwangsu, So˘dang sajae, kwo˘n 4: “Sanggodang Kimssi cho˘n.” Its text is reprinted in Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 186, 268–69.
66. Sim Chae, Songch'o˘n p'iltam, ch'aek Cho˘ng: 38.
67. Ch'oe Wansu, “Choso˘n wangjo ŭi munhwa cho˘ljo˘nggi, chin'gyo˘ng sidae,” 38–44.
68. Cho Kumyo˘ng, Tonggyejip, kwo˘n 6: “Che Pojo˘ngjae ch'o˘p.” Its text is transcribed in Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 215, 125–26.
“In recent times, the writings of the mainland [that is, China] are like the lectures of the demon king Mara, while the writings of our eastern state [Choso˘n] are similar to the rules of ordinary monks. [This is to say], each has its merits and faults. In general, they are not so different from each other. However, when it comes to calligraphy and painting, the gap is like that between an age of peril and an age of prosperity. Ours is like a cow walking in the mud, stuck and sinking, while theirs seems to be a bird freely flying in the air.” Mara is an eloquent tempter in Buddhism who lures people to see the negative as positive, the false as the truth.69. Cho Kumyo˘ng, Tonggyejip, kwo˘n 6: “Puje Suyuho˘n sihwajip.” See Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 215, 128.
70. Cho˘ngjo, Hongjae Cho˘nso˘, kwo˘n 175: 17b–18a.
71. Yi Song-mi, Korean Landscape Painting: Continuity and Innovation through the Ages (Seoul: Hollym, 2006), 63.
72. James Watson, ed., Golden Arches East: McDonald's in East Asia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997).
73. Robert Hegel, “Painting Manuals and the Illustration of Ming and Qing Popular Literature,” East Asian Library Journal 10, no. 1 (Spring 2001): 57–58
; and Craig Clunas, Pictures and Visuality in Early Modern China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 139–46.74. Kobayashi Hiromitsu, “Chūgoku Kaigashi ni okeru hanga no igi: Koshigafu no miru rekidaimeiga fukusei wo megutte,” Bijutsushi 128 (1990): 123–35
; and Michela Bussotti, “The Gushi huapu, a Ming Dynasty Wood-Block Masterpiece in the Naples National Library,” Ming Qing yanjiu 17 (1995): 11–44.75. Park, Art by the Book, chap. 2.
76. Song Hyegyo˘ng, “Kossi hwabo wa Choso˘n hugi hwadan,” 61–73.
77. Zhou Lansheng, Mingdai zhuangyuan qi tan: Mingdai zhuangyuan pu (Beijing: Zijincheng, 1993), 226.
78. This was first suggested by Ho˘ Yo˘ng-hwan, “Kossi hwabo yo˘n'gu,” So˘ngsinyo˘n'gu nonmunjip 31 (1991): 281–302.
79. Clunas, Superfluous Things, 110. See also Frederick Mote and Hung-lam Chu, Calligraphy and the East Asian Book (Boston: Shambala, 1989), 189–92.
80. Zhu Wanshu, “Li Zhuowu piping quben kao,” Wenxian jikan 3 (2002): 107–23.
81. Clunas, Pictures and Visuality in Early Modern China, 139–40.
82. Kohara Hironobu, “Chosen sansuiga ni okeru Chūgoku kaiga no jūyō,” Seikyū gakujutsu ronshū 16 (2000): 66–73.
83. Pak Chega, Cho˘ngyugak munjip, kwo˘n 1: “Chemun samin hwagwo˘n.” See Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 216, 610.
84. Huang Xunbian, Mingchen jingji lu, juan 26.
85. Hwang Chiyo˘ng, Myo˘ng Ch'o˘ng ch'ulp'an kwa Choso˘n chŏnp'a (Seoul: Sigan ŭi mulle, 2012), 210–12.
86. Yi So˘ng-mi, “Imwo˘n'gyo˘ngjeji e nat'anan So˘ Yu-ku ŭi Chungguk hoehwa mit hwaron e taehan kwansim,” Misulsahak yo˘n'gu 193 (1992): 39.
87. Pak Chihyo˘n, “Yo˘ngak Ho˘ P'il kwa 18segi Ansan ŭi hoehwa hwaltong,” 199–203.
88. Yi Hagon, Tut'ach'o, ch'aek 18: “Che Ilwo˘n sojang Song Wo˘n myo˘ngjo˘k”; and Tut'ach'o, ch'aek 15: “Che Chayang Chu puja so˘ch'o˘p hu.” The original texts of both records are found in Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 191, 561 and 494 respectively.
89. Cho Kumyo˘ng, Tonggyejip, kwo˘n 6: chebal, “Che Tang hwach'o˘p sipch'ŭk.” See Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 215, 128.
90. Mun To˘khŭi, “Nan Kongcho˘l (1760–1840) ŭi Kŭmnŭngjip e poinŭn Chungguk so˘hwa e taehan insik,” Misulsahak yo˘n'gu 213 (1997): 106.
91. Yi Yuwo˘n, quoted in Pak Ŭnsun, “So˘ Yugu wa so˘hwa kamsanghak kwa Imwo˘n kyo˘ngjeji,” Tong Asia munhwa yo˘n'gu 34 (2000): 228–29.
Yi left another similar comment about Dong Qichang's painting album he saw in China, which he authenticated as his masterpiece. However, he could not afford it owing to its high price. See Yi Yuwo˘n, “Ch'unmyo˘ng ilsa: Hyo˘njae sehae,” in Imha p'ilgi, kwo˘n 30: 25a.92. Regarding the popularity of Chinese popular literature and the controversy surrounding it in early modern Korea, see Min Kwandong, “Choso˘n sidae Chungguk soso˘l lo inhan nonjaeng kwa sago˘n—Choso˘n chojo˘ng esoŭi nonjaeng kwa sagŏn ŭl chungsim ŭro,” Chungguk soso˘l nonch'ong 22 (2005): 83–112.
93. The original text is quoted in Cho˘ng Chudong, Kodae soso˘l ron (Seoul: Hyo˘ngso˘l ch'ulp'an, 1978), 44. An almost identical comment appears in Yunshizhai bitan, a collection of essays by Jiang Shaoshu, another Chinese scholar of the time. See Yi Chaejo˘ng, Choso˘n ch'ulp'an chusik hoesa (P'aju: Antiquus, 2007), 147–48.
94. Regarding the Ming dynasty's policy on Choso˘n envoys, see Liu Jing, “Mingdai Yuheguan menjin ji xiangguan wenti kaoshu,” Anhui shixue 5 (2012): 21–28.
95. Hwang Wo˘ngu, “Haeje,” in Yo˘nhaengnok so˘njip (Seoul: So˘nggyungwan Taehakgyo, 1960), 1–15.
96. Kim Munsik, “18segi huban Seoul hak'in ŭi Ch'o˘nghak insik kwa Ch'o˘ng munmul toimnon,” Kyujanggak 17 (1994): 1–15.
97. Yi To˘ngmu, Ch'o˘ngjanggwan cho˘nso˘, kwo˘n 63: “Ch'o˘nae chigiso˘.” For its original text, see Yo˘ngin p'yojo˘m Han'guk munjip ch'onggan, vol. 259, 131.
Many other records note the superior collections of Chinese books and art in Japan. For example, a member of a diplomatic envoy to Japan in 1719, Sin Yuhan (1681–1752), was amazed by the hundreds of Korean books and thousands of Chinese books that were available there. He observed that Japan had ten more times books than Choso˘n. See Hanguk 18segi hakhoe, ed., 18segi Han Il munhwa kyoryu ŭi yangsang (P'aju: T'aehaksa, 2007), 127.98. Yi Homin, Obong-jip, kwo˘n 8: “Hwabo kyo˘lbal.” Furthermore, his note does not indicate any previous occasions when he saw the album. During Zhu's visit to the Choso˘n court in 1605, Yi was the official who oversaw diplomatic protocol for Zhu. Thus, if Zhu had actually brought this album to Choso˘n, Yi must have been one of the few people who had access to it.
99. Regarding state control of book publishing in Choso˘n, see Yi Chaejo˘ng, Choso˘n ch'ulp'an chusik hoesa, chap. 9.
100. Nam Cho˘nghŭi, “Kong'anp'a so˘jok ŭi toip kwa tokso˘ ch'eho˘m ŭi silsang,” in 17, 18segi oeguk so˘jok suyong kwa tokso˘ munhwa, ed. Hong So˘np'yo (Seoul: Hyean, 2006), 18–21.
101. Ibid., 21.
102. Yi Tongju noted that he once owned a couple of painting manuals published in Choso˘n that featured Cho˘ng So˘n's and Tang Yin's works, respectively. Unfortunately, they were lost during the Korean War. See his Uri nara ŭi yet kŭrim (Seoul: Hakkojae, 1995), 101.
103. Hong So˘np'yo, Choso˘n sidae hoehwa saron (Seoul: Munye chup'ansa, 1999), 305–6.
104. Regarding various kinds of woodblock-print books with illustrations, see Yi Hyegyo˘ng, “Cho˘ngjo sidae kwanp'anbon p'anhwa yo˘n'gu,” Misulsa yo˘n'gu 20 (2006): 237–72
; and Yu Hongjun and Yi T'aeho, “Choso˘n sidae mokp'anhwa yo˘n'gu,” in Han'guk misulsa ŭi saeroun chip'yo˘ng ŭl ch'ajaso˘, ed. Yun Yong'i et al. (Seoul: Hakkojae, 1997), 101–19.105. André LeFevre, Translating Poetry: Seven Strategies and a Blueprint (Amsterdam: Van Gorcum, 1975), 3–19.
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J. P. Park
J. P. Park teaches at the University of California, Riverside. He is the author of Art by the Book: Painting Manuals and the Leisure Life in Late Ming China and Keeping It Real! Korean Artists in the Age of Multi-Media Representation in addition to articles on Chinese and Korean art [Department of the History of Art, University of California, Riverside, Calif. 92521, [email protected]].