The Persistence of Social Differentiation in the Philippine Uplands

Abstract

Certain drivers of social and economic differences facilitate the reification of ethnic identity between so-called uplanders and lowlanders on Palawan Island in the Philippines. Drawing on case studies, in this paper we examine how two seemingly distinct social groups – Christian migrants and indigenous Tagbanua – use their respective positions in society to mark differences in ethnic identity and livelihoods. We then argue that as non-governmental organisations build on notions of indigeneity as a means to facilitate their programmes, they further reinforce how each group articulates difference. We demonstrate that the tendency of NGOs to construct and reify notions of indigeneity in support of land claims and conservation has in fact polarised ethnic differences and, in turn, reinforced inequality between each group. We conclude that although non-governmental organisations have tried to remedy social and economic disparities between social groups, their simplification of local ways of life reinforces stereotypes of these people and their land uses.

Notes

1. The Philippine Barangay is a local administrative unit that is similar to a hamlet.

2. We code our methods as follows: participant observations, PO; key informant interviews, KI; focus group discussions, FG; and livelihood questionnaire, LQ. We use pseudonyms throughout.

3. Tagbanua customs involve the ‘cult-of-the-dead’ in rituals and ceremonies that now include aspects of Christianity, while anthropomorphic deities (for example, diwata and panya'en) continue to influence access to and use of forest resources (Warner, 1979; Fox, 1982).

4. Aborlan lies in south-central Palawan, and is considered the ‘cultural cradle’ of Tagbanua society (Fox, 1982).

5. These include almaciga resin (Agathis philippensis; alba), wild pig (Sus barbatus), various types and grades of rattan (mainly Calamus caesius), honey, bird eggs and swiflet nests, and orchids (McDermott, 1994).

6. Tagbanua have traded forest products for commodities with Chinese and Muslim merchants for several centuries (Kress, 1977).

7. Respondents could choose multiple answers to one question.

8. The same can be said of fourth generation Tagbanua surveyed (born between 1940–1950) who confirmed that they ‘stayed put’ because of marriage and forest-based livelihoods (LQ, summer 2002).

9. 542.07 hectares includes the total amount of agricultural land that remained cleared and/or cultivated up until and including 2001 in all three sitios.

10. Responses may have included fields in fallow with primary succession.

11. The Department of Environment and Natural Resources is decentralised, from the national to the provincial and community level.

12. The CADC is based on a legal certificate that releases a single ancestral domain claim. We use CADC, domain claim and land claim interchangeably.

13. A Manila-based NGO, PANLIPI stands for Tanggapan Panligal ng Katutubong Pilipino– The Legal Assistance Centre for Indigenous Filipinos. PANLIPI-Palawan's lawyer wore two hats at the time as she also formed the new office of the Environmental Legal Assistance Centre in 1994. (KI, ELAC Staff Member, Puerto Princesa City, 26 April 2002, 14 August 2002 and 1 July 2004).

14. The IPA is an arm of the Epicostal Commission on Tribal Filipinos of the Catholic Bishop's Conference of the Philippines. The IPA was formerly named the Tribal Filipinos Apostolate.

15. A Palawan-based Peoples' Organization, NATRIPAL is the federation of indigenous peoples on Palawan (the ‘United Tribes of Palawan’) and functions as an NGO, with a broad constituency of indigenous peoples. It is comprised of ‘local associations’ in different indigenous communities, all of whom united in 1989 under NATRIPAL.