Ottoman imports in the eighteenth century: Smyrna (1771–72)

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Notes

The authors would like to thank to Mehmet Genç for his advice and the contribution he made to the analysis and evaluation of the archival sources.

1. B. McGowan, Economic Life in Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade and the Struggle for Land 1600–1800 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1981), p.11.

2. The customs registers of the Ottoman Empire were compiled in six different books which were called mufassal, icmal, teslimat-bakaya, muhasebe, vazife and ahkâm. Those of the mufassal books were the most comprehensive registers and gave daily information about the ships arriving at and departing from customs. See M. Kütükoğlu, ‘Osmanlı Gümrük Kayıtları’, Osmanlı Araştırmaları I (1980), pp.219–34.

3. Hassa: thin cotton cloth.

4. B. McGowan, ‘The Age of Ayans 1699–1812’, in H. İnalcık and D. Quataert (eds.), An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire 1300–1914 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994), p.727.

5. The estate left by a person at death.

6. F.M. Göçek, Burjuvazinin Yükselişi ve İmparatorluğun Çöküşü (Trans. İ. Yıldız) (Ankara: Ayraç Yayınevi, 1999), p.217.

7. A.M. Küçükkalay and N. Elibol, ‘Osmanlıİmparatorluğu'na Avrupa'dan Karayolu İle Yapılan İhracatın Değerlendirilmesi: 1795–1804’, Anadolu Üniv. Sos. Bil. Ens. Dergisi, Vol.1 (2004), p.52.

8. Ş. Pamuk, 100 Soruda Osmanlı Türkiye İktisat Tarihi 1500–1914 (İstanbul: Gerçek Yayınevi, 1997), p.145. At that time most of the chemicals used in dyeing were also used as medicines and were thus grouped under the category of ‘spices and medicinal items’.

9. S. Faroqhi, ‘Esnaf Ağları ve Osmanlı Zanaat Üretimi (16. ve 17. Yüzyıllar)’, Osmanlı Dünyasında Üretmek Pazarlamak Yaşamak (Trans. G.Ç. Güven and O. Türesay) (İstanbul: YKY, 2003), pp.29–30.

10. See for Smyrna: D. HMK. 22256, D. HMK. 22258, D. HMK. 22259, D. HMK. 22257, D. HMK. 22261, D. HMK. 22262, D. HMK. 22264. See for Istanbul: D. BŞM. İGE. 17206, D. BŞM. İGE. 23488, D. MMK. İGE. 17207, D. MMK. İGE. 23476, D. MMK. İGE. 23475, D. MMK. İGE. 23514. In the early and mid-eighteenth century The Ottoman Empire had a sufficient capacity for production as far as textile products, certain mines and other articles of dyeing was concerned and this production was subject to a considerable trade with Europe. During the same period the Ottoman administration managed to control the traditional trade routes and the trade in certain articles of transit trade such as coffee and spices. This control, thanks to the commercial organization of the Ottoman Empire was maintained even during the war periods. For further information see: Ö.C. Sarç, ‘Tanzimat ve Sanayimiz’, Tanzimat, Vol.1 (İstanbul: MEB. Yayınları, 1999), pp.421–40; T. Baykara, ‘XIX. Yüzyılda Anadolu'nun İktisaden Çöküşü ve Bugüne Etkileri’, Belgelerle Türk Tarihi Dergisi, No.25 (1969), pp.64–72.

11. V. Paskaleva, ‘Osmanlı Balkan Eyaletlerinin Avrupalı Devletlerle Ticaretleri Tarihine Katkı 1700–1850’, İÜ. İkt. Fak. Dergisi, Vol.27, No.1–2 (1967), p.45.

12. McGowan, Economic Life in Ottoman Europe, p.10.

13. R. Mantran, ‘18. Yüzyılda Osmanlıİmparatorluğu'nda Ticaretin Değişmesi’ (Trans. Z. Arıkan), İÜ. Ed. Fak. Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, Vol.3 (1987), pp.159–64.

14. B. Braude, ‘International Competition and Domestic Cloth in the Ottoman Empire, 1500–1650: A Study in Undevelopment’, Review, Vol.II (1979), pp.437–8 and 442.

15. Aba: a stout coarse woollen cloth or a cloak or coat made of that cloth. Kebe: a very thick kind of felt.

16. M. Genç, ‘18. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Sanayi’, in Osmanlı'da Devlet ve Ekonomi (İstanbul: Ötüken Yayınları, 2000), p.238. Textile products either as raw materials, finished goods or semi-finished goods comprised over 60% of total Ottoman trade with Europe. In the imports, in contrast to the Ottoman exports, woollen products emerged as the leading trade article with a share of 50% within the total imports. Woollen products together with silk goods, which were second in rank, constituted 50% of the total imports. For further information see: M. Genç, ‘18. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Sanayiinde Değişmeler’, in Osmanlı'da Devlet ve Ekonomi, pp.255–6.

17. K. Karpat, ‘The Transformation of the Ottoman State 1789–1908’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.3, No.3 (1972), p.246.

18. C. Issawi, ‘The Transformation of the Economic Position of Millets in the Nineteenth Century’, in B. Braude and B. Lewis (eds.), Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire (New York: 1982), p.160.

19. C. Issawi (ed.), The Economic History of the Middle East 1800–1914 (London: The Univ. of Chicago Press, 1966), p.31. C.F. Volney, ‘Etat du commerce du Levant en 1784, d'après les régistres de la chambre de commerce de Marseille’, Vol.III (Paris: 1825), pp.321–40, in Charles Issawi (ed.), The Economic History of the Middle East 1800–1914 (London: The University of Chicago Press, 1966), p.61.

20. D. Panzac, ‘International and Domestic Maritime Trade in the Ottoman Empire during the 18th Century’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.24 (Edition d'État ‘Science et Art’, 1992), p.191. The information provided by Panzac and Issawi is in parallel with that of Chénier. According to Chénier the Ottoman Empire together with its North African territories was an attractive market for French industrial goods. Such French goods as woollen cloth, high quality clothes, silk clothes ornamented with silk and gold, caps, paper, watches, articles of drapery, scrap metals, wine and liqueur, jewellery, colonial articles such as sugar, coffee, cochineal, indigo, spices and medicinal goods, agents for dyeing, tin and lead constituted the bulk of the French exports to the Ottoman Empire. As to the French import items they consisted mainly of such articles as cotton, cotton cloth, silk, wool, mohair, mohair cloth, wax, hide, ash and olive oil used in producing soap, madder root, saffron, rice, coffee, dried fruits, wheat and senna. See N.V. Michoff, Contribution a l'histoire du commerce de la Turquie et de la Bulgarie III, Rapport consulaires Français documents officiels et autres documents (Svichtov: 1950), p.46.

21. N.V. Michoff, Beiträge zur Handelsgeschichte Bulgariens II: Österreichische Konsularberichte, Vol.I (Sofia: Buchdruckerei Knipegraph, 1943), p.3.

22. R. Davis, ‘English Foreign Trade 1660–1700’, The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.7, No.2 (1954), p.151.

23. E.F. Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), p.190.

24. Genç, ‘18. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Sanayi’, p.244.

25. F. Beaujour, Tableau du commerce de la Grèce, Vol.2 (Paris), pp.62–3.

26. Mitchoff, Contribution a l'histoire du commerce de la Turquie et de la Bulgarie III, p.62.

27. Ibid., p. 6.

28. Mitchoff, Beiträge zur Handelsgeschichte Bulgariens II, p.4. For further information about coffee see: A. Raymond, Artisans et commerçants au Caire ai XVIIIe siècle (Damas: 1973). Mantran has maintained that by the mid-seventeenth century most of the commercial goods transported to Europe through the Red Sea had already begun to decline. One of the reasons for this decline was the frequent use of the sea route, and the other reason was the international competition among the European states. As a result of this competition Amsterdam had become the leading commercial centre of Europe, and began to manipulate the spice trade flowing to the Ottoman territories. See: R. Mantran, ‘16. ve 17. Yüzyıllarda Osmanlıİmparatorluğu ve Asya Ticareti’ (Trans. Z. Arıkan), Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, No.3 (Edition d'État ‘Science et Art’, 1987), pp.1438–9.

29. M. Genç, ‘Contrôle et taxation du commerce du café dans l'Empire ottoman fin XVIII^e–première moitié du XVIII^e siècle’, in M. Tuchscherer (ed.), Le commerce du café avant l'ère plantations coloniales: espaces, réseaux, sociétés (XV^e–XIX^e siècle), Institut français d'archéologie orientale, cahier des annales islamologiques 20 (2001), pp.161–2, 166–7.

30. R. Davis, ‘English Imports From the Middle East 1580–1780’, in M.A. Cook (ed.), Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East From the Rise of Islam to the Present Day (London: Oxford University Press, 1978), p.201.

31. E.F. Syrett, ‘Greek Mercantile Activities in the Eastern Mediterranean, 1780–1820’, Balkan Studies, Vol.28, No.1 (1987), p.73.

32. J.R. Ward, ‘The Industrial Revolution and British Imperialism, 1750–1850’, Economic History Review, Vol.XLVII, No.1 (1994), p.60.

33. Panzac, ‘International and Domestic Maritime Trade in the Ottoman Empire in the 18th Century’, pp.195–7. In the same study (p.193) Panzac stated that of the 776 ships anchoring in Rhodes between 1776 and 1779, 174 ships belonged to the Ottomans, while the French had 411 ships. The rest of the ships belonged to the Venetians (95), the Ragusians (59) and the English (35).

34. D. Panzac, ‘XVIII. Yüzyılda Osmanlıİmparatorluğu'nda Deniz Ticareti’ (Trans. S. Yılmaz), Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, Vol.4 (1989), pp.180–1.

35. W. Kaltenstadtler, ‘Der Österreichische Seehandel über Trieste im 18. Jahrhundert’, Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Vol.55–56, No.1, 4 (1969), pp.42, 74.

36. Michoff, Contribution a l'histoire du commerce de la Turquie et de la Bulgarie III, pp.44–7.

37. Ibid., pp.61–3.

38. İ. Bostan, ‘Rusya'nın Karadeniz'de Ticarete Başlaması ve Osmanlıİmparatorluğu (1700–1787)’, Belleten, Vol.LIX, No.225 (1995), p.369.

39. M. Kütükoğlu, ‘18. Yüzyılda İngiliz ve Fransız Korsanlık Hareketlerinin Akdeniz Ticareti Üzerindeki Etkileri’, Belgelerle Türk Tarihi Dergisi, No.12 (1968), p.59.

40. A.C. Wood, A History of the Levant Company (London: Frank Cass, 1964), pp.161–2.

41. See: D. HMK. 22222.

42. A.M. Küçükkalay, ‘İzmir Efrenç Gümrüğü Mukataasına Ait 1802–1805 Tarihli 15 Adet Defterin Analizi’, Türklük Araştırmaları Dergisi, No.16 (2004), pp.215–23.