Defining the public sphere during the late Ottoman Empire: War, mass mobilization and the young Turk regime (1908–18)

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Notes

1. Ş. Mardin, ‘Power, Civil Society and Culture in the Ottoman Empire’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, No.11 (1969); Ş. Mardin, ‘Civil Society and Islam’, in J.A. Hall (ed.), Civil Society, Theory, History, Comparison (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), pp.258–81.

2. For this view see, for example, N. Sohrabi, ‘Historicizing Revolutions: Constitutional Revolutions in the Ottoman Empire, Iran, and Russia, 1905–1908’, American Journal of Sociology, Vol.100, No.6 (1995), 1383–1447. See also R. Kasaba, ‘Economic Foundations of a Civil Society: Greeks in the Trade of Western Anatolia, 1840–1876’, in D. Gondicas and C. Issawi (eds.), Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism: Politics, Economy, and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, Inc., 1999), pp.77–87.

3. For a critique of this approach see N. Özbek, ‘Philanthropic Activity, Ottoman Patriotism and the Hamidian Regime, 1876–1909’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.37, No.1 (2005), pp.59–81. The author argues, contrary to the mainstream historiography, that there is no particular methodological conflict between an autocratic regime and a dynamic public sphere. Rather, in the Ottoman context, a dynamic public sphere was, in fact, one of the key elements of the Hamidian regime's legitimation strategies.

4. B. Toprak, ‘Civil Society in Turkey’, in A.R. Norton (ed.), Civil Society in the Middle East (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996), p.87.

5. F. Trentman (ed.), Paradoxes of Civil Society: New Perspectives on Modern German and British History (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000), pp.viii–x.

6. See, for example, D.A. McMillan, ‘Energy, Willpower, and Harmony: On the Problematic Relationship between State and Civil Society in Nineteenth-Century Germany’, in F. Trentman (ed.), Paradoxes of Civil Society: New Perspectives on Modern German and British History (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000), pp.177, 185.

7. From a political theory point of view one should clearly demarcate the concepts civil society and public sphere: the first should basically address the sphere of the economy, the second the sphere of politics outside the state or public authority in the narrow sense of the term. Some scholars prefer the concept ‘political public sphere’. In the literature on Turkish history most of the time the two concepts are used interchangeably. Though it may produce some confusion, this study follows this preference.

8. For an examination of these philanthropic societies see, N. Özbek, ‘90 Yıllık Bir Hayır Kurumu: Topkapı Fukaraperver Cemiyeti’, Tarih ve Toplum, Vol.30, No.180 (1998), pp.4–10.

9. The following state document named these societies as semi-official (yarı resmî) see BOA (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi), DH.İUM (Dahiliye Nezareti İdare-i Umumiye), E2/18, 1332.M.18 (17 Dec. 1913).

10. I owe the theme ‘nationalization and militarization of philanthropic activity’ to J.F. Hutchinson, Champions of Charity: War and Rise of the Red Cross (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996).

11. For a brief history of the Ottoman Navy League see, S. Özçelik, Donanma-yı Osmanî Muâvenet-i Milliye Cemiyeti (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2000); M. Beşikçi, ‘The Organized Mobilization of Popular Sentiments: The Ottoman Navy League, 1909–1919’ (MA dissertation, Boğaziçi University, 1999).

12. This was directly reflected in the name of the society, ‘The Aid Society for the Ottoman Navy’.

13. Beşikçi, ‘The Organized Mobilization of Popular Sentiments’, p.20.

14. BOA, DH.MUİ, 33-2/19, 1327.ZA.3 (16 Nov. 1909).

15. BOA, DH.MUİ, 7-4/20, 1328.M.8 (20 Jan. 1910).

16. BOA, DH.EUM.VRK (Dahiliye Nezâreti Emniyet-i Umûmiye Müdiriyeti Evrak Odası), 10/83, 1331.CA.25 (2 May 1913) and BOA, DH.EUM.VRK, 10/11, 1331.M.25 (4 Jan. 1913).

17. BOA, DH.MUİ, 7-4/17, 1327.Z.9 (22 Aralık 1909).

18. BOA, DH.MUİ, 7-4/21, 1328.M.12 (24 Jan. 1910).

19. Beşikçi, ‘The Organized Mobilization of Popular Sentiments’, p.37.

20. BOA, DH.İ.UM, 91/5, 1334.ZA.8 (6 Eylül 1916).

21. Tithe (aşar) was the major tax Anatolian peasants paid at the time. It amounted to 12.5 to 30 per cent of their crops.

22. BOA, DH.İ.UM, E70/9, 1332.B.16 (10 Haziran 1914).

23. For a history of Müdafaa-i Milliye Cemiyeti, see N.H. Polat, Müdâfaa-i Milliye Cemiyeti (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, 1991).

24. Ibid., pp.56–9.

25. For a brief history of the Ottoman Red Crescent Society during the Hamidian period, see N. Özbek, ‘The Politics of Poor Relief in the Late Ottoman Empire, 1876–1914’, New Perspectives on Turkey, No.21 (1999), pp.1–33. Hutchinson's voluminous book on the Red Cross Society includes a short section on the Ottoman Red Crescent Society, but only covers its history up to the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877–78. Hutchinson focuses on the disputes over the use of cross versus crescent as the emblem of the society. Hutchinson, Champions of Charity, 138–47. Ahmed Mithat also wrote a popular book on the idea of the Red Crescent society, which included sections on the history of the International Red Cross. A. Mithat, Hilal-i Ahmer (Istanbul: Kırk Anbar Matbaası, 1296/1879). Kevork Pamukciyan produced a helpful biography of Dr. Dikran Peştemalciyan, the leading figure behind the first Ottoman Red Crescent Society during the 1860s. K. Pamukciyan, ‘Hilal-i Ahmer Kurucusu Dr. Dikran Paşa’, Tarih ve Toplum, No.134 (1995), pp.83–86.

26. The best source on the history of the Ottoman Red Crescent Society is its yearbook, published ca. 1916. Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Salnamesi 1329–1331, Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti (Dersaadet: Ahmed İhsan ve Şükerası Matbaacılık Şirketi, 1329–31). In her master's thesis, Zuhal Özaydın provides a summary of this yearbook. Zuhal Özaydın, ‘Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Salnamesi’ (MA thesis, Istanbul University, 1987). Another master's thesis covers the history of the society up until the end of the Balkan Wars: H. Alphan, ‘Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti: Kuruluşundan Balkan Savaşlarının Sonuna Kadar’ (MA thesis, Ankara University, 1987). For the history of the Red Crescent during the First World War and the early Republican period, see Mesut Çapa, ‘Kızılay (Hilal-i Ahmer) Cemiyeti’ (Ph.D. diss., Ankara University, 1989). For a brief history of the Society during the Balkan War years, see M. Çapa, ‘Balkan Savaşı'nda Kızılay (Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti)’, Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi, No.1 (1990), pp.89–115.

27. B.Ö. Akalın, Hanım Efendilere Hilal-i Ahmer’e Dair Konferans (Istanbul: 1330/1914), p.20.

28. Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Salnamesi 1329–1331 (Ahmed İhsan ve Şükerası Matbaacılık Şirketi, 1329–31), pp.257–61; Türkiye Kızılay Derneği: 73 Yıllık Hayatı, 1877–1949 (Ankara, 1950), pp.14–16.

29. Article 3, ‘Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Nizamname-i Esasisi’ (23 Şubat 1326/8 March 1911), in O.N. Ergin, Mecelle-i Umûr-ı Belediyye, 9 vols., vol.6 (Istanbul: İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kültür İşleri Daire Başkanlığı Yayınları, 1995), pp.3556–64.

30. Article 1, ‘Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Nizamname-i Esasisi’.

31. For the list of the 30 members of the executive board elected in 1327 (1911), see Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Salnamesi 1329–1331, pp.50–52.

32. Ibid., 263.

33. Ibid., 264.

34. See ‘Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Nizamname-i Esasisi’.

35. The Erenköy-Göztepe branch was founded on 7 Teşrin-i Evvel 1328 (20 Oct. 1912).

36. Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Salnamesi 1329–1331, pp.271–81.

37. Ibid.

38. The Izmir branch was founded on 15 Teşrin-i Evvel 1327 (28 Oct. 1911).

39. The Bursa branch of the Ottoman Red Crescent Society was established on 27 Teşrin-i Evvel 1328 (9 Nov. 1912).

40. The Bodrum branch of the Ottoman Red Crescent Society was established on 13 Teşrin-i Evvel 1328 (26 Oct. 1912).

41. The Kütahya branch of the Ottoman Red Crescent Society was established on 1 Kanun-ı Evvel (14 Dec. 1912).

42. The Hanya branch of the Ottoman Red Crescent Society was established on 3 Şubat 1327 (16 Feb. 1912).

43. The Gemlik branch of the Ottoman Red Crescent Society was established in 1327/1911.

44. The Adana branch of the Ottoman Red Crescent Society was established in 1 Mart 1328 (14 March 1912).

45. Çapa, ‘Kızılay (Hilal-i Ahmer) Cemiyeti’, pp.38–40.

46. The National Defence Committee also had its own women's auxiliary. For a brief history of the Women's Auxiliary to National Defence Committee (Osmanlı Hanımları Müdafaa-i Milliye Heyeti) and its activities, see L. Kaplan, ‘Osmanlı Hanımları Müdâfaa-i Milliye Hey'eti ve Faaliyetleri’, Askerî Tarih Bülteni, Vol.19, No.37 (1994), pp.114–138.

47. Akalın, Hanım Efendilere Hilal-i Ahmer’e Dair Konferans, p.61.

48. Osmanlı Hilal-ı Ahmer Cemiyeti Hanımlar Heyet-i Merkeziyesi (Ahmed İhsan ve Şukerası Matbaacılık OsmanlıŞirketi, 1330/1914). The list of the members of the women's section clearly indicates this fact. Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Salnamesi 1329–1331, pp.256–85.

49. The dowager empress (baş kadın efendi) was the honorary president of the Women's Auxiliary. In most of the national Red Cross societies in Europe, a member of the royal or imperial family served as the patron of the societies. Hutchinson, Champions of Charity: War and Rise of the Red Cross, p.176.

50. Akalın, Hanım Efendilere Hilal-i Ahmer’e Dair Konferans, p.62.

51. This school was initially founded by the British Red Cross who came to the Ottoman Empire with the Indian Red Crescent Society during the Balkan War. Later, the administration of this school was transferred to the local branch of the Women's Auxiliary. Ibid.

52. Ibid., p.135.

53. Ibid., p.62.

54. Dr. Besim Ömer Pasha was the leading figure who popularized the idea of a Red Crescent Society for assisting the military health units. He participated in various central committees of both the Ottoman Red Crescent Society and, later, the Turkish Red Crescent Society. He was also the Ottoman delegate at the 9^th International Red Crescent Conference, held in Washington in May 1912. After the conference he prepared a long report to the Ottoman Red Crescent Society. B. Ömer, Dokuzuncu Washington Salib-i Ahmer Konferansına Memuriyetim (Istanbul: Ahmed İhsan ve Şürekası, 1328/1912). For his life see S.A. Ünver, ‘Besim Ömer Paşa ve Doğum Tarihi’, Tedavi Seririyatı ve Laboratuarı, Vol.2, No.6 (1932), pp.1–5; İ. Hot, ‘Besim Ömer Akalın'ın Hayatı (1862–1940)’, The New History of Medicine, Vol.2–3 (1996–97), pp.213–232; C. Okay, ‘Akalın Besim Ömer’, in Yaşamları ve Yapıtlarıyla Osmanlılar Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 1999), p.176.

55. Akalın, Hanım Efendilere Hilal-i Ahmer’e Dair Konferans, 106–7.

56. Ibid., 111–13. For a detailed account of the relief effort after the 1912 earthquake, see M.-Y. Erler, ‘1912 Marmara Havzası Depremi’, Toplumsal Tarih, Vol.6, No.35 (1996), pp.30–37. Since he mainly used state documents, Erler does not note the Ottoman Red Crescent Society's role in this relief effort.

57. Türkiye Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti Merkez-i Umumisi: 1339 Senesi Hilal-i Ahmer Meclis-i Umumisine Takdim Edilen (1335–1338) Dört Senelik Rapor (Istanbul: Ahmed İhsan ve Şürekası, 1339), pp.102–4. For a brief account of the soup kitchens and other relief efforts during the First World War and its aftermath, see also A.E. Yalman, Turkey in the World War (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1930). In a similar fashion, the Turkish Red Crescent Society established numerous soup kitchens for the poor and needy residents of Istanbul. Türkiye Kızılay Derneği İstanbul Aşocakları (Istanbul: Cemal Azmi Matbaası, 1948).

58. Most of the refuges at the Balkan Wars were settled in the numerous mosques in the Capital. For a list of these mosques and the number of refugees in each of them, see Osmanlı Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti’nin Harb-i Hazırda Faaliyeti (Istanbul: Selanik Matbaası, 1329/1914), pp.17–18.

59. Akalın, Hanım Efendilere Hilal-i Ahmer’e Dair Konferans, p.108.

60. For Topkapı Philanthropic Society see, Özbek, ‘90 Yıllık Bir Hayır Kurumu’.