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Original Articles

The construction and re-construction of the civil religion around the cult of Atatürk

 

Abstract

The longest living among its twentieth-century counterparts, the century-old cult of Atatürk is deeply rooted in the collective conscience in Turkey. In this essay, we will try to show the dual role of the image of Atatürk in the political struggle, both in current times and in the past, as a national hero created around civil religiosity. In the case of Atatürk, not only do we encounter a figure that primarily facilitates the legitimation of the existing political and social system, but also an eternal saviour who is called upon in order to oppose that system at various times.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 A. Mango, Atatürk (London: John Murray, 1999), p.536.

2 C. Rivière, Anthropologie Politique [Political Anthropology] (Paris: Armand Colin, 2000), p.157.

3 G. L. Mosse, De la Grande Guerre au Totalitarisme [From the Great War to Totalitarianism] (Paris: Hachette Pluriel, 1999), p.44.

4 E. J. Zürcher, ‘Atatürk İmgeleri’ [Atatürk’s visions] in E. J. Zürcher (ed.), Savaş, Devrim ve Uluslaşma [War, revolution and nationalization] (Istanbul: Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2005), pp.253–63.

5 İ. Gökalp and F. Georgeon, Kemalizm ve İslam Dünyası [Kemalism and the Islamic World] (Istanbul: Arba Yayınları, 1990), p.43.

6 L. Kinross, Atatürk (New York: William Morrow, 1965), p.538.

7 Hereby, we use Gramsci's concept of the organic intellectual in its broadest meaning. According to Gramsci, ‘Every social group, coming into existence on the original terrain of an essential function in the world of economic production, creates together with itself, organically, one or more strata of intellectuals which give it homogeneity and an awareness of its own function not only in the economic but also in the social and political fields.’ A. Gramsci, in Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, edited by Q. Hoare and G. N. Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971), p.5. Although Gramsci uses the term in close relation to his concept of class rule, the term organic intellectual can also be used in a broader sense to refer to those intellectuals whose support gives chance to the dominant social groups to maintain their hegemony over the rest of the society.

8 M. Dillon, ‘Civil Religion’, in B. S. Turner (ed.), The Cambridge Dictionary of Sociology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p.70.

9 R. N. Bellah, ‘Civil Religion in America’, Daedalus: Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences Vol.134 (2005), p.54.

10 See P. Gorski, ‘Civil Religion Today’, ARDA Guiding Paper Series, 2010, http://www.thearda.com/rrh/papers/guidingpapers/gorski.pdf

11 M. Cristi, From Civil to Political Religion: The Intersection of Culture, Religion and Politics (Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2001), p.9.

12 Ibid., pp.9–11.

13 Ibid., p.5.

14 Ibid., p.15.

15 Ibid., p.4.

16 Ibid.

17 M. Cristi and L. L. Dawson, ‘Civil Religion in America and in Global Context’, in J. A. Beckford and N. J. Demerath III (eds), The Sage Handbook of the Sociology of Religion (London: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2007), p.268.

18 Ibid.

19 T. C. Lewellen, Political Anthropology: An Introduction (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2003), p.66.

20 Ibid., p.65.

21 Ibid., p.69.

22 Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, p.12.

23 In Weberian conceptualization, the notion of ‘charisma’ is used as a specific characteristic that differentiates a person from ordinary people and leads to him/her being considered as the one who has certain supernatural, superhuman or at least some special unique powers or features. He argues that the most prominent determinant of a charismatic authority derives from the acceptance of the dependents. See M. Weber, ‘Politics as a Vocation’ in H. H. Gerth and C. W. Mills (eds), From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), p.136. As it is, in our case, the ‘organic intellectuals’ play a major role in this ‘acceptance’ and recreation process of the cult of Atatürk.

24 F. Çoker, Türk Parlamento Tarihi. I. Dönem [History of Turkish Parliament, The First Period] (Ankara: TBMM Vakfı Yayınları, 1995), pp.295–96.

25 O. Atalay, Türk’e Tapmak. Seküler Din ve İki Savaş Arası Kemalizm [Worship to Turk: Secular Religion and Kemalism in the Interwar Period] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2018), p.232.

26 S. Kili, Turkish Constitutional Developments and Assembly Debates on the Constitutions of 1924 and 1961 (Istanbul: Robert College Research Center, 1971), pp.41–53.

27 E. J. Zürcher, Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası [Progressive Republican Party] (Istanbul: Bağlam Yayınları, 1992), p.144.

28 E. J. Zürcher, Milli Mücadelede İttihatçılık [The Unionist Factor] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003), p.210.

29 E. J. Zürcher, Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası (Istanbul: Bağlam Yayınları, 1992), pp.238–9.

30 K. Öztürk, Türk Parlamento Tarihi. III. Dönem [History of the Turkish Parliament: Third Period] (Ankara: TBMM Vakfı Yayınları, 1995), p.37.

31 C. Koçak, Belgelerle İktidar ve Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası [Free Republican Party and the Government, Based on Documents] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2006), p.645.

32 Ibid., pp.627–31.

33 ‘Ghazi’ refers to an individual who participates in ghaza (an Islamic concept meaning a military expedition or raiding against non-Muslims). This title was given to Mustafa Kemal Pasha, in 1921, by the National Assembly, after his successful command during the Battle of Sakarya. For the titles given to Mustafa Kemal and their various usages, see K. Kreiser, Atatürk: Bir Biyografi [Atatürk: A Biography] (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2010), pp.15–26.

34 TBMM Zabıt Ceridesi İ: 2. C: 27, Ankara, 1926, 3 Kasım 1926.

35 Islamic demonstration in Menemen, Western Turkey, leads to the murder of an officer (Kubilay) and forced the regime to rethink its ideology. See F. Ahmad, Turkey: The Quest for Identity (Oxford: Oneworld, 2003), p.193.

36 Far from being an answer to this demand, the propaganda arm of the one-party system, CHF Halk Hatipleri Teşkilatı (People’s Orators Organization) was founded in 1932. See M. Tunçay, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Tek Parti Yönetiminin Kurulması. (1923–1931). [The Institution of a One-Party Regime in Turkey [1923-1931)] (Istanbul: Yurt Yayınları, 1981).

37 TBMM Zabıt Ceridesi İ: 17. C: 24, Ankara, 1931, 1 August 1931.

38 H. Malik, İnkılâp Yolunda [On the Pathway to the Revolution] (Ankara: Kitap Yazanlar Kooperatifi, 1933), p.50.

39 Şeref Aykut (1874–1939) journalist, writer. He was a delegate in the last session of Ottoman parliament as the Edirne delegate. He continued to serve as the Edirne delegate in the Turkish Grand Assembly between 1921 and 1937.

40 Ş. Aykut, Kamâlizm. CH Partisi Programının İzahı [Kemalism: The Explanation of the Program of the Republican People’s Party] (Istanbul: Muallim Ahmet Kitapevi, 1936), pp.44, 79.

41 The Speech: Atatürk’s narration of the events of the last years of Empire and early Republic delivered in 1927 at the National Assembly.

42 On 28 August 2004, the chief of staff Hilmi Özkök announced ‘Do not be afraid, read Nutuk’ in his speech, F. Bila, ‘Özkök: Türkiye’yi Sadece TSK Sevmez’ [Özkök: Not only the Armed Forces Fancy Turkey], Milliyet, 29 Aug. 2004, http://gazetearsivi.milliyet.com.tr/GununYayinlari/c26eFpboRRZRdCuK31JppQ_x3D__x3D

43 Y. Tekin, Gazi’nin Destanı [The Epic of Ghazi] (Istanbul: Muallim Ahmet Halit Kitaphanesi, 1932), pp.118–19.

44 Bayar first used this sentence when he was the Minister of Economy, in 1935, during a groundbreaking ceremony of a textile factory, ‘Nazilli Fabrikasının Yapısına Hemen Başlandı’ [Construction of the factory in Nazilli started immediately], Cumhuriyet, 25 August 1935, p.4. This sentence can also be seen in other books published at around the same time. It is also written at the base of the Atatürk monument at Çankaya, erected during the DP’s rule. It was changed shortly after the coup of 27 May 1960.

45 Z. Şakir, Atatürk. Büyük Şefin Hususi, Askeri; Siyasi Hayatı [Atatürk: Private, Military and Political Life of the Great Leader] (Istanbul: Ülkü Basımevi, 1938), pp. 264–65.

46 A. Mango, ‘Atatürk’, in R. Kasaba (ed.), Türkiye Tarihi 1839–2010 (Istanbul: Kitap Yayınevi, 2011), p. 160.

47 One of the authors in question was retired colonel Hasan Cemil Çambel (1879–1967). He was a parliamentarian between 1928 and 1950 and the co-founder and head of the Turkish Historical Society (TTK) between 1935 and 1941.

48 H. C. Çambel, Atilla’dan Atatürk’e [From Attila to Atatürk] (Istanbul: Varoğlu Yayınevi, 1948), p.27.

49 See Website of Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Page of Atatürk poems. http://hukuk.kulturturizm.gov.tr/TR,137447/ataturk-siirleri.html The dates of the poems and their sources are missing (accessed 10 July 2017).

50 At this point, we must emphasize that the area of national rituals – the changes seen in wreath adorning ceremonies on 19 May, 29 October and so on – has shown signs of becoming a place of a hegemonic struggle lately and it can be subject of an altogether different study.

51 M. Billig, Banal Nationalism (London: Sage, 1995).

52 B. Unfried, ‘Montée et Déclin des Héros’ [Rise and Fall of Heros] in P. Centlivres, D. Fabre and F. Zonabend (eds.), La Fabrique des Héros [The Making of Heros] (Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 1998), pp.200–201.

53 İhlas News Agency, ‘Atatürk’ün Silueti Yine Ortaya Çıktı’ [Atatürk’s Silhouette Reappeared], Sabah, 28 June 2012, http://www.sabah.com.tr/yasam/2012/06/28/ataturkun-silueti-yine-ortaya-cikti

54 E. Özyürek, Nostalgia for the Modern (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2006), pp.93–94.

55 Ibid., p.97.

56 About the subject, the ever-increasing number of Anıtkabir visitors in recent years must be eyed as an important datum. ‘Historic record at Anıtkabir. Department of Chief of Staff announced that on November 10th, the 75th anniversary of Atatürk’s passage into eternity a total of 1,089,615 people visited Anıtkabir. (…) The visiting numbers are the highest in recent years. Last year 413,568 and in 2011 only 181,064 visited the Mausoleum.’ CNNTÜRK, Anıtkabir’de Tarihi Rekor, 11 November 2013, http://www4.cnnturk.com/2013/turkiye/11/11/anitkabirde.tarihi.rekor/730483.0/

57 V. D. Volkan and N. Itzkowitz, Ölümsüz Atatürk [The Immortal Atatürk] (Istanbul: Bağlam Yayınları, 2006), p.445.

58 C. Wilson, ‘Anıtkabir’de Ulusal Kimlik ve Belleğin Temsili’ [The Representation of National Identity and Memory in Anıtkabir] in L. Neyzi (ed.), Nasıl Hatırlıyoruz? Türkiye’de Bellek Çalışmaları [How Do We Remember? Memory Studies in Turkey] (Istanbul: İş Bankası Yayınları, 2011), p.179.

59 D. Bryan, ‘En Souvenir de Guillaume: les Parades Orangistes en Irlande du Nord’ [In Remembering William: The Orange Parades in Northern Ireland] in P. Centlivres, D. Fabre and F. Zonabend (eds), La Fabrique des Héros (Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 1998), p.45.

60 F. İçke, ‘Ata’mızın Özlemi Türküyü Sevdirdi’ [The Longing of Our Father Made Us Love Folk Songs], Yeni Asır, 25 August 2015, http://www.yeniasir.com.tr/sarmasik/2009/08/25/atamizin_ozlemi_turkuyu_sevdirdi

61 S. Arna, ‘Dövmede Son Trend Atatürk’ün İmzası’ [New Trend in Tattooing is the Sign of Atatürk], Hürriyet, 28 August 2006, http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/pazar/5376289.asp

62 ‘77 Milyona Elimi Uzatıyorum’ [I Reach out to 77 Million], Sabah, 28 August 2014, https://www.sabah.com.tr/gundem/2014/08/28/77-milyona-elimi-uzatiyorum

63 For example, the ‘Atatürk supporting the AKP’ discourse used by the ruling party in recent years against its opponents is usually composed of the writings of journalists and amateur historians. This rises as an issue of power struggle between ‘organic intellectuals’ of the government and traditional Kemalist intelligentsia. According to this discourse, while the CHP (RPP) stays inactive, taking refuge under the shadow of the Atatürk cult, it is indeed the AKP that follows the footsteps of Mustafa Kemal by serving the country and trying to develop it.

64 C. Yıldızcan and C. Özpınar, ‘Policing Dissent: Authoritarian Reformulation of the State in AKP’s Turkey’ in C. S. Cercel and C. Özpınar (eds), Examining State and Evil: Authoritarian Slips, Past and Present (Oxford: Inter-Disciplinary Press, 2013), p.46.

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