“Nobody Notices You, So You Are Invisible”: Recognition of Bilingual Teachers in Schools

ABSTRACT

Our interest in this study is to investigate how bilingual teachers are recognised in Norwegian schools. The working conditions of bilingual teachers differ between countries, and in the Norwegian context, a bilingual teacher assists minority language-speaking students during lessons, using the students mother tongue and Norwegian. We have observed eight BTs during their regular workdays, and then interviewed them. Although there are some exceptions, we find that most of the informants have few opportunities to collaborate with class teachers, they have challenging working conditions and unpredictable working days. Based on these findings we claim that the informants lack recognition in school. Nevertheless, we find that the bilingual teachers are recognised by their students and their parents. Our assumption is that the strong monolingual discourse in Norwegian educational policy challenges the school when it comes to offering minority language-speaking students an equal and adapted education.

KEYWORDS:

• Bilingual education
• Honneth
• recognition
• working conditions

Introduction

There is an increasing number of migrants in Europe, which in turn contributes to more students with a multilingual and multicultural background. Consequently, we find it important to expand the knowledge of how to ensure the best possible education for these students. This study is a follow-up to two previous studies on the participation of bilingual teachers (BTs) in Norwegian schools (Fjeld & Spernes, 2015; Spernes & Fjeld, 2017). The previous studies, which investigated how schools organised their bilingual education (BE), made us curious about the recognition of BTs in schools. The first article (Fjeld & Spernes, 2015) investigated collaboration between BTs and other teachers, and we found that, despite the good intentions of the other teachers, BTs hardly ever participated in teachers’ teamwork or in other learning communities in the different schools. Based on these findings, we examined how school leaders looked upon and aimed to include BTs in school activities (Spernes & Fjeld, 2017). We found that although the school leaders claimed they valued BTs’ work, they gave it little attention, and little effort was made to include the BTs in school activities.

The purpose of this study is to gain greater insight into how BTs are recognised in schools by examining these teachers’ working conditions, their opportunities to participate in school, their access to necessary information and their relationships with colleagues, students, and students’ parents. We observed eight BTs throughout their workdays at lower secondary schools, and we interviewed them afterwards. We presuppose that recognition, as an intersubjective process between equal colleagues, is essential in a professional community and pose the following research question: How are bilingual teachers recognised in schools?

This study was conducted in a Norwegian municipality, and we find it necessary to explain the term BE in a Norwegian context. Baker (2011) distinguishes between strong and weak forms of BE where strong form have bilingualism and biculturalism as intended outcomes, while weak form is transitional BE. Since 1997, the Norwegian BE curriculum could be defined as a weak form (cf. Bubikova-Moan, 2017). Bilingual students are, according to the Norwegian Education Act (1998), entitled to assistance from a teacher who has mastered both Norwegian and the students’ mother tongue until they are sufficiently proficient in Norwegian to participate in lessons taught only in Norwegian. This is a subtractive model of bilingualism, where Norwegian gradually takes over and eliminates the students’ mother tongue (cf. García, 2009). This subtractive model is unique in the Nordic countries, and according to Bubikova-Moan (2017) and Kulbrandstad (2017), there is a strong monolingual discourse in Norwegian educational policy.

Norwegian regulations provide few guidelines on how BE should be designed and organised (Norwegian Directorate for Education and Training, 2016). In our study, the informants are employed by an independent unit – an educational institution that organises BTs’ work at all the primary and lower secondary schools in the municipality. There are few students with the same mother tongue at each school; therefore, BTs travel between three to seven different schools during the week, and they often teach at two or more different schools during one workday. In this study, the term “class teacher” (CT) refers to the teachers other than the BTs.

A search in educational databases shows that considerable research on BE has been conducted worldwide in the last two decades. However, we have to point out that BE takes different forms (Baker, 2011; García, 2009), and the research in the following review was conducted in contexts different from the Norwegian context. Although the findings in these studies are not directly transferable to our own context, we still find it valuable to view our findings in light of this body of research.

Even though studies related to BE are largely linked to the academic benefits of being bilingual, the importance of BTs’ educational background and professional development is highlighted in several articles (Arce, 2004; Fitts & Weisman, 2010; Hernández, 2017; Palmer, 2018; Sandoval-Lucero, 2006). Some studies also focus on multicultural issues (Fimyar, 2018; Kenner & Ruby, 2012; Lucero, 2010; Morgan, 2004; Trumbull & Rothstein-Fisch, 2011) and multilingual issues (Allison et al., 2018; Zuniga et al., 2018).

Numerous studies show that BTs are poorly integrated into schools; they have low status and challenging working conditions (Conteh, 2007; Dewilde, 2013; Fimyar, 2018; Fjeld & Spernes, 2015; Lucero, 2010; Valenta, 2009). Research also shows that there is little collaboration between BTs and CTs (Fee, 2011; Rueda & Monzo, 2002; Sandoval-Lucero, 2006), that some BTs are disrespected by principals (Fee, 2011) and that some are disrespected by CTs (Sandoval-Lucero, 2006). Kenner and Ruby (2012) argue that BTs’ competence has been doubly devalued as they are located in the informal-learning sector and their work focuses on languages and cultures that are ignored by society. However negative the findings related to BTs’ working conditions are, previous research shows that BTs have a close connection to their students (Fjeld & Spernes, 2015; Kenner & Ruby, 2012; Sandoval-Lucero, 2006) and their students’ parents (Conteh, 2007; Dewilde, 2013; Fjeld & Spernes, 2015; Sandoval-Lucero, 2006).

This study aims to complement previous research related to BTs’ working conditions and to examine how BTs are recognised in a Norwegian context. We analyse our data in the following categories: BTs’ participation, their access to information and equipment and their relationships with students and students’ parents. Finally, we discuss our findings in the light of earlier research and Honneth’s moral theory of recognition.

Honneth’s Theory of Recognition and Misrecognition

There is no uniform definition of the concept of recognition, “neither in philosophy nor in ordinary language” (Honneth, 2007, p. 130). The following views exemplify the differences: Fraser (2003) understands recognition as a matter of justice, Kompridis (2007) views it as a matter of freedom and Honneth (1995, 2007, 2012) considers it a matter of identity. Honneth (1995) focuses on recognition as an intersubjective process, between individuals in different areas. The aim of this study is to understand the intersubjective process in schools and how BTs are recognised; therefore, we find Honneth’s social moral theory applicable as a theoretical framework. Even if Honneth (1995) is concerned with the individual, his social moral theory is developed in relation to social classes. We understand schools as small societies, and we find Honneth’s theory applicable to examining the recognition of BTs in schools.

Honneth (1992, 1995) claims that recognition can be identified in three spheres in everyday relationships – private, legal and social – and that these spheres represent different areas where the individuals is being developed based on experiences they make in interaction with others and in society. In this article, we focus on the legal and social spheres. Our interest is how BTs experience and develop self-respect and self-esteem in these spheres.

Honneth (1992, 1995) states that recognition in the legal sphere entails more than legal rights; it means that an individual is an equal member of society and understands him- or herself as an autonomous person. This recognition pivots on the need for mutual respect between individuals in daily life. An individual who is respected by others will develop self-respect, and when he or she is respected, he or she will be able to respect others. In the legal sphere “we recognize each other as free and equal citizens” (Honneth, 2012, p. 44). Honneth (1995) highlights that all individuals, regardless of social status, should have the same individual rights. He clarifies the connection between individual rights and autonomous judgement: no individual rights means no autonomous judgement and no legal recognition. Misrecognition or the absence of recognition in the legal sphere also means the absence of self-respect. Honneth (1995) claims that misrecognition in the legal sphere will lead to a denial of rights, stigmatisation, isolation and exclusion.

Recognition in the social sphere means the acknowledgement of the particular qualities that characterise people (Honneth, 1995). Honneth (1995) highlights the importance of support for the individual in his or her interaction with social partners. Recognition in the social sphere is realised when the individual feels worthy and unique within the social group: “Persons can feel themselves to be ‘valuable’ only when they know themselves to be recognized for accomplishments that they precisely do not share in an undifferentiated manner with others” (Honneth, 1995, p. 125). To develop self-esteem, the individual’s skills must be recognised by others but the individual must also make a valuable contribution to the community in order “to view one another in light of values that allow the abilities and traits of the other to appear significant for shared praxis” (Honneth, 1995, p. 129). Honneth (1995) problematises the absence of recognition in the social sphere, and he views the forms of misrecognition in this sphere as insult or infringement. The harm done by misrecognition in the social sphere is, according to Honneth (2003), the worst form of social injustice.

Honneth and Margalit (2001) problematise the concept of “invisibility” and elaborate on the difference between the literal and figurative meanings of the concept, stating that “‘looking through’ someone has a performative aspect  … the other is not seen not merely accidentally, but rather intentionally” (p. 112). A person can be overlooked through gestures and facial expressions, but it is not always necessarily intentional. However, regardless of whether a person is overlooked consciously or unconsciously, he or she will perceive him- or herself as being ignored by the other (Honneth & Margalit, 2001).

Methods

In this case study, we use a constructivist approach and “present a specific version” of the reality of BTs’ working situation (cf. Bryman, 2016, p. 29). In the two previous studies, we obtained informants from lower secondary schools, and since this is a phenomenological study, we selected our informants from the same municipality. To ensure thorough information, we arranged a meeting for all the BTs who were teaching at lower secondary school, regardless of education, language background and/or teaching experiences. Twelve out of the 15 teachers attended the meeting, and 8 agreed to participate. The fact that the principal of this educational institution was invited to the meeting may have created a sense of obligation on the part of the teachers. We therefore emphasised that participation was voluntary, and we contacted the eight BTs by email with written information after the meeting. It was made clear that they could withdraw from participation at any time.

The informants were teaching all subjects at several primary and lower secondary schools. Table 1 gives an overview of fictive names, education, work experience in Norwegian schools, number of schools a week and their language of instruction.

Table 1. The informants.

Informants’ fictive names	Education	Years as teacher in Norway	Number of schools weekly	Language of instruction
Wael	Higher education No teacher-related education	14 years	6	Turkish and Arabic
Klaudia	Higher education Courses in psychology and pedagogy	10 years	5	Polish
Ewelina	Teacher education	7 years in kindergarten 3 years in school	5	Polish
Zahra	Higher Education Practical pedagogical education	14 years	6	Persian
Ihab	Higher education Practical pedagogical education	10 years	3	Somali
Nazir	Teacher education	14 years	5	Arabic
Ahmed	Higher education No teacher-related education	10 years	4	Somali
Abbas	Vocational training	2 years as an assistant	7	Pashto

There can be a gap between actual and stated behaviour (Bryman, 2016); therefore, we chose a triangular design and collected data from both observations and qualitative interviews. We wished to be present when the informants came to the schools, met with the other teachers and had lessons with the students, so we arranged to meet them before the lessons started at the different schools. Each school visit lasted for approximately 3–4 hr. We selected three observation objectives that we considered to be of particular interest: BTs’ participation in the schools’ professional communities, BTs’ access to information and equipment and BTs’ relationships with students and students’ parents. We made 10 observations at 7 schools, and both authors observed 4 BTs each. Notes were written throughout and immediately after the observations.

In the semi-structured interviews, we asked for the teachers’ reflections and comments on specific incidents and situations, based on the data from our observations, and for general descriptions of their workdays. All the informants approved that we made audio recordings of the interviews, and we transcribed the interviews word for word (Bryman, 2016). The excerpts were used to concretise and substantiate the findings and were translated from Norwegian to English. During this process, we have strived for the most accurate reproduction possible.

The analysis took an inductive approach (cf. Hammersley & Atkinson, 1996). Both the observations and the interviews were coded, and the themes were identified according to Ryan and Berhard’s (2003) “similarities and differences”. We found many similarities in the data (for example, none of the informants had his or her own office desk) and some differences (for example, one BT shared his digital knowledge with a CT) related to the recognition of BTs. To give the reader better insight into a BT’s entire workday, we present the observation of Wael in the analysis chapter, randomly chosen, in its entirety.

It is important to clarify that the findings are linked to eight BTs in the same municipality, and cannot be generalised.

The Recognition of Bilingual Teachers in Schools

The following four sections are structured according to the observation of Wael and the three observation objectives mentioned above: the informants’ participation in the schools’ professional communities, their access to information, rooms and equipment and the informants’ relationships with their students and the students’ parents.

The Observation of Wael, a Bilingual Teacher

I (the researcher) met the informant, Wael, in the schoolyard this morning. He told me that he was going to have a 90-minute lesson with Hala, a student in the ninth grade. He said that he was Hala’s BT in the third and fourth grades, but even though he had recommended further BE the school had rejected it. Now, in grade nine, Hala’s CT has complained that Hala does not understand Norwegian concepts, and she has recommended BE.

We went to a team office where Wael said he usually spends his breaks. We sat on a sofa because Wael did not have an office desk. Two CTs sat at their desks, but they did not talk to us. Wael told me that Hala’s CT used another office, but in that office there was no place for Wael to sit. Wael also told me that he had prepared for science teaching according to the class’s weekly schedule.

A few minutes after the school bell rang, we went to the classroom from which Wael had to fetch Hala. Wael knocked on the door, and the CT opened it. The CT asked Wael if he could help Hala to prepare for an exam in social studies. Hala left her desk with her schoolbag and followed us.

The room that Wael had planned to use was locked, and Wael did not have the key. Hala found a nearby room where the door was open. Wael and Hala sat down at the same desk. Wael said that they were going to prepare for an exam, and Hala told him that it was about World War II. Hala opened her book, but, as I understood, Wael did not have this book himself, so he had to look at Hala’s textbook. Then, Hala read each section in Norwegian, and Wael explained the material in her mother tongue. Even though I did not understand their language, I understood that Hala asked many questions and Wael answered them. Hala seemed to be very interested, and it looked like they had an engaging conversation about the topic.

Halfway through the lesson (after 45 minutes), another CT came and said that Hala could prepare for the exam together with her class. Wael said that they were preparing for the exam now and that he would like to continue. The CT said that Hala could choose what to do. Hala looked hesitantly at Wael and answered that she wanted to be with the class. Hala packed her schoolbag and left with the CT.

Wael told me that similar situations happened now and again: the students would sometimes choose to stay with the class instead of having BE. We moved on to the next school.

Participation in the Schools’ Professional Communities

In this subsection we look into participation in terms of how the BTs are received and made familiar to the other staff members, how they collaborate with CTs, their opportunities to take part in and influence decision-making and how their expertise is asked for.

Large variations in BTs’ working conditions across schools is a pervasive trend in most areas, according to this study. For instance, when the school year starts, the BTs are welcomed and presented to the other staff at some schools, while they are hardly noticed at others. Leadership is regarded as important in this aspect, and one of the vice-principals was especially appreciated by Ewelina, among others:

She is absolutely fantastic. It’s so important to a have a school leader who is  …  warm. Who treats you like you are very important. She greets you on the first day, and she gives you a hug. She asks about your vacation. She really cares. You get all the information you need; she almost does the work for you.

The differences between schools also apply to the overall information the bilingual teachers receive about rules and routines. Ahmed’s experiences were not so good:

No, no one tells you, unfortunately. I haven’t seen a single school that lets you know that these are the rules, what to do. We have to figure out what the other teachers do. I have to ask the contact teacher what the rules are.

All the informants described busy school days, moving from one school to another, often during their lunch break; Wael said that his “lunch and office space” was “in the car”. Even though this was stressful for most of them, not all found this to be entirely negative. Klaudia told us that she often felt happy, driving from one school to another, leaving the social gossip and small talk behind.

On the whole, the collaboration between BTs and CTs seemed to be poorly organised and characterised by chance. As we observed – and Wael confirmed in the interview – the only contact he had with Hala’s CT was in the corridor as he was fetching Hala from her classroom. This situation was not unique. Nazir’s statement was representative of most of the informants:

We meet when we pick up the student. The CT says, “Can you go through these tasks?” That’s how things work. Apart from that, we have no formal cooperation. At least in the last four or five years, I haven’t had any formal meetings with CTs.

Ihab however, said that he felt the cooperation with the teachers was okay. Although much of it was via mail, from time to time he sat down in the staff room with the teachers and did some planning. The only informant who was familiar with the different schools’ priorities for school development was Ihab, but like the other BTs, he did not participate in the schools’ development work.

This means that the BTs are excluded from many decision-making processes in different areas. Some of the informants felt that their opinions generally were not being heard. During the observation of Wael, we found two examples of this: first, when he suggested further bilingual education for Hala in standard four and second, when he told the CT that he would like to continue preparing Hala for the exam. During the interview, Wael reinforced this: “When I explain to the teachers that the student still needs BE, none of the teachers listen to me”. Klaudia told a similar story: “Very rarely does the teacher say, ‘I would like to hear what you think – your input or comments’. Very rarely”. When asked a direct question about her influence, Klaudia responded, “I think it’s very little  …  very little”. However, she continued: “It would be totally unkind of me, I feel, to try to demand special attention”.

Some of the informants thought that their influence depended on the principals’ ability and willingness to integrate them. They also stated that the fact that they worked in several places made it difficult to have influence on the development work and decision-making in each individual school.

Ewelina stated that she knew some BTs who had been subjected to discrimination. She had not had such experiences herself, and she reflected on this: “I think because I’m a white girl. Maybe because I haven’t covered my hair, right?”. As we understand it, Ewelina suspected that there were racist attitudes in some of the schools. The informants also had different experiences regarding informal meetings in the staffroom. Nazir stated that at some schools he would go to the staffroom and have coffee, while at other schools he did not feel welcome. Our interpretation is that the BTs used the staffroom during breaks if they felt included.

BTs have few students and are well acquainted with each of their students’ challenges. When they prepare lessons, they concentrate on the most challenging topics for the students, but often they feel compelled to change their plans as they meet with the CTs or the students at school. When Wael fetched Hala, he was asked to do something other than what he had prepared. Most of the other informants said that they had the same experiences. The following is from the interview with Ahmed:

Ahmed:

For example, when I go to the lesson, and I get a subject that I haven’t prepared. I can’t help the students with a subject when I haven’t prepared. So, I need to be told in advance.

Kari:

Are you told in advance?

Ahmed:

Not often. The teachers are a little busy. They’re not aware that it’s difficult for me when I’m told there and then, “Can you help the students with science? They are struggling with their tasks”.

Some observations indicated that the BTs did little preparation in advance, maybe as a result of their being told at the last minute what to concentrate on or their willingness and effort to take the students’ urgent needs as a starting point.

All the informants said that they tried to avoid teaching subjects they found challenging. Klaudia said that she “hate mathematics” because she always had problems understanding the assignments; even if she spent a great deal of time preparing a mathematics lesson, she still had problems and found this embarrassing. It is our overall impression that BTs often have to teach subjects that they do not have mastery of. This may be because BT coordinators and CTs do not know enough about their competencies. Ahmed said:

I don’t think the schools know about my expertise. So, you just come there and you’re told, “You must help him do this and do that”. It is unsystematic, really. The municipality needs to sharpen up a bit and make bilingual education more organised.

Another example of this possible lack of knowledge is described by Zahra:

Although I told them about my skills and competencies, they are very much in doubt. They doubt me  …  what I can do. I had a student in class two last year. I have 85 credits in maths now, and the teacher asked several times, “Can you do maths? You can teach the kids this and that?” Although I had said that I knew maths, she was in doubt. The teachers are sceptical about what we can do.

We understand why she is especially disappointed with this attitude when it comes to mathematics, as she is very competent in this subject – she has 85 ECTS (European Credit Transfer System), and the requirements are 60 ECTS for lower secondary teachers.

Many of the informants pointed to the municipality’s organisation of bilingual teaching as the cause of many challenges. Another organisation-related challenge is that BTs were often not informed of their students’ absences or if the class had an out-of-school activity. Zahra therefore told the students to send her short messages (SMS) about alterations to lessons. She underscored that being a BT is challenging, but she also stated that she has an important job:

We have a very important job  …  very. And I like that job. I feel I do a good job. I feel helpful when I’m working with my students. I have to boast, because I feel quite useful because I can speak Kurdish, Persian and Turkish in my teaching.

Despite the high degree of unpredictability, we can see that Zahra believed that she did an important job for which she was well qualified.

Six of the informants had received invitations to social events from some of the schools, and they stated that they attended if they had the time. Three informants had also been invited to parties, but they did not go. Abbas said that he was shy, Klaudia said that she would not feel “at home” but Ihab gave no reason for not attending the parties. In contrast, Ewelina said that she was happy not to be invited to social meetings because she hated them.

Many of the excerpts and comments above indicate that BTs’ opinions are not taken into account and their competencies are not fully utilised. However, there are some exceptions. In Zahra’s experience, some principals had chosen her for her mathematics skills. When the principal changed the schedule in order to secure bilingual education for a student, Nazir felt that his opinion was heard. Ihab has a master’s degree in information and communication technology, and sometimes the schools asked to make use of his competency. Despite these exceptions, our main findings suggest that the following statement from Ahmed is representative of the informants when it comes to the experience of being appreciated: “Nobody notices you, so you are invisible”.

Access to Information, Rooms and Equipment

All BTs in the municipality had their own laptops, and all our informants, except one, had access to the schools’ online learning platform. It was mainly on this platform where they found the weekly schedules. Nazir’s statement illustrates the differences between schools:

Some schools are very good at posting the weekly plans and schedules. They don’t need to do anything extra for us bilingual teachers because we can look at the school’s website. Some teachers use email. Some teachers do not post the schedule at all, and I say, “Thomas, Thomas, Thomas [CT’s name], I must have the schedule!” I said it once, twice, three times. But, I never get it, no matter how much I go on about it.

According to Nazir, there was no need for the CTs to show special consideration for the BTs. However, some CTs did not use the platform at all, and he did not get the schedule from them, even if he insisted. Also, according to our findings, variation from school to school is typical and may indicate a pervasive lack of routines and awareness at the municipal level towards the BTs’ work.

The informants did not have their own office desks at the schools, but at some schools the BTs were given an office where they could share desks with each other. Ewelina and Klaudia described two different schools:

Ewelina:

At Y school, it is a big room – even bigger than this, I think. It’s so nice [and] comfortable. You can prepare and make copies of the material.

Klaudia:

At X school, amazing building  …  absolutely, BTs have a place to sit. But we often find that in the room, it’s  …  there’s a lot of rubbish that nobody else needs, you understand? There are some old chairs and things like that.

Ewelina described one of the offices as “nice”. There they had access to the necessary office supplies. However, as we understand from Klaudia, the schools did not always prioritise the BTs’ office, and she compared their office with the CTs’ offices: “I think, ‘How nice to know that this space is mine, and I can have my wellingtons and raincoat here’”. In addition to an office desk and a place to put her clothes, Klaudia would like to have a permanent classroom:

At some schools, there’s a kind of “survival of the fittest” to get a classroom. The first one to get a classroom is the week’s winner. I often have a fixed space, although they have tried to transfer me to different rooms at many schools.

Klaudia has the same classroom throughout the year because, as we understand it, she fights for it. However, we observed that not only Wael but also other BTs had to look for a classroom before the lesson starts. Regarding keys, two of the informants had to ask a CT in the room nearby and a cleaner to open their classroom doors, whilst some of them have the keys they need. Ewelina stated that she had repeatedly asked for a key at one of the schools and that a coordinator had eventually got her one:

I heard all the time, “No, we don’t have keys for temporary teachers”. However, she [the bilingual coordinator at the school] raised the issue and said, “When you are permanent staff, you ought to have a key”, and I got the key, finally!

Zahra told us that the coordinators on the whole are very helpful, but once when she asked for the textbooks she needed she did not receive them for several months, and Klaudia said, “There are enough textbooks for the students and the class teachers, but not always for us”. Klaudia told us that she solved the problem of the missing textbooks by spending her own money on didactic materials from her home country.

Bilingual Teachers’ Relationships with Their Students and the Students’ Parents

Our observations showed great involvement and engagement from both teachers and students during the lessons. The lessons were organised more like conversations than lectures, and the students were free to ask questions at all times. BTs sat down with their students, and they often used the same books or laptops as the students. The classroom atmosphere was friendly, and the relationships between the teachers and students seemed respectful, trusting and close. Ahmed said:

I am more than a teacher to my students. If they have any problems, they can talk to me, and I help them. If there are things they do not understand or they need more information about – for example, the school rules – I can help.

Wael also underscored the importance of a good relationship between himself and the students. He thought that this strengthened the students’ learning. Klaudia stated that it was very important for her to ensure that her students obtained good results: “When it comes to my students, I’m like a lion. I fight for them”.

BTs’ main responsibility is the students’ schoolwork, but almost all the informants also mentioned the importance of their relationships with the parents. Nazir said that one of his tasks was to function as “a bridge between the school and the home”, and Klaudia stated that she “like[d] to bring the family along as part of the team”. Our main impression is that the informants often contact the parents on their own initiative; however, some said that they also acted as support for CTs regarding parent-school cooperation. Abbas shared his experience:

Some schools ask me to attend parental meetings, and they adapt the time to my schedule. They ask, “Is that time suitable for you?” So, I’ve been to meetings, but only with two students. Yes, and I had a student who was often sick, so the CT often asked me to call his parents to ask how the student was doing.

At first, Abbas gave the impression that he often attended parental meetings, but he clarified and said that it had happened only twice. Ihab said that the parents also contacted the BTs:

It often happens [that parents call]. It often happens. They call, and sometimes, it’s about language problems. They can’t understand what the school is trying to communicate to them. So, they call us and ask us to explain more.

The informants also help the parents privately. Klaudia said that she remembered her first years in Norway and the gratitude she felt for the support from people who had mastered both her mother tongue and Norwegian. In some cases, we understand that the informants act as personal mentors to unaccompanied minors seeking asylum, that is, students without parents in Norway. They take them on leisure activities and give them practical help in their private lives.

In summary, we found that, despite an unpredictable and sometimes difficult working situation, the informants performed their jobs with a high degree of professionalism. They used their linguistic, cultural and academic knowledge in lessons, and they showed compassion for and deep interest in their students and their students’ parents.

Discussion and Concluding Comments

The purpose of this study is to gain greater insight into how BTs, in a Norwegian municipality, are recognised in school. We have been examining these teachers’ opportunities to participate in school, their working conditions, and their relationships with colleagues, students, and students’ parents. In this section, we discuss the results in relation to previous studies and in the light of Honneth’s theory of recognition. We also discuss possible implications of the findings. Finally, we point out the study’s limitations and opportunities for further research in the field.

Seven out of eight informants have higher education, but only half of the informants have teacher education (see Table 1). Previous research on BE highlights the importance of relevant education (Arce, 2004; Fitts & Weisman, 2010; Hernández, 2017; Palmer, 2018; Sandoval-Lucero, 2006), and according to Bourdieu (2010), institutionalised cultural capital is linked to the individual’s formal education and is a potential source of position and power. Thus, the BTs’ cultural and linguistic knowledge does not provide them with cultural capital. However, we find that these competencies were rarely sought after in school.

Even though there were examples of collaboration between BTs and CTs, we find it random and sporatic. We also find BTs’ participation in the schools’ learning communities non-existing (cf. Fee, 2011; Rueda & Monzo, 2002; Sandoval-Lucero, 2006). Sandoval-Lucero (2006) found that BTs were disrespected by CTs; however, our findings suggest a more complex explanation for BTs’ lack of participation. Although some of the BTs stated a sense of being excluded, most of them pointed to the municipality’s way of organising BE as the main reason for non-participation. We also find that the principals gave little attention to BTs and their work. However, unlike Fee (2011), we did not find that the BTs were disrespected by the principals.

When viewing the findings in connection to Honneth’s moral theory, we claim that even though BTs’ non-participation and lack of affiliation at schools are not intentional (cf. Honneth & Margalit, 2001), it indicates a lack of recognition in both the legal and social spheres (cf. Honneth, 1995). When the BTs have few opportunities for collaboration with CTs, hardly ever attend staff meetings and receive little attention from the principal, we argue that they are denied rights in the legal sphere which in turn can contribute to an absence of self-respect (cf. Honneth, 1995). Recognition in the social sphere requires an appreciation of BTs’ contributions from principals and other teachers (cf. Honneth, 1995). As BTs seldom or never participate in the learning communities, and are almost “invisible” in the schools (cf. Honneth & Margalit, 2001), they have little opportunity to develop social esteem (cf. Honneth, 1995).

As the results show, the informants in this study had unpredictable workdays, and they often travelled between schools during their lunch break, having few opportunities for both formal and informal contact with other staff members. Most BTs also had limited access to offices, books and other equipment. They had to teach subjects that they did not master, and often they prepared their lessons in vain because they were met with new requests from CT or the students. Although this may be seen in the context of the municipality’s way of organising BE, the findings confirm previous studies on BTs’ challenging working conditions (Conteh, 2007; Dewilde, 2013; Fimyar, 2018; Fjeld & Spernes, 2015; Lucero, 2010; Valenta, 2009).

When interpreting the informants’ unpredictable workdays and their challenging working conditions in the light of Honneth’s theory, we argue that the BTs lack legal rights (cf. Honneth, 1995). The lack of appreciation of BTs’ work may also threaten their social integrity (cf. Honneth, 1995). We claim that BTs’ unpredictable workdays do not contribute to their sense of honour and dignity (Honneth, 1995), and they are not seen as equal or autonomous teachers in schools (cf. Honneth, 2012).

The data shows that the BTs have close connections with their students and the students’ parents. This is also found in previous studies (Authors 1; Conteh, 2007; Dewilde, 2013; Kenner & Ruby, 2012; Sandoval-Lucero, 2006). Regardless of the lack of cooperation and difficult working conditions, the informants make use of their linguistic, cultural and academic knowledge in their teaching. The BTs also show deep interest in the well-being of their students and they are concerned about their learning outcomes, as well as expressing concern and compassion for the students’ parents.

We find it relevant also to see the informants’ close relationship with the students and the parents of the students in the context of Honneth’s theory. As we see it, the informants appear as morally responsible teachers (cf. Honneth, 2012). The data shows that the BT’s work is appreciated by the students and their parents, and we claim that this appreciation give recognition in this social sphere (cf. Honneth, 1995). Our observations of BTs’ confidence with their students and their engagement with the students’ schoolwork suggest that BTs develop self-esteem (Honneth, 1995). We also claim that despite the high degree of unpredictability, BTs’ dedication to their work and their sense of integrity give them self-respect (cf. Honneth, 1995).

As we have seen above, the lack of cooperation between BTs and other staff members and their challenging working conditions, may be seen as a result of the municipality’s organisation of BE. Nevertheless, we argue that perhaps the most important reason for BT’s lack of recognition is the Norwegian monolingual bias (cf. Bubikova-Moan, 2017; García, 2009; Kulbrandstad, 2017). The students’ mother tongue is only valuable as a tool for learning Norwegian. One of the consequences of this policy may be that the Norwegian municipalities and principals do not prioritise BE or understand BTs as “proper teachers” in schools.

Based on the findings, we find it appropriate to suggest some improvements of the situation: First, it is advisable for Norwegian politicians to look to the other Scandinavian countries in order to gain competence regarding BE (cf. Bubikova-Moan, 2017; Kulbrandstad, 2017). The strong monolingual discourse in Norwegian educational policy challenges the municipalities when it comes to offering bilingual students an equal and adapted education. Second, the way the municipality organise BE create some challenges regarding BTs’ working conditions. We assume that a closer association with a particular school could make the BTs more visible in school (cf. Honneth & Margalit, 2001). Last, we suggest that the principals take a greater interest in and responsibility for the BTs and make use of their competences and knowledge in different areas (cf. Honneth, 1995). Research shows that valuing cultural differences provides a better school situation for the students (see, e.g., Gay, 2000; Sadowski, 2008), and as we see it, the whole school will benefit from BTs’ getting a place in the learning community.

Finally, we have to emphasise an obvious limitation: the informants worked in the same municipality, and the organisation and priority of BE differ from municipality to municipality. However, the Norwegian educational policy is central for the municipalities’ priorities regarding BE. The study also covers a limited number of BTs. The strength of this study, however, is the triangular approach where the BTs’ expressed experiences and our observations enable us to view the phenomenon from different angles. As in previous research, we assume that the findings have transfer value and contribute to strengthening the understanding of BTs’ challenging working conditions.

In the municipality where this study was done, there are other ambulating teachers than BTs, for example, those who teach students with special needs. It would be interesting to compare their working conditions with the findings in this study. This could give a more complete picture and further clarify the priority of BE in the Educational Act, the municipality’s organisational model and/or the significance of the teachers’ background when it comes to lack of recognition. A similar investigation in other municipalities, with a different BE organisation, could also be interesting.

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to the BTs who took part in this research, and we hope that the results of this study will make the time they dedicated to us worthwhile. This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).