Abstract
After residence in Alexandria in the 20s BC, Strabo describes early imperial Egypt in Book 17 of his Geography. This paper explains Strabo’s contemporary focus, and his reactions to earlier accounts, including Herodotus Book 2. As a Hellenistic Greek writing after Actium, Strabo describes Ptolemaic changes, but promotes a more recent pro-imperial reading of the country. He rates the last Ptolemies as corrupt and venal, placing a positive focus on the economic measures of the Roman prefects, and their military control. His travels up the Nile with the prefect enable him to support Augustan claims to have corrected Ptolemaic abuses, and to have ensured the prosperity of the country. He outlines Egypt’s broader role in the region, and Augustan measures to bring goods from India and Arabia via the Red Sea through the Egyptian desert to Coptos and Alexandria, thus optimizing Roman revenues through import and export taxes.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1 Purcell (Citation2017, 22–34). Katherine Clarke had already noted contrasts between the approach to Roman domination in Polybius and later Diodorus, and the position taken by Strabo, see Clarke (Citation1999, 252–293).
2 On Strabo’s date of writing, see Lindsay (Citation1997); compare Dueck (Citation1999). For his observation of the disparity between cargoes exported from Alexandria and imports to Egypt sent from Puteoli, see Purcell (Citation2017, 27).
3 There are important modern editions of Strabo’s Book 17 on Egypt by Radt (Citation2009) and Laudenbach (Citation2015). The standard list for the chronology of the prefects of Egypt is Bastianini (Citation1975), supplemented by Bastianini (Citation1980).
4 For his praenomen, see Bagnall (Citation1985, 85–93). The next known prefect after Petronius is P. Rubrius Barbatus, attested in 13/12 BC, see Stein (Citation1950, 18); Brunt (Citation1975, 142); and Bastianini (Citation1975, 268). Petronius’ diplomatic initiatives relating to Ethiopian ambassadors to Augustus on Samos suggest he must have remained in Egypt until at least 21 BC.
5 These revolts are not dated and may have continued for some time. Cornelius Gallus was the first appointment to the prefecture of Egypt in 30/29 BC (Cass. Dio 51.17.1).
6 This appears to be the earliest reference to the introduction of poll tax (laographia) by Augustus, see Rathbone (Citation1993, 88).
8 The inscription is today located in Cairo museum. Brunt (Citation1975, 142) accepts the text as a description of Gallus’ last activity in Egypt, see also Treu (Citation1973, 224–226) and Lewis (Citation1975, 295–303). Cass. Dio (53.23.5–24.1-3) records his disgrace and suicide under the year of his death, 26 BC.
10 See Lindsay (Citation2014, 2); compare also Ambaglio (Citation1990, 405 and 416). P.Mil.Vogl. II 46 was attributed to Strabo’s Historika Hypomnemata originally by Manganaro (Citation1974, 157–171).
11 Although Strabo cites Nicolaus of Damascus for details of gifts to Augustus at the meeting on Samos, including Indian vipers, he says he himself saw a viper from India in Egypt (17.1.45). For ambassadors and prisoners sent by Petronius to Augustus at this period, see Strabo 17.1.54; compare also Cass. Dio 54.7.4; Jos. AJ 15.354, and see Lindsay (Citation1997, 490).
12 He does not mention the obelisks dedicated in front of the already complete building as late as 13 BC, see Pais (Citation1908, 412) and Fraser (Citation1972, II: 70 n. 161).
13 See D. 1.17.1 for his powers.
14 Note Gwyn Griffiths (Citation1966, 57–61), citing Arrian Anab. 5.6.5 for the use of this phrase originally by Hecataeus, probably to refer to the delta. Lightfoot (Citation2017, 252), citing Strabo 1.1.2, comments that Strabo converts Homer into “a proto-Stoic sage, polymath and specifically the father of geography”.
17 Strabo has a long and indecisive discussion of the options (1.4.7–9). Clarke (Citation2018, 58–65) discusses Herodotus’ interest in continental divisions, and his rejection of the theory that rivers formed continental boundaries. Strabo’s approach is discussed by Pierce (Citation2007, 34–36).
18 Denying for example that the sources of the Nile are close to Syene and Elephantine, as Herodotus claims (Hdt. 2.28; compare Strabo 17.1.52).
19 See Roller (Citation2018, 943–944). On Strabo’s calculations of distances, see recently Geus and Guckelsberger (Citation2017, 165–177).
20 On the delta as a geographical concept, see Celoria (Citation1966, 385–388).
21 Attitudes to civilization are detailed in Thompson (Citation1979, 213–230). Herodotus attributes the development of geometry by Sesostris because of the need to calculate land tax. The division of the country into nomes or local districts seems to go back to Pharaonic times (Hdt. 2.109), but this Greek term was already current in Herodotus (2.164; Strabo 17.1.3); for the system under the Ptolemies, see Hölbl (Citation2001, 59).
23 Roller (Citation2018, 943). On the Nilometer, see Sandri (Citation2017, 237–243). Strabo elsewhere (16.1.10) discussing irrigation in Babylonia alludes to the duty of competent governors to manage the effects of silting effectively.
24 For a recent account of changes in grain transport under the Romans, see Adams (Citation2017, especially 176).
25 See Adams (Citation2007, 27). Lake Moeris is said to have been one of the features of Egypt to attract Germanicus in AD 19 (Tac. Ann. 2.61). On the engineering improvement, see now Römer (Citation2017, 171–191).
26 Dating possibilities summarized by Sidebotham (Citation1986b, 590–592).
27 There is dispute over whether this name is indigenous or derived from the name of Cambyses’ sister/wife/mother: Diod. Sic. 1.33.1 (Cambyses’ mother); Jos. AJ 2.249; rejected by Roller (Citation2018, 944). On Cambyses’ campaign, see Hdt. 3.25–26.
34 Some authorities have associated the noise with the earthquake of 27 BC, chronicled by Eusebius, an interpretation doubted by Gardiner (Citation1961, 98).
37 This was in fact a lotus, the Nelumbo nucifera; see Hdt. 2.92; Roller (Citation2018, 954).
42 See Fragaki (Citation2017, 6–7) indicating that Plutarch places the library close to the dockyards mentioned by Strabo (17.1.9).
43 See Marlowe (Citation1971, 57 and 81–82) for transfer later than the time of Strabo, see Fraser (Citation1972, I: 323–324); Ptolemy III (second half of 3rd century BC) originally fostered the Serapeum library, see McKenzie (Citation2007, 52–56). McKenzie, Gibson, and Reyes (Citation2004, 99–100) suggest that the evidence for the Ptolemaic library is rather insecure.
44 Fraser (Citation1972, I: 312–319, 470). Aristonicus of Rhodes, a contemporary of Strabo, wrote a book on the Museum, known to Photios (Bibl. 161.104b 38), RE s.v. Aristonicus 17.
45 Millar (Citation1977, 87–88, 504–505) – apparently the same post as that of epistates, recorded later under Hadrian (IG 14.1085 = IGRR 1.136 = OGIS 67) (Iulius Vestinus).
48 For the contemporary scene at Tarsus, see Welles (Citation1962, 41–75).
51 Burstein (Citation1989) and Casson (Citation1989) dealing with a text written later than the Geography. Details are discussed below.
52 On Strabo and the Nile, see Honigmann (Citation1931, cols 82–83). For the standard tourist itinerary, see Milne (Citation1916, 76–80) and Casson (Citation1974, 253–291). Graffiti of ancient tourists are commonplace as far south as Philae, see Holwein (Citation1940, 253–278).
53 For a similar modern assessment, see Sidebotham (Citation1996, 794).
56 On the planning of the city in 331 BC, see Hölbl (Citation2001, 10).
57 Recent underwater archaeology has revealed smaller subordinate manmade harbours within the Great harbour, see McKenzie (Citation2007, 29).
58 On the career of Sostratos, see Meeus (Citation2015, 143–171).
62 Widely reported favourable omens supported Alexander’s foundation (Strabo 17.1.6; Val. Max. 1.4 ext; Plut. Vit. Alex. 26.4-5). For Alexander and the existing settlement, see Chaveau (Citation1999, 1–10). Chaveau suspects that Strabo has been influenced by a mythic narrative about Rhakotis, and a supposed Pharaonic past.
65 De Cosson (Citation1935, 70–74) waters from the Canopic mouth were introduced into the lake. These canals were frequently cleared during the Roman period, see Fraser (Citation1972, II: 252–253).
66 Strabo is rather scathing about Egyptian olives. He notes that poorly managed olives grow in the highly fertile Heracleote nome and supply low-grade olive oil – a culturally biased comment. Otherwise, few olives grow in Egypt apart from some at Alexandria. Although fit for the table, they are not suitable for oil (17.1.35).
72 Hdt. 2.18 mentions only Marea and Apis amongst towns in the vicinity.
75 By AD 23, the legionary complement had been reduced to two: Tac. Ann. 4.5, apparently reduced later under Augustus. Both remaining legions seem by then to have been located at Alexandria, see Speidel (Citation1982, 120–124).
78 Adams (Citation2007, 22–23) notes that roads linked Babylon to Clysma (Suez) and Syene.
80 For the dispute over the correct form of the people and the toponym, Trogodytes/Troglodytes, Trogoditike/Troglodytike, see Murray and Warmington (Citation1967, 24–33); Pierce (Citation2007, 38); and Roller (Citation2018, 378–379), concluding that the problem remains unresolved.
81 There were troubles with the Blemmyes in late antiquity. They were a Nubian tribe, recorded between 600 BC and AD 300. They were confined south of Philae by Diocletian.
85 Compare Diod. Sic. 17.52: a lesser claim, six thousand talents, based on a census return during his visit. See Sidebotham (Citation1986a, 9).
89 For units of measurement, see Geus and Guckelsberger (Citation2017, 168, 169–170) for variations in the stade.
90 For a brief survey of sources: Sidebotham (Citation2011, 13–16).
91 Myos Hormos and Berenike are noted as key ports in the anonymous Periplous of the Erythraean Sea, written around the middle of the first century AD, see Periplus Maris Erythraei 1 in Casson (Citation1989, 51). On Berenike, see Sidebotham (Citation2008, Citation2011). Agathachides (2nd century BC) names Myos as Aphrodite’s harbour, and this name and details are shared by Diodorus and Strabo (Diod. Sic. 3.39.1–3; Strabo 16.4.5): They have similar descriptions of a “winding harbour”, see Meredith (Citation1952, 104). Strabo has perhaps used Artemidorus as an intermediate source, see Burstein (Citation1989, 135–136) (Agatharchides, fr. 83a).
92 Already known to Theocritus in the 3rd century BC, see Theocr. Id. 7.114; Roller (Citation2018, 942).
93 Inhabitation patterns at Berenike are thoroughly surveyed by Sidebotham (Citation2011).
94 Pliny NH 6.102–103; 168, agreeing with Strabo that Ptolemy Philadelphus first developed knowledge of Troglodyte territory.
96 Periplus Maris Erythraei 1 names Myos Hormos and Berenike as the major ports.
98 Couyat equates these coordinates with contemporary names. Earlier researchers discovered Berenike (Belzoni; Ellsted), and also Philoteras (Ruppe; Wilkinson), claiming it was Myos. But Philoteras should be Safaja on the basis of Ptolemy: Couyat (Citation1910, 526–527). However, Roller (Citation2018, 925) still lists Philoteras as unlocated. So also Adams (Citation2007, 36).
99 On Abu Sha’ar and the survey of the route to the Nile, see Sidebotham, Zitterkopf, and Riley (Citation1991, 571–622).
100 Argued strongly by Peacock (Citation1993, 226–232) and supported by Bülow-Jacobsen et al. (Citation1994, 27–42). On subsequent excavations at Quseir, see Blue (Citation2002, 139–150).
101 Strabo knows of Philoteras from Artemidorus. He explains that Ptolemy II’s sister was the source of the name (16.4.5), see Hölbl (Citation2001, 56–57).
102 For Quseir al-Quadim (old Quseir), formerly identified as Ptolemy’s Leukos Limen, see Adams (Citation2007, 36–37).
103 Ptolemy seems to have confused Leukos Limen on the Egyptian side of the Red Sea with Leuke Kome, the Arabian port. For the disputed location of Leuke Kome, see Nappo (Citation2010, 335–348). He argues for the identification of the Arabian port with al-Wajh, relying on Periplus 19–20 (=Casson Citation1989, 61–63). On the Arabian trade route, see Negev (Citation1966, 89–98); Bowersock (Citation1983, 12–15). The road was still in use after AD 7, see Cohen (Citation1982, 240–247). Strabo emphasizes that in his time Petra was subject to Roman control. He describes the self-governing arrangements in the client kingdom (Strabo 16.4.21). The incumbent client was Obodas II and his administrator (epitropos) was Syllaeus (16.4.24; 16.4.23). The successor to Obodas was Aretas IV, credited with initiating the golden age in Nabataea.
104 On the modern survey of the stations and towers on the Quseir-Nile road, and suggestions that Quseir was first important under Augustus, see Zitterkopf and Sidebotham (Citation1989, 155–189 at 171).
105 Usually doubted and attributed to the geographer’s wish to exculpate Aelius Gallus for blunders made during his Arabian campaign, see Anderson (Citation2009, 391–397); compare Al-Rawabdeh (Citation2015, 74–76).
108 Meredith (Citation1952, 94–101). However, the Romans seem to have exploited few of the Ptolemaic gold mines on the isthmus, see Meredith (Citation1953, 97–98).
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