NORTHERN IRELAND'S INCREASED REPRESENTATION IN THE WESTMINSTER PARLIAMENT

Abstract

Northern Ireland's representation at Westminster has recently been increased from twelve to seventeen seats. This increase has been surrounded by considerable controversy. The purpose of this paper is to set the electoral reform in its context and highlight the significant issues involved. Specifically, the paper has four aims: to outline the origins of Northern Ireland's representation at Westminster; to consider the past work of the Northern Ireland Boundary Commission; to review the debate over regional representation in the United Kingdom; and to assess the Provisional Recommendations for the new framework of constituencies proposed by the Boundary Commission.

Notes

Ibid., Cmnd. 9314, HMSO, 1954.

Ibid., Cmnd. 4087, HMSO, 1969.

The Northern Ireland Constitutional Convention was an elected body of 78 members, created ‘for the purpose of considering what provision for the government of Northern Ireland is likely to command the most widespread acceptance throughout the community there’.

Mr. Speaker's Conference on Electoral Law, minutes of evidence, 70-i and 70-ii, HMSO, 1977; Papers submitted to the conference, 70-iii, HMSO, 1978.

The reluctance or inability of active politicians to make the distinction between the ‘political’ and ‘objective’ elements is particularly well illustrated by the comments of Gerard Fill (West Belfast) recorded in the evidence given to the Speaker's Conference.

House of Commons (Redistribution of Seats) Act, 1979.

The Inverted Coefficient of Variation (ICV) is a summary statistic which ranges from 0 to I, with 1 denoting complete equality.

There is a rapidly increasing volume of research material on the problems and consequences of electoral redistricting. The major research findings are summarised in G. Gudgin and P. J. Taylor, Seats, votes and the spatial organisation of elections, London, 1978 and P. J. Taylor and R. J. Johnston, Geography of elections, London, 1979. An interesting account of redistricting in America is found in R. L. Morrill, 'Ideal and reality in reapportionment', Ann. Ass. Am. Geogr., 63 (1973), 463-477, and comprehensive coverage of redistricting for the Northern Ireland parliament at Stormont is located in R. D. Osborne, The political system, voting patterns and voting behaviour in Northern Ireland, 1921-1974, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Queen's University, Belfast, 1977.

The two long-established and widely recognised communities in Northern Ireland, i.e. the Protestant community (c. 63% of total population in 1980) and the Catholic community (c.37%) display divisions more basic and numerous than the purely religious ascription suggests. A fundamental aspect of these divisions is found in voting behaviour in which the Protestant community votes, almost exclusively, for Unionist candidates, whilst the Catholic community, again almost exclusively, gives its support to parties and candidates whose philosophy is based upon an anti-unionist anti-partitionist foundation. The dominance of this community cleavage has prevented the emergence of a strong class base to voting behaviour and limited the success of society-wide political parties such as the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland who have tried to overcome traditional differences and draw support from both communities. The unchanging character of voting behaviour in Northern Ireland and its consequences are documented in R. Rose, Governing without consensus: an Irish perspective, London, 1971 and I. Budge and C. O'Leary, Belfast: approach to crisis, a study of Belfast politics, 1613-1970, London, 1973.