Development of the former Radcliffe Infirmary, Oxford, 1770–1900

Abstract

Summary: Archaeological excavations on the site of Oxford’s first ‘modern’ hospital, the Radcliffe Infirmary, uncovered evidence for its use after its completion in 1770 and subsequent 19th-century expansions. Providing insights into the ancillary buildings, drainage and water supply structures located to the rear of the Infirmary, among the features excavated was a stone-built soakaway serving the first laundry complex. Upon the building being rebuilt as a fever ward in 1824, the soakaway became a receptacle for unwanted pottery, glass and other finds. The composition of this assemblage provides a glimpse of the material culture of a hospital during this period.

Abbreviations

LH London Hospital

MOLA Museum of London Archaeology

OS Ordnance Survey

Summary in French, German, Italian and Spanish

RÉSUMÉ

Développement de l’ancienne infirmerie Radcliffe, Oxford, 1770–1900

Les fouilles archéologiques sur le site du premier hôpital moderne d’Oxford, l’infirmerie Radcliffe, ont permis de mettre au jour des indices de son utilisation après son achèvement en 1770 et ses expansions suivantes au XIX^e siècle. Situé à l’arrière de l’infirmerie, un regard drainant en pierre servant au premier complexe de laverie a été découvert parmi les structures fouillées, fournissant ainsi un aperçu des constructions auxiliaires, des structures de drainage et d’approvisionnement en eau. Une fois l’édifice reconstruit en salle de fièvre en 1824, le regard drainant est devenu le réceptacle des céramiques, verres et autres trouvailles non-voulues. La composition de cet assemblage fournit un aperçu de la culture matérielle d’un hôpital au cours de cette période.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG

Entwicklung des früheren Radcliffe Krankenhauses, Oxford, 1770–1900

Archäologische Ausgrabungen am Ort des ersten ‚modernen’ Krankenhauses, des Racliffe Spitals, brachte Belege des Gebrauchs nach der Vollendung des Baus in 1770 und die darauffolgenden Vergrößerung im 19. Jahrhundert. Unter den ausgegrabenen Strukturen, die Einsicht in die hinteren Nebengebäude mit Drainage und Wasseranschluß brachte, war ein steinummauerter Wasserabfluß, der zum ersten Wäschereikomplex gehörte. Mit dem darüber liegenden Gebäude von 1824, einer Fieberabteilung, wurde der Abfluß als Abfalldepot für unerwünschte Töpferwaren, Glass und andere Funde genutzt. Die Zusammenstellung dieser Ansammlung brachte Einblick in die materielle Kultur eines Krankenhauses während dieser Periode.

RIASSUNTO

Sviluppo dell’ex infermeria Radcliffe a Oxford (1770–1900)

Gli scavi archeologici nel sito del primo ospedale “moderno” di Oxford, l’infermeria Radcliffe, hanno portato alla luce le testimonianze del suo utilizzo dopo il completamento nel 1770, e i successivi ampliamenti dell’edificio nel XIX secolo. Sono emersi dati sugli edifici ausiliari, sulle strutture di drenaggio e di approvvigionamento delle acque situati nel retro dell’infermeria; fra le strutture scavate anche un pozzo a perdere in pietra funzionale alla prima lavanderia del complesso. Appena l’edificio fu riedificato come reparto infettivo nel 1824, il pozzo a perdere divenne una discarica per ceramica e vetro indesiderati e per altri reperti rivenuti. La composizione di questo nucleo di reperti apre uno spiraglio sulla cultura materiale di un ospedale in questo periodo.

RESUMEN

Desarrollo de la antigua Radcliffe Infirmary, Oxford, 1770–1900

Las excavaciones arqueológicas en el lugar del primer hospital ‘moderno’ de Oxford, el Radcliffe Infirmary, ha descubierto evidencia de su funcionamiento tras su construcción en 1770 y durante varias ampliaciones posteriores del siglo XIX. Se han encontrado restos de edificios, del sistema de desagües y del suministro de agua en la parte trasera de la enfermería, junto con un pozo de piedra que fue utilizado por la primera lavandería. El edificio fue reconstruido en 1824 como una sala para enfermos febriles y el pozo fue colmatado con cerámicas, vidrios y otros objetos. La composición de este conjunto ofrece una visión de la cultura material de un hospital durante este período.

The site will be archived with the Oxfordshire Museum Service under the site code OX-RAD07 and can be viewed by appointment.

Museum of London Archaeology, 46 Eagle Wharf Road, London, N1 7ED [[email protected] & [email protected]]

This paper is published with financial assistance from Oxford University

Notes

1 The modern ground level rises gently from west to east; c. 61m OD on Walton Street to c. 63–4m OD on the Woodstock Road. Geologically, the site lies over the gravels of the second (Summertown-Radley) river terrace (59.39m OD in the north-west to 62.30m OD in the east) which is sealed by a variable and frequently truncated deposit of brickearth.

2 The total area of the site under redevelopment measured 42,840m² (including listed buildings and structures still standing at the time of the excavations).

3 An incomplete list would include the Royal London (Fowler & Powers 2012); Royal Naval Hospital, Greenwich (Boston et al 2008); Worcester Royal Infirmary (Western 2010) and Newcastle Infirmary (Nolan 1998).

4 Robb-Smith (1970) admits that his text, especially when concerned with the foundation and early history of the Infirmary, is largely drawn from Gibson 1926.

5 Selby-Green’s book presents a condensed history of the Infirmary.

6 Moss concentrates his history of the Infirmary on the individuals responsible for its foundation and/or worked there.

7 A summary of voluntary hospitals is provided in Fowler & Powers 2012, 1–2.

8 Until the late 19th century there were few treatments that could not be administered in private homes, and the wealthy and the middling classes continued to pay a physician or surgeon to privately treat them.

9 Robb-Smith 1970, 9.

10 Robb-Smith 1970, 10.

11 Robb-Smith 1970, 10.

12 Paupers, however, were still the responsibility of the parish.

13 Robb-Smith 1970, 18.

14 Robb-Smith 1970, 19. Coggins Piece was thought to have been bounded by what are now Little Clarendon Street to the south, Woodstock Road to the east and Walton Street to the west.

15 Robb-Smith 1970, 19.

16 Robb-Smith 1970, 20.

17 Robb-Smith 1970, 19.

18 Robb-Smith 1970, 27.

19 Robb-Smith 1970, 29.

20 Robb-Smith 1970, 31.

21 Robb-Smith 1970, 31. Robb-Smith spells the Bishop’s name as either Routh (31) or Louth (32–3), an inconsistency not picked up in editing or in the editions corrigenda note of 1971.

22 Robb-Smith 1970, 31. The results of MOLA’s evaluation on the burial ground in 2009–10 (MOLA 2010) are not considered here. A full excavation of this site was subsequently undertaken by Oxford Archaeology.

23 Robb-Smith 1970, 54.

24 Purcell Miller Tritton 2006, 13.

25 Robb-Smith 1970, 216.

26 Gibson 1926, 40.

27 Purcell Miller Tritton 2006, 16.

28 Purcell Miller Tritton 2006, 16.

29 Robb-Smith 1970, 220–3.

30 Braybrooke, in prep.

31 Oxford Grove Art 2002.

32 Contexts [209], [2499] & [3035].

33 Robb-Smith 1970, 79.

34 Robb-Smith 1970, 90.

35 Robb-Smith 1970, 31.

36 Robb-Smith 1970, 31.

37 Purcell Miller Tritton 2006; 13, pls 4 & 5; 53, pls 25 & 26.

38 Burley & Plenderlieth 2006, 33.

39 Burley & Plenderlieth 2005, 53, pl. 25.

40 Bottom photograph, Moss 2007, 48.

41 [485]. This large feature was interpreted as a quarry pit and was recorded in section only as it was indistinct in plan.

42 [484] and [486].

43 Brooks 2005, 30.

44 Godden 1991, 441.

45 Radcliffe Trustees Annual Report 1873, 6 (in Purcell Miller Tritton 2006, 34).

46 The water closet bears the black-printed logo of the sanitary manufacturer of GEORGE JENNINGS/PATENTEE in a circle with lettering PALACE YARD/LAMBETH/LONDON below surrounded by the Royal Coat of Arms. His business is first recorded at Palace Yard from 1838.

47 Pottery recovered from excavations on other Victorian hospitals includes a selection of vessels from the Royal London, Whitechapel (Jeffries 2012, 127–9) and a teacup recovered from excavations on the Dreadnought Seaman’s Hospital in Greenwich, London. However, perhaps the most significant group of Victorian institutional wares remains the chamber pots, plates, rounded bowls and mugs from the Eagle Pond, Snaresbrook, in Epping Forest (Hughes 1992, 382–7).

48 Coysh & Henrywood 2001, 20, 197; Neale 2005, 108–10.

49 Neale 2005, 108–10.

50 Howard 1974.

51 Britton 1987, cat no. 35, 111, 40, 114; cat no. 43, 115.

52 Both bottles have similar conical push up base and rounded heels (Jones 1986, fig. 66, 94–5) and rim finishes (Jones 1986, Group 3a, 62–8).

53 The two string rim and lip finishes applied are characteristic of Jones’ Finish Style Group 2 (1986, 54).

54 Jones & Sullivan 1989, 102. This rectangular shaped bottle has flat chamfers and a packer or English-rim finish.

55 [3012], [3015], [3061], [3064] and [3066].

56 [3069].

57 Purcell Miller Tritton 2006, 32, fig. 20; these records are stored in the Oxfordshire Heath Archives.

58 Robb-Smith 1970, 29.

59 Dictionary of National Biography (London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1885–1900).

60 [3058].

61 [67/3053].

62 [3069].

63 [3050] & [3056].

64 [64].

65 Purcell Miller Tritton 2006, 34.

66 This feature measured only 2m × 2.25m × 1.5m deep.

67 Robb-Smith 1970, 21.

68 Robb-Smith 1970, 29–30.

69 Purcell Miller Tritton 2006, 33. The bricks and other associated dating evidence put its construction after the early 19th century.

70 [699].

71 Comparable published English include Guildford in Surrey (Higgins 1981, 210), with apparently identical pipes made in Bristol (Jackson & Price 1974, 137). The authors also know of eight unpublished examples from MOLA excavations at six sites in London, ranging in date from the 1780s to the late 19th century. They differ in the elaboration or otherwise of the headgear, and the Oxford turban is quite plain compared with some of the more bejewelled examples. The only London pipe maker in this sample is James Critchfield of Southwark, 1828–94 (Le Cheminant 1981, 148).

72 Oswald 1975.

73 <http://www.british-genealogy.com/images/stories/directories/oxfordshire/656.jpg> [accessed 30 November 2012].

74 Gibson 1926, 17.

75 [3056].

76 Purcell Miller Tritton 2006, 34.

77 Stoneware drains were developed and manufactured by the likes of the Doulton and Watt’s Company in 1846, building upon the sanitary concerns of the age and responding to the increase in the building of sewer lines in metropolitan cities. By 1854, Henry Doulton’s factory in Dudley in the West Midlands was making 10 miles of stoneware drainpipes per week (Tyler et al. 2005, 12).

78 [3058].

79 [174].

80 [485].

81 [174].

82 Accessioned find no. <27>.

83 Coysh & Henrywood 1984, 375.

84 Brooks 2005, 30.

85 Godden 1991, 441.

86 Godden 1991, 440.

87 As illustrated and named in The Spode 1820 shape book (Whiter 1970, 112; shape 249).

88 [485].

89 Copeland 1990, 53–66.

90 Copeland 1990, 33–44; Coysh & Henrywood 1984, 402.

91 These mould-blown bottles mostly survive as complete bases only. Conical push up base with rounded heels or domed push up bases with either rounded or bulged heels (Jones 1986, 94–5) are common.

92 Jones & Sullivan 1989, 102.

93 All four of the excavated wells were relatively shallow, 1.5–2m above the modern water table (located over 3.5m below modern ground level). This could be indicative of the degree to which modern demand and extraction processes have altered water levels.

94 Gibson 1926; Robb-Smith 1970; Selby-Green 1990. For the early Infirmary period, almost all the histories provided by Robb-Smith and Selby-Green are based on the research and writings of Gibson (1926).

95 [103].

96 [110].

97 Robb-Smith 1970, 31.

98 Robb-Smith 1970, 31.

99 Robb-Smith 1970, 31.

100 Robb-Smith 1970, 31.

101 [442].

102 [2094] & [2125] respectively.

103 [2123].

104 Robb-Smith 1970, 31.

105 Although Robb-Smith does not state which of the two wells he discusses.

106 Ceramics, glass bottles and phials.

107 Tableware glass and registered finds.

108 Projecting eastwards.

109 [220/2483], 3.53m × 3.20m × up to 2.20m deep.

110 Robb-Smith 1970, 54.

111 This was determined in the excavation phase as four closely related filling episodes recorded as [2347], [2348], [2349] and [2350] and as [196] in the evaluation. Context [196] is the same as [2347].

112 Jeffries 2006, 275–6. The ceramic assemblage weighed 41k.

113 Pearce 2000, 144–5.

114 Accessioned finds nos. <149> (square-framed buckle) and <151> (button); both in context [2348].

115 Accessioned finds nos. <148> and <152>; both in [2348].

116 Accessioned finds nos. <137> and <138>; both in [2348].

117 Accessioned finds no. <139> in [2348].

118 Accessioned finds no. <155>.

119 Jeffries & Richardson 2012, 138–40.

120 Jeffries & Richardson 2012, 139, fig. 137; Jukes 1831.

121 Whitehead & Whitehead 1973, cat. no 125. Five different sizes of chamber pot are noted as being sold by the Whitehead’s pottery.

122 Reconstructing from 57 sherds weighing 9523g. These redwares and the plain creamware were, however, sampled on site during excavation and there appeared to have been up to a further c.30 of these redware chamber pots discarded.

123 Richards 1999, 148–51.

124 Powers & Fowler 2012.

125 LH/F/3/2, 26

126 LH/F/8/11, 89.

127 LH/A/18/3, for example, f. 77.

128 Bourne 1999, 58.

129 LH/A/18/3, f. 77.

130 Stephenson 2003, 75 (fig. 62). This group survived as large-joining rims and base fragments and could have once fitted fewer vessels.

131 Britton 1987, 1990.

132 The cylindrical shaped phials (Noël Hume 1991, 73 [fig. 17, no. 13]) are all free-brown vessels. Four are colourless glass with the remaining 13 natural green coloured.

133 The slim or tall cylindrical phials with either low pointed kick bases or flat bases and flared rim finishes (Noël Hume 1991, 73 [fig. 17, no. 15]) comprise four colourless and five naturally coloured glass vessels.

134 There are 41 creamware and four white saltglazed stoneware ointment pots.

135 Britton’s London Delftware (1987, 168–9) displays a number of delft ointment pots bearing the painted names and addresses. Britton traced the individuals to occupations such as chemists & druggists, perfumers, to a grocer, oilman and tea dealer and various apothecaries.

136 Stephenson 2003, 71 (fig. 54 <P23>–<P26>, 72).

137 <http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1034017/pdf/medhist00136–0087.pdf> [accessed May 2010].

138 Stephenson 2003, 72–3.

139 <http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=58737#s1> [accessed 22 November 2012].

140 Green 1999, 95–7 (fig. 77, cat no. 104).

141 Moss 2007, 68 (Moss does not cite the source for this statement); Robb-Smith 1970, 80 (based on Gibson 1926).

142 Whitehead & Whitehead 1973, catalogue no. 48. As with the redware one-handled jars, this group was sampled on site and it appears that around a third where collected for analysis.

143 Sussman 1997. These are mostly decorated with inlaid slip-decoration along the rims and either banding (in a variety of different colours) or a plain covering of slip with mocha used on one vessel.

144 Moss 2007, 68 (Moss does not cite the source for this statement).

145 Hassall et al. 1984, 208–9 (pl. 4, nos 12–14). The inscriptions on these vessels are blue-painted and displayed either on the base (the St Johns College and the IW Cluff examples are located here) or are presented on the side (Exeter College).

146 Powers & Fowler 2012, 125 (table 66).

147 Powers & Flower 2012, 127–9.

148 LH/F/8/11. The London Hospital was supplied with ceramics and glass for several years by Mssrs Newington and Tompsett of 24 Whitechapel Road. For example, January 1803 order (LH/F/8/11, 89) lists an order for 1 gross phials costed 1/1/-, 12 plates -/2/-, 6 chamber pots -/4/6, 6 hand basons -/4/6, 6 oval dishes -/5/6, 4 brown ditto -/4/-, 6 pitchers ditto -/6/-, and 24 double glazed pans -/14/6. A bason is ‘a small bowl of several sizes holding up to a pint of liquid’ (Savage & Newman’s 2000, 38).

149 Pearce 2000, 150.

150 Whitehead & Whitehead 1973, cat. no. 41. George Miller (1991, 21) has also noted that these vessels sold by measure size.

151 Sussman 1997, 53; Sussman refers to rounded bowls as hemispherical bowls.

152 These mugs are illustrated in the 1798 Whitehead potteries catalogue (Whitehead & Whitehead, 1973, cat. no. 137) under the ‘tea coffee ware’ section: ibid, cat. no. 13. The mugs found here are between 100–120mm tall, with the largest and most frequent size apparently conforming to the half pint capacity.

153 Susmann 1997 provides the best précis on these various techniques. When profiles could be reconstructed, these mugs were between 95mm–120mm tall.

154 Robb-Smith 1970, 31. Fowler & Powers (2012, 125) noted that the daily ration of beer served at the Royal London in 1810 was 1½ pints of beer for men and 1 pint for women, quantities which are similar to the Radcliffe.

155 Moss 2007, 68.

156 Similar to the earlier porringer shape; see MPRG 1998, form 6.2.1.

157 MPRG 1998, form 6.2.3.

158 These mould-blown bottles comprise either domed shaped with bulged heel bases (Jones 1986, 94–5) or necks and rims with rim finishes conforming to production c1790–1825 (Jones 1986, 62–8).

159 For the period of their manufacture, the mould-blown glass bottles in this feature would have any of the several official British liquid capacity measures in use at the time. After the Weights and Measures Act of 1824 (which came into effect in 1826) these were replaced by the Imperial standard pint and quart size. As no complete bottles where recovered it is not possible to accurately determine bottle capacity in relation to the various contemporary measure sizes in use; however, they were likely to have held either the pre-imperial ale pint, half-pint and wine quart measures.

160 Accessioned finds numbers <197> (Jesus College seal) and <198> (Ward seal).

161 Cannon 2002, 344.

162 Nöel Hume 1961, 100, 104.

163 Neale 2005; Coysh & Henrywood 1984. Copeland 1990 describes many of the unidentified prints in this category. Saucers are most common to the group (9 vessels), followed by slop bowls (6), teabowls (3), mugs (2), tea or coffee pot lids (2) and a teapot (1).

164 Roberts 2006, 16. This is the most common painted design applied to these wares. When variation is observed among this decorated group, ‘Queen’s Blue’ (Robert 2006, 17) and ‘Boulder and Fence’ designs (Roberts 2006, 4) were identified.

165 Pearlware with underglaze blue-painted decoration rarely carries maker’s marks and therefore manufacturing source is instead derived from the identification and attribution of particular stylistic elements of the decoration that have been linked to known manufacturers through marked pieces and/or museum and private collections. Roberts (2006) identifications have been used to deliver the attributions to a particular manufacturer for this group.

166 Robb-Smith 1970, 26.

167 Robb-Smith 1970, 203.

168 Gibson 1926, 38.

169 Robb-Smith 1970, 25.

170 Robb-Smith 1970, 216. A new laundry was built located on the southern boundary of the site.

171 Burley & Plenderlieth 2005, 3.

172 Moss 2007, 40,

173 Gibson 1926, 40.

174 [2513].

175 Gibson 1926, 40; Robb-Smith 1970, 203.

176 Robb-Smith 1970.

177 Robb-Smith 1970, 79. In his text, Robb-Smith states that ‘the new buildings’, which appears to include the accident ward and out patients’ hall were completed in 1863 but there is a discrepancy in the mapping presented at the back of the book which states that the accident ward was instead opened in 1858.

178 Robb-Smith 1970, 214–15. His map presents only one structure behind the Infirmary.

179 Robb-Smith 1970, 75.

180 A small quantity of animal bone was hand collected from the fills in this feature. Wood and pewter does not often feature in the archaeological record although it is hard to imagine these materials would have not have been widely used and circulated in the Infirmary. The reasons behind the comparative absence of animal bone and other food refuse can only be speculated upon.

181 Robb-Smith (1970, 27–30) describes the layout of the 1770–1824 main Infirmary building as taken from a 1771 account by the Gentlemen’s Magazine.

182 Robb-Smith 1970, 26.

183 Pearce 2000, 169.

184 Carney 1998, 87; Brooks 2005, 63–5; Scott 1997, 142–3.

185 Robb-Smith 1970, 31.

186 Robb-Smith 1970, 30–1.

187 Robb-Smith 1970, 42–3. Robb-Smith noted that Richard Walker resigned or died in 1895, when it is clear he must have meant 1805.

188 Robb-Smith 1970, 27.

189 For example LH/F/8/11, 247.

190 LH/F/3/2, 49 & 83.

191 Britton 1990, 71.

192 LH/F/8/11, 247.

193 Jackson 2005, 20–8.

194 Crellin & Scott 1972, 150. An indication of the enormous breadth and range of different medicinal tonics and other products that these phials could be filled with is provided by a trial held in London’s principal criminal court, the Old Bailey: <www.oldbaileyonline.org> [accessed 20 July 2015], January 1793, trial of Thomas Green (t17930109–48).

195 Selby-Green 1990, 31, the story of the secretary embezzling funds.

196 For example, whilst the 1797 Davis map (Fig. 2) presents the northern ancillary building complex, it is in the wrong place in relation to the Infirmary. The northern boundary wall (S23) also appears inaccurate.

197 See n. 5.

198 Full details of this work can be found in Braybrooke 2011.