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Abstract
In 1521 Henry VIII of England and Cardinal Wolsey requested the Worshipful Company of Drapers and other London guilds to assist in a westward voyage. After the Drapers’ repeated refusal to contribute the requested assistance the expedition was canceled. Previous scholarship points to the failure of this expedition as an indicator that Henry VIII was uninterested in exploration. However, by revisiting the details of this expedition, this article argues that this expedition reveals Henry’s active interest in the Atlantic world and deepens our understanding of Henry and sixteenth-century exploration. Henry’s Atlantic forays, whether realized or not, highlight a much more well-rounded and strategic monarch than past narratives have led us toward. Revisiting the failed expeditions of the early sixteenth century, as exemplified by the voyage of 1521, adds greater depth to our understanding of Atlantic exploration, sixteenth-century monarchical goals, and the attitudes of the guilds toward exploration.
En 1521 Henri VIII d’Angleterre et le Cardinal Wolsey ont demandé de l’aide à la Worshipful Company of Drapers (la guilde des marchands de nouveautés) et à d’autres guildes de Londres pour faire un voyage à l’ouest. Après les refus répétés des Drapers de contribuer l’aide demandée, l’expédition a été annulée. D’autres études ont signalé l’échec de cette expédition comme un indice qu’Henri VIII ne s’intéressait pas vraiment à l’exploration. Cependant, en regardant de nouveau les détails de cette expédition, cet article soutient que cette expédition révèle qu’Henri s’intéressait vivement au monde de l’Atlantique et augmente notre compréhension d’Henri et de l’exploration au 16ème siècle. Les incursions atlantiques d’Henri, réalisées ou non, mettent en lumière un monarque bien plus cultivé et stratégique qu’ont suggéré les récits passés. Un nouveau regard sur les expéditions échouées de la première partie du 16ème siècle, avec ce voyage de 1521 comme exemple, nous donne une compréhension plus profonde de l’exploration de l’Atlantique, des buts des monarques du 16ème siècle, et des attitudes des guildes envers l’exploration.
En 1521, Enrique VIII de Inglaterra y el cardenal Wolsey solicitaron a la Cofradía de los Pañeros (Worshipful Company of Drapers) y a otros gremios de Londres una ayuda para un viaje hacia el oeste. Tras reiteradas negativas de los Pañeros a contribuir con la asistencia solicitada, se canceló la expedición. La historiografía anterior considera el fracaso de esta expedición como una muestra de la falta de interés de Enrique VIII por la exploración. Sin embargo, al revisar los detalles de esta expedición, este artículo propone que esta expedición revela un interés activo de la parte de Enrique por el mundo atlántico y profundiza nuestra comprensión sobre Enrique y sobre la exploración del siglo XVI. Las incursiones atlánticas de Enrique, fueran realizadas o no, perfilan un monarca mucho más completo y estratégico de lo que nos han llevado a pensar las narrativas del pasado. Revisitar las expediciones fallidas de principios del siglo XVI, como por ejemplo el viaje de 1521, da mayor profundidad a nuestra comprensión de la exploración atlántica, de los objetivos monárquicos del siglo XVI y de las actitudes de los gremios hacia la exploración.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the archivist for Worshipful Company of Drapers, Penny Fusell, for all of her help and allowing me access to the records. I would also like to thank Margaret Condon for allowing me to bounce ideas off of her over lunch at the National Archives while the seeds of this article took root.
Notes
1 Notably, most of what is known of this planned expedition comes from the records of the Worshipful Company of Drapers and the Acts of the Court of the Mercers Company.
2 This historiography will be dealt with more comprehensively in footnotes 3–6. Recent historiography, if it mentions the expedition at all, often repeats the claims made by David B. Quinn and other seminal work of the twentieth century. See J.J. Scarisbrick, Henry VIII (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997 [1968]), p. 123; and E.G. R. Taylor, Tudor Geography 1485–1583, (New York: Octagon Books, Inc., 1968 [1930]), p. 9, both of whom call the expedition Wolsey’s project. Andrews and Quinn both label this voyage “Cabot’s project” and give no mention to Henry’s involvement. Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p. 56; David B. Quinn, Alison M. Quinn, Susan Hillier, New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612 vol. I (New York: Arno Press, 1979), p. 172. From this point forward this work will be referred to as Quinn, NAW. In a different publication, Quinn argued that the expedition was Cabot’s attempt to find the Northwest Passage and that Henry was “prepared to encourage a Northwest Passage voyage in 1521 if his London merchants would help.” David B. Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 1481–1620: From the Bristol Voyages of the Fifteenth Century to the Pilgrim Settlement at Plymouth: the Exploration, Exploitation, and Trial-and-Error of Colonization in North America by the English (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), pp. 145–6, 161. For an example of Quinn’s claims being repeated by the twenty-first century historiography see Heather Dalton, Merchants and Explorers: Roger Barlow, Sebastian Cabot, and Networks of Atlantic Exchange 1500–1560 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), p. 38.
3 Peter C. Mancall, ed., Envisioning America: English Plans for the Colonization of North America 1580–1640, The Bedford Series in History and Culture, 2nd edition, (Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, Macmillan Learning, 2017), pp. 8–13; Trevor Bernard, “The British Atlantic,” in Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal, eds. Jack P. Greene and Philip D. Morgan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 111–136; David Abulafia, The Discovery of Mankind: Atlantic Encounters in the Age of Columbus (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), p. 220; Felipe Fernández-Armesto, Pathfinders: A Global History of Exploration (Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 218–220; J. H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America 1492–1830 (London: Yale University Press, 2006), p. 6; Anthony McFarlane, The British in the Americas 1480–1815 (New York: Longman Publishing, 1994), p. 16. Much of this historiography simply repeats the findings of older works. For example, Samuel Eliot Morison has stated that “the accession of Henry VIII in 1509 marks a notable falling off of interest by the English government and people in the New World.” Samuel Eliot Morison, The European Discovery of America: Northern Voyages A.D. 500–1600 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 233. James Walvin makes this argument throughout his book on Britain’s transatlantic slave trade, James Walvin, Making the Black Atlantic: Britain and the African Diaspora (Cassell, 2000). A similar argument is also made by Patrick McGrath, “Bristol and America, 1480–1631The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America 1480–1650, eds. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny and P.E.H. Hair (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), p. 90; John Friske, The Discovery of America: with Some Account of Ancient America and the Spanish Conquest, vol. II (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company,1892), p. 17.
4 Mary C. Fuller, Remembering the Early Modern Voyage: English Narratives in the Age of European Expansion (New York: Palgrave, 2008), pp. 121–25; Jonathan Hart, Representing the New World: The English and French Uses of the Example of Spain (New York: Palgrave, 2001), p. 34; Michael Foss, Undreamed Shores: England’s Wasted Empire in America (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1974), p. 33. McFarlane echoes this sentiment when he states that during the reign of Henry VIII the monarchy could not give attention to project of overseas expansion because it was “deeply entangled in the political machinations needed to sustain its foreign policy in Europe.” McFarlane, p. 16.
5 Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, 56.
6 Hart, Representing the New World, 34; Fuller, Remembering the Early Modern Voyage, 121–25; Fernández-Armesto, Pathfinders, pp. 218–220; Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World, 6; Abulafia, The Discovery of Mankind, 220; Trevor Bernard, The British Atlantic, 111–136; Mancall, Envisioning America, 8–13.
7 Richard Hakluyt states that the voyage of 1536 was “assisted by the King’s favour and good countenance,” however, there is no solid evidence that Henry assisted the voyage in any way other than paying for the damages done to a group of French sailors who had their ship stolen from them by the English adventurers. Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Made by Sea or Over-land to the Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compass of these 1600 yeeres, in 12 volumes, (Glasgow: James Maclehose and Sons,1904 [1600]), vol. VIII, p. 3.
8 See Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, 56; Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 160.
9 For a discussion of the criticism of Atlantic history for being imperialistic in nature see Bernard Bailyn, Atlantic History: Concept and Contours (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), pp. 1–50. There are several examples of Atlantic historians who are pushing back against these imperialistic boundaries to Atlantic studies. One such example is Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, who argues against this trend of creating a clear separation of the Atlantic world into imperialistic spheres, arguing for an entangled or common Atlantic history. Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, Puritan Conquistadors: Iberianizing the Atlantic, 1550–1700 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006). For further discussion of this current movement within the field of Atlantic history, and some of the push back against the field, see the introductory essay in Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal, eds. Jack P. Greene and Philip D. Morgan, pp. 3–33. See also Nicholas Canny, “The Origins of Empire: An Introduction,” in The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century, eds. Nicholas Canny and Alaine Low (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 3–5; Jack P. Greene, “Comparing Early Modern American Worlds: Some Reflections on the Promise of a Hemispheric Perspective,” History Compass 1, no. 1 (2003), NA 026, 001–010, at www.historycompass.com.
10 An excellent example of this is Heather Dalton, Merchants and Explorers. See also Eliga H. Gould, “Entangled Histories, Entangled Worlds: The English-Speaking Atlantic as a Spanish Periphery,” The American Historical Review 112, no. 3 (Jun., 2007), pp. 764–786; Jorge Cañizares-Esquerra, ed. Entangled Empires: The Anglo-Iberian Atlantic, 1500–1830, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018).
11 John Rastell, A New Interlude and a Merry of the Nature of the IIII Elements (London: 1530), Lii. The only surviving copy of this work can be found at the British Library. This copy is tentatively dated at 1530.
12 Document no. 68, “Letters of Recommendation from Henry VIII to Foreign princes on behalf of the Expedition of 1517,” James A. Williamson, ed., in The Voyages of the Cabots and the English Discovery of North America Under Henry VII and Henry VIII, (London: The Argonaut Press, 1929), p. 85. Most of the details of this voyage are known from the court cases which followed. TNA REQ 2/3/192, f. 1–4; C 1/562/13. For a brief summary of the voyage see Quinn, England and the Discovery, pp. 163–69.
13 A. W. Reed, Early Tudory Drama: Medwall, the Rastells, Heywood, and the More Circle (New
York: Octagon Books, 1969), p. 7; E.M.G. Routh, Sir Thomas More and his Friends 1477–1535, with a preface by Elizabeth Wordsworth (London: Oxford University Press, 1934), p. 43; David S. Shields, “John Rastell’s the IIII Elements,” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 107 (September 2013), pp. 297–309, esp. 301.
14 BL Cotton Caligula D/VII f. 224; LMA COL/CA/01/01/005.
15 Rastell, The Four Elemnts, Lii. Helen Wallis “Some New Light on Early Maps of North America, 1490–1560,”Cornelis Koeman, ed., Land-und Seekarten im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit (Münich: Kraus International Publications 1980) pp. 91–212, esp. 99. David Shields makes a similar argument stating that “the date range, the circumstances of Rastell’s employment in 1519, and the message of the piece strongly suggest that the IIII Elements was a royal entertainment and the episode concerning American exploration an encouragement to Henry VIII.” David S. Shields, “John Rastell’s The IIII Elements,” 297–309, esp. 300. Maura Giles-Watson also states that it is likely that IIII Elements was “performed at court or the inns of court, or both.,” Maura Giles-Watson, “John Rastell’s London Stage: Reconstructing Repertory and Collaborative Practice” Early Theater 16.2 (2013), pp. 171–184, esp. 172; M.E. Borish, “Source and Intention of The Four Elements” Studies in Philology 35 (April, 1938), pp. 149–163, esp. 151.
16 It is debatable whether Rastell is referencing the mariners who had turned against him or those who had forced Sebastian Cabot to end his voyage early in 1509, or perhaps both.
17 Rastell, The Four Elements, lii.
18 Rastell, The Four Elements, Li.
19 France did not send out an expedition until 1524, however, this was the voyage of Giovanni da Verrazano which proved exceptionally important to the formation of western European concepts of North America.
20 This has led some to give credit for the voyage to Sebastian Cabot, labeling it “Cabot’s project.” Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, 56. David Quinn argued that it was Cabot who planned the expedition and attempted to convince Henry and the London merchants to finance an expedition to find the Northwest Passage. David B. Quinn, North America From Earliest Discovery to First Settlements: The Norse Voyages to 1612 (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1975), p. 153; Quinn, England and the Discovery, pp. 145–6. Heather Dalton has also insinuated that this was Cabot’s project, stating that Cabot traveled to London to raise support from Henry for his expedition to find the Northwest Passage. Dalton, Merchants and Explorers, p. 38.
21 Quinn, NAW, p. 179.
22 Quinn, NAW, Doc. 134, p. 171. This payment is found in The Treasurer of the King’s Chamber, Sir Thomas Lovell’s personal liabilities dated 18 February 1521.
23 Drapers’ Hall, Court of Assistants Minutes and Records (1515–1529), MB 1 A, f. 167.
24 Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 123. Taylor, Tudor Geography, 9. David B. Quinn also appears to give credit to Wolsey for the project, stating that “Cardinal Wolsey attempted to obtain support for Sebastian Cabot’s proposed expedition.” Quinn fails to mention the King or his council in his discussion of this voyage. Quinn, NAW, p. 172.
25 Drapers’ Hall, Minutes and Records (1515–1529), f. 167. This is the same William Dolphyn who sued Richard Hore for damages after the disastrous voyage to North America in 1536. TNA SP 1/124 f. 172; NAW, Doc. 149, p. 209.
26 Drapers’ Hall, Minutes and Records (1515–1529), f. 167.
27 Ibid., f. 167.
28 Ibid., f. 168.
29 Ibid., f. 168.
30 Ibid., f. 168.
31 Ibid., f. 168.
32 Ibid., f. 168.
33 Ibid., f. 168.
34 Laetitia Lyell, ed. Acts of Court of the Mercers’ Company 1453–1527, (London: Cambridge University Press, 1936), p. 524.
35 Lyell, ed., Acts of Court of the Mercers’ Company 1453–1527, pp. 526–7.
36 Ibid., pp. 528–89.
37 Drapers’ Hall, Minutes and Records (1515–1529), f. 169.
38 Ibid.
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid.
41 For more on the connections with the Bridges family and Monoux see Dalton, Merchants & Explorers, pp. 28, 38. See also, Gustav Unger, The Mediterranean Apprenticeship of British Slavery (Madrid: Editorial Verbum, 2008), pp. 15–16, 22, 61–67.
42 For more on John Bridges’ trade networks see Dalton’s book, Merchants & Explorers, as well as Heather Dalton, “Negotiating Fortune: English Merchants in Early Sixteenth Century Seville,”in Bridging Early Modern Atlantic Worlds; People, Product’s and Practices on the Move, ed. Caroline Williams (Aldershot, 2009), pp. 57–73.
43 Drapers’ Hall, Minutes and Records (1515–1529), f. 169.
44 Ibid.
45 Ibid.
46 Drapers’ Hall, Minutes and Records (1515–1529), f. 169. At this time the mark was worth roughly 13s 4d. Henry Percival Biggar, The Precursors of Jacques Cartier, 1497–1534: A Collection of Documents Relating to the Early History of the Dominion of Canada (Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1911), see footnote 1, p. 138. David Quinn and James A. Williamson both put the total value of 200 marks at £133 6s. 8d., Quinn, England and the Discovery, p. 146; Williamson, The Voyages of the Cabots and the English Discovery of North America, p. 252.
47 Lyell, ed., Acts of Court of the Mercers’ Company 1453–1527, p. 529.
48 Ibid.
49 Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, p. 124.
50 Biggar, The Precursors of Jacques Cartier, pp. 134–142; Taylor, Tudor Geography, 9–10; Quinn, England and the Discovery, p. 171; Quinn, North America from Earliest Discovery, p. 153.
51 Dalton, Merchants and Explorers, p. 38.
52 Douglas R. Bisson, The Merchant Adventurers of England: The Company and the Crown, 1474–1564 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1993), pp. ix, 5, 23–25; Alwyn Ruddock reveals that the sudden growth of London during the reign of Henry VIII and the sudden switch of shipping from Southampton water to London help can be explained in part by the success of Trinity House. Alwyn Ruddock, “The Trinity House at Deptford in the Sixteenth Century,” The English Historical Review65 (October, 1950), pp. 468–472. Ruddock discusses this switch in commerce to London in her book, Alwyn Ruddock, Italian Merchants and Shipping in Southampton, 1270–1600 (Southampton: University College, 1951), for example see pp. 264–5; Dalton, Merchants and Explorers, pp. 21–22.
53 Drapers’ Hall, Minutes and Records (1515–1529), f. 175–6.
54 Lyell, ed., Acts of Court of the Mercers’ Company 1453–1527, pp. 526–9.
55 See footnote 40.
56 For a discussion of the effect this had on naval policy see David Loades, The Tudor Navy: An Administrative, Political and Military History (Brookfield, Vermont: Scolar Press, 1992), pp. 103–9.
57 Drapers’ Hall, Minutes and Records (1515–1529), f. 169.
58 After Verrazano’s visit to Henry’s Court, Henry reached out to Paulo Centurione, a noted Genoese navigator and cosmographer, offering to sponsor a northern expedition. Unfortunately, this was put on hold due to Centurione’s untimely death. In 1527 Henry sponsored an expedition led by John Rut which explored the eastern seaboard of North America.
59 These rumors appear to coincide with Roger Barlow’s presentation of his book, A Brief Summe of Geographie to Henry.
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Notes on contributors
Lydia Towns
Lydia Towns received her PhD from the Transatlantic History Program at the University of Texas at Arlington. Her research focuses on English activities in the Atlantic world during the early sixteenth century. She is the current Executive Secretary for the Society for the History of Discoveries. [email protected]