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Nationalities Papers
The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity
Volume 35, 2007 - Issue 1
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Original Articles

Boys Must be Boys: Gender and the Serbian Radical Party, 1991–2000Footnote*

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Pages 93-120 | Published online: 13 Apr 2007
 

Notes

00. *Research for this project was made possible thanks to grants from the International Research and Exchange Boards and due to generous support provided by the Research Services Council for the University of Nebraska Kearney and by the University of Oklahoma. We would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers of Nationalities Papers for their valuable comments and suggestions.

01. The SRS was created in February 1991 as a merger between the Chetnik movement headed by Vojislav Šešelj and one portion of the People's Radical Party (NRS) then headed by Tomislav Nikolić. To avoid legal complications, the merged organization adopted a new name, the Serbian Radical Party, now headed by Šešelj with Nikolić as Deputy to the President. The SRS nonetheless clearly considered itself the legal and legitimate heir of the old nineteenth- and twentieth-century Radical Party, also known as the NRS, and frequently called on its legacy and traditions. In fact, however, there were some important differences between the two parties. For example, the earlier Radical Party had not always been comfortable with the use of the military, and especially guerilla bands, as a tool of foreign policy.

02. See Irvine, “Nationalism and the Extreme Right in the Former Yugoslavia”; Ramet, The Radical Right in Eastern Europe since 1989.

03. Nevertheless, relatively few case studies of women and the extreme right exist. For several excellent case studies on women and the right, see Bachetta and Power, Right-Wing Women, from Conservatives to Extremists around the World.

04. Connell, “The Big Picture”; idem, “The State, Gender and Sexual Politics,” 507–44; Braudy, From Chivalry to Terrorism; Segal, Slow Motion: Changing Masculinities, Changing Men.

05. Connell, “The Big Picture,” 597–623.

06. Braudy, From Chivalry to Terrorism, 549.

07. Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland.

08. Peggy Watson, quoted in Molyneux, “Gendered Transitions in Eastern Europe,” 637–46.

09. See Bachetta and Power, Right-Wing Women, 1–18.

10. Narayan, “Contesting Cultures.”

11. Rose, “Christian Fundamentalism,” 9–21.

12. Gerami, “Mullahs, Martyrs, and Men,” 257–74.

13. Cheles et al., The Far Right in Western and Eastern Europe; Eatwell, Fascism.

14. McClintock, “Family Feuds,” 61–80.

15. Mogdahan, “Gender and Revolutionary Transformation Iran 1979 and East Central Europe 1989,” 328–58.

16. See, for example, Sharon Wolchik's pioneering work on this issue with her edited volume, Family, State, and Party in Eastern Europe.

17. Vodenicharov, “Fighting Masculinity in a Communist State?,” 208.

18. Verdery, “From Parent-State to Family Patriarchs,” 225–55.

19. For an overview of the Yugoslav regime's gender policies, particularly as they related to women, see Duric-Kuzmanović, “Gender Inequalities in a Nationalist, Nontransitional Context in Serbia, Emphasizing Vojvodina during the 1990s,” 29–56.

20. Peto and Szapor, “Women and the Alternative Public Sphere,” 172–81.

21. Bracewell, “Women, Motherhood and Contemporary Serbian Nationalism,” 25–33; idem, “Rape in Kosovo,” 563–90.

22. Bracewell, “Women, Motherhood and Contemporary Serbian Nationalism,” 25–33.

23. Ibid.

24. Hopken, “History Education and Yugoslav (Dis-)Integration,” 79–106.

25. Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality.

26. Vodenicharov, “Fighting Masculinity in a Communist State?,” 195.

27. Cited in Lilly, Power and Persuasion, 86.

28. Aleshina Volovich, “The Problem of Acquiring Male and Female Roles,” Voprasy psihologii 4, Moscow 1991, quoted in Vodenicharov, “Fighting Masculinity in a Communist State?,” 204.

29. Vreme News Digest Agency, no. 202, 14 August 1995, Stojan Cerović's Diary, Farewell Croatia, online edition.

30. Bracewell, “Rape in Kosovo,” 565.

31. Cohen, Serpent in the Bosom, 275.

32. Irvine, “Nationalism and the Extreme Right in the Former Yugoslavia,” 158.

33. Cohen, Serpent in the Bosom, 269.

34. In the most recent parliamentary elections, held January 22, 2007, the SRS won a plurality, with 28.7% of the vote, followed by Borisav Tadić’s pro-Western “Democratic Party” with 22.9%, while Vojislav Koštunica's center-right “Popular Coalition” won 16.7%. Nonetheless, since no party will form a coalition with the SRS, it cannot govern, resulting once again in a likely ruling coalition between Tadić and Koštunica.

35. N. Stefanović, Vreme, 28 December 1992, 24–26.

36. Velika Srbija began publication shortly after the party's creation in 1991 as its central publication and was directed primarily at SRS members. However, it was also widely available on newsstands throughout Serbia during the 1990s and was intended also as a recruitment tool among the wider population.

37. Aleksandra Jovanović, “Bez dlake na jeziku,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, Special Edition, 20.

38. Maja Gojković speech at “Četvrti otadžbinski kongres,” Velika Srbija VII/139, 15–30 June 1996, 12.

39. Stanoje Djordjević and Dejan Andjus, “Osnivačka Skupština Srpske Radikalne Stranke: Kragujevac, 23 February 1991 g.,” Velika Srbija II/9, May 1991, 2–3.

40. Momir Marković, “Danak u krvi,” Velika Srbija V/20, October 1994, 43–44.

41. Maja Gojković, “Srbija od A-Š u 1995 godini,” Velika Srbija VII/65, 5 January 1996, 21.

42. Women activists might have been exempted from this rule, but, in fact, most of them also shored up their Radical credentials by at least visiting or bringing supplies to the front. Gojković, for example, spent time at the Slavonian front in 1991 and visited the front lines in Bosnia. Teodora Pavlović, “Radikalska ‘Gvozdena ledi,’” Velika Srbija V/16, May 1994, 9, 12; Aleksandra Jovanović, “Bez dlake na jeziku,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, Special Edition, 21.

43. N. Stefanović, Duga, 27 February–12 March 1993, 15–16.

44. “Treći Otadžbinski Kongres Srpske Radikalne Stranke,” Velika Srbija V/13, March 1994, 20–26.

45. “Mučko ubistvo četničkog vojvode,” Velika Srbija V/20, October 1994, 42.

46. Vojvoda Zoran Dražilović, “Govor na grobu Olivera Denisa Bareta,” Velika Srbija V/20, October 1994, 42–43.

47. Momir Marković, “Danak u krvi,” Velika Srbija V/20, October 1994, 43–44.

48. S. Gajević, “Ustaše razoružala žena,” Velika Srbija V/14, March 1994, 37. The statement was meant literally.

49. Draženka Djurišić, ed., “Ja sam četnik, tim se dičim. Ispovest srpskog radikale Milinka Gazdića,” Velika Srbija VII/76, 20 March–5 April 1996, 42, 46.

50. Interestingly, early twentieth-century conservative women's journals heavily emphasized women's self-sacrificing nature, not only for the nation but for their families and communities; yet we found no reference in Velika Srbija to the virtue of self-sacrifice as necessary for the ideal woman.

51. N. Stefanović, “Šešeljevi mali mravi,” Duga, 10–23 April 1993, 15–16.

52. Voja Šešelj, “Šešeljev odgovor Draškoviću,” Velika Srbija VII/70, 20 February–5 March 1996, 10. See also Nagradić, Neka Istorija Suda, 95–96.

53. “Programska deklaracija Srpske Radikalne Stranke,” Velika Srbija II/9, May 1991, 6; “Izborni program Srpske radikalne stranke za grad Beograd,” Velika Srbija VII/70, 20 February–5 March 1996, 56.

54. Rajko Djurdjević, “Ratnik put namladjeg Vojvode,” Velika Srbija VII/83, 5–20 April 1996, 40.

55. “Zakletva u crkvi,” Velika Srbija VII/299, December 1996, 23.

56. Mr Miroslav Radovanović, “Sveti Sava najveći svetitelj Srpski,” Velika Srbija VII/66, 20 January–5 February 1996, 32.

57. Of course, not all forms of religious belief were considered positive. An article from 1996 devoted several pages to warning against the harmful influence of non-Orthodox religious sects (including Jehovah's Witnesses, Hari Krishna, Nazarenes, and Rosenkreuzers) in Serbia. Siniša Aksentijević, “Sekte osvajaju Srbiju—Odvojeno marširaju a zajedno (nas) tuku,” Velika Srbija VII/67, 5–20 February 1996, 37–42.

58. Nagradić, Neka Istorija Suda, 40.

59. Ibid., 96.

60. Bojić, Ko ste vi, Vojislave Šešelju, 188.

61. Nagradić, Neka Istorija Suda, 68–69.

62. “Voja-Vukov seksualni kompleks: Ljubavni život Vojislava Šešelja,” Velika Srbija II/11, September 1991, 6–8.

63. Vojislav Šešelj, “Sve za srpstvo,” Velika Srbija VI/21, January 1995, 48; Saša Mirić, “Radikalizam Srpske Atine,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, 16.

64. Vojislav Šešelj, Guja u Nedrima, interviews with Mirjana Bobić-Mojsilović, (Belgrade: ABC “Glas”, 1994), 117; “Ponosna i nepokorna Otadžbino Srbijo,” Velika Srbija VI/37, 1 June 1995, 37.

65. Cohen, Serpent in the Bosom, 276.

66. Saša Mirić, “Radikalizam Srpske Atine,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, 16.

67. Nagradić, 92.

68. Bojić, Ko ste vi, Vojislave Šešelju, 15.

69. Nagradić, Neka Istorija Suda, 92.

70. Bojić, Ko ste vi, Vojislave Šešelju, 16.

71. “Treći Otadžbinski Kongres Srpske Radikalne Stranke,” Velika Srbija V/13, March 1994.

72. “Nebo bez sankcija,” Velika Srbija VI/21, January 1995, 45; Teodora Pavlović, “Radikalska ‘Gvozdena ledi,’” Velika Srbija V/16, May 1994, 9.

73. “Voja-Vukov seksualni kompleks: Ljubavni život Vojislava Šešelja,” Velika Srbija II/11, September 1991, 7; “Zvećarke,” Velika Srbija V/13, March 1994, 50.

74. “Pomozimo braći—Veliki miting ispred Savezna Skupštine,” Velika Srbija VI/54, October 1995, 6–7, 13; Maja Gojković, “Mira, Laži, i Video trake,” Velika Srbija VII/76, 20 March–5 April 1996, 21; Marija Blagojević, “Dama matira drugaricu,” Velika Srbija VII/83, 5–20 April 1996, 23; Maja Gojković, “Žena na rubu nervnog sloma,” Velika Srbija VII/89, 20 April–5 May 1996, 24.

75. Maja Gojković, “Žena na rubu nervoznog sloma,” Velika Srbija VII/89, 20 April–5 May 1996, 24; Saša Mirić, “Srpski Radikali su nada, snaga, i čast Srpskog naroda,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, Special Edition, 2.

76. Nikolić, “Serbian Sexual Response,” 135.

77. Teodora Pavlović, “Radikalska ‘Gvozdena ledi,’” Velika Srbija V/16, May 1994, 9; “Srpski Radikali su nada, snaga, i čast Srpskog naroda,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, Special Edition, 2.

78. Teodora Pavlović, “Radikalska ‘Gvozdena ledi,’” Velika Srbija V/16, May 1994, 9.

79. Marija Blagojević, “Dama matira drugaricu,” Velika Srbija VII/83, 5–20 April 1996, 22; Aleksandra Jovanović, “Bez dlake na jeziku,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, Special Edition, 20. For similar examples concerning other Radical women, see Siniša Aksentijević, “Političar ‘novog talasa,’” Velika Srbija V/13, March 1994, 38–41; “Dr. Mile Kovačević—kandidate Srpski Radikala,” Velika Srbija V1/23, February 1995, 3.

80. “Inicijativa za glasanje o nepoverenju: Stenogramske beleške prve sednice drugog redovnog zasendanje veća gradjana,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, Special Edition, 26–36.

81. For a fascinating discussion of how such terms may often be used in a political context, see Motion, “Politics as Destiny, Duty, and Devotion,” 64.

82. D'Amico and Beckman, Women in World Politics.

83. Although Gojković does come from an old Radical family, her political activism could not be described as falling within Judy Motion's framework for the “Dutiful Daughter” who sacrifices her own interests to “continue the family tradition of … service.” Rather, within Motion's archetypal ideals, Gojković would clearly have identified herself as a “Joan of Arc” “motivated by an ideological vision.” Motion, “Politics as Destiny, Duty, and Devotion,” 68, 64.

84. One interviewer did ask Gojković after her marriage how she balanced her political and family obligations. She responded that she had warned her husband before marrying him how important her work was to her and that he was very tolerant. Therefore she HAD very few family obligations, she didn't do any housework, and was not a housewife in any sense of the word. When the same interviewer later pressed her and asked her, since she was a proper Serb woman, what they cook best, she laughed and reminded him that she had neglected family life for party activity and really didn't know how to cook at all. Nagradić, Neka Istorija Suda, 354.

85. Aleksandra Jovanović, “Bez dlake na jeziku,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, Special Edition, 21.

86. Saša Mirić, “Srpski Radikali su nada, snaga, i čast Srpskog naroda,” Velika Srbija VII/161, October 1996, Special Edition, 2; Maja Gojković, “Žena na rubu nervnog sloma,” Velika Srbija VII/89, 20 April–5 May 1996, 24.

87. Nagradić, Neka Istorija Suda, 341; Maja Gojković, “Olovka piše srcem—Staljin i Mugabe,” Velika Srbija VII/83, 5–20 April 1996, 17.

88. See the electoral speeches of the SRS in Republika Srpska, Belgrade, and Zemun, Velika Srbija VII/70, 20 February–5 March 1996, 46–60; “Programski manifest SRS za opštinske i gradske izbore,” Velika Srbija VII/66, 20 January–5 February 1996, 57–61.

89. “Programska Deklaracija Srpske Radikalne Stranke,” Velika Srbija II/9, May 1991, 6–7.

90. Teodora Pavlović, “Radikalska ‘Gvozdena ledi,’” Velika Srbija V/16, May 1994, 14.

91. In the most famous case, Zhirinovsky repeatedly urged female journalist Jennifer Gould to engage in group sex with his bodyguards, and, when she declined, suggested that “selfish” women like her were the real cause of the war in Chechnya.

92. Nikolić, “Serbian Sexual Response,” 125–48.

93. Ibid.

94. Basu, “Hindu Women's Activism in India and the Questions it Raises.”

95. It may be worth remembering that defeated soldiers returning to Austria at the end of World War I faced similar circumstances. Still heavily armed but demoralized and unemployed, their homecoming resulted in a marked increase in crime rates and domestic violence. See Healy, “Civilizing the Soldier in Postwar Austria,” 48.

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