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Notes
*The author would like to thank Andre Liebich and Niculin Jaeger for their remarks, as well as the Swiss Development and Cooperation for a research grant which made this article possible.
1. On this argument see Nodia, “How Different are Postcommunist Transitions?,” 15–29.
2. In Eastern Europe, this transition has been due largely to the pulling force of the EU, rather than a pushing force of indigenous forces.
3. Diamond, “Elections without Democracy,” 21–35.
4. Carothers, “The End of the Transition Paradigm,” 17.
5. Beissinger, “Promoting Democracy.”
6. The number of people who were mobilized in this demonstration is a subject of dispute: opposition figures talk about 100,000 people, official figures only 35,000, while a Reuters correspondent has estimated the demonstration size at 70,000. By any account, this was a landmark in Georgian politics. See Bahrampour, “Thousands Rally against Pro-Western President of Georgia.”
7. Myers, “Ukraine's Deal Blow to Reformist Leadership.”
8. Baumann, “A Revolution in the Theory of Revolutions?,” 18.
9. Civil Georgia, “Expropriation and Return of Improperly Acquired Property to the State.”
10. The influence of Russian political currents on Georgian political thought, including nationalist and social-democrat thought, is vividly narrated in a recent book. See Jones, Socialism in Georgian Colors.
11. Talbi, “Chevardnadze cherche des appuis en province.”
12. I am grateful to Sabine Freizer for pointing this out to me.
13. The motivation for reform of the security sector, and the huge rise in defence spending, could also be explained by the wish of the Georgian authorities to recapture the secessionist regions, and impose territorial integrity.
14. Following the wave of non-violent revolutions from Serbia to Kyrgyzstan, there were a number of voices who questioned whether those events should qualify as “revolutions” or simply as coups d'état, or as revolts inspired by outside forces. See Steele, “Ukraine's Postmodern coup d'état”; Genté and Rouy, “Dans l'ombre des ‘révolutions spontanées.’”
15. Chris Schuepp, “The Flag of Change.”
16. Text of Mikheil Saakashvili's speech, broadcast by Georgian State Television Channel 1, Tbilisi, in Georgian, 25 January 2004; Moscow, 12 January 2004; English text by: BBC Monitoring, via Lexis-Nexis.
17. Author interview with Ivlian Khaindrava.
18. Nodia, “Georgia,” 43.
19. Ibid., 78.
20. Peuch, “Georgia: Leader Walks Thin Line.”
21. Rustow, “Transitions to Democracy,” 351.
22. Borers, “After the ‘revolution,’” 333.
23. Bunce, “Global Patterns and Postcommunist Dynamics,” 610.
24. A few examples to illustrate: Zurab Chaberashvili was the director of the Fair Elections Foundation which monitored the controversial elections of 2003, and after the victory of the Rose Revolution he became the Mayor of Tbilisi and later Georgian envoy to the Council of Europe in Strasbourg. Giga Bokeria was a journalist and co-founder of the Liberty Institute, and a founder of Kmara; since 2004 he has been an MP and since 2005 he has been Vice-President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. Anna Zhvania was a university researcher who worked in various international NGOs (she was a program officer at the Eurasia Foundation); after 2003 she became presidential advisor on social integration, and after September 2006 she became head of the Georgian intelligence services. A last example: Giorgi Ugulava, a former journalist (Iberia TV, Internews), and consultant to international NGOs, assumed high-level posts after the Rose Revolution, such as Deputy Security Minister in 2004, head of the Presidential Administration in 2005, and Mayor of Tbilisi in 2006.
25. Mitchell, “Democracy in Georgia since the Rose Revolution.”
26. Anable, The Role of Georgia's Media—and Western Aid—in the Rose Revolution, 22–23.
27. Berekashvili, “Georgia.”
28. Author interview with Levan Ramishvili, Tbilisi, 13 December 2006.
29. Author interview with Giorgi Kandelaki, Tbilisi, 13 December 2006.
30. Author interview with Levan Ramishvili.
31. Author interview with Marina Muskhelishvili, Tbilisi, 15 December 2006.
32. Scott, “Georgia's Anti-corruption Revolution.”
33. Boda and Kakachia, “The Current Status of Police Reform in Georgia.”
34. In October 1998, Akaki Eliava, a Georgian army colonel, led a mutiny of several hundred soldiers from the Senaki base, and started their march eastward equipped with 17 tanks. After reaching the outskirts of Kutaisi, negotiations started with the Tbilisi authorities, leading to a peaceful conclusion.
35. Global Security, “Georgia Train and Equip Program.”
36. Civil Georgia, “2007 Defense Spending to Reach Almost GEL 1 Billion.”
37. Cheterian, “Georgia's Arms Race”; Kramer, “Georgia Becomes an Unlikely U.S. Ally in Iraq.”
39. Author interview with Gigi Tevzadze, Tbilisi, 15 May 2007.
40. Author interview with Irakli Iashvili, Tbilisi, 16 May 2007.
41. Rimple, “Property Rights Controversy.”
42. Bzhalava and Verdzeuli, “Mystery Surrounds Georgian Railway Privatization”; Patsuria, “Privatizing Georgia's Railway.”
43. The popular protests of November 2007 underline the fact that the Georgian population, unlike the Rose leadership, demands more democracy and especially political participation.
44. Civil Georgia, “Court Remanded Ex-Audit Chief.”
45. US State Department, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, Georgia 2004.
46. Amnesty International, “Georgia.”
47. Paitchadze, IWPR, CRS no. 260, 4 November 2004.
48. Peuch, “Georgia: ‘Culture of Impunity.’”
49. Ibid.
50. Rustavi-2, “70 State-Owned Hospitals Privatized.”
51. Alkhazashvili, “Poverty Up in Georgia.”
52. Author interview with Marina Muskhelishvili, Tbilisi, 15 December 2006.
53. Russian continues to be the second language of those segments of society aged over 40, as well as ethnic minorities (Russians, Armenians, Azeris) and a large part of the rural population.
54. Joshua Kucera, Eurasia Insight, 25 May 2007.
55. Author interview with Marina Muskhelishvili, Tbilisi, 14 May 2007.
56. Cheterian, “Relève de génération dans le sud du Caucase”; idem, “Révolutions en trompe-l'œil à l'Est.”
57. In the words of Ivlian Khaindrava. Author interview, Tbilisi, 15 December 2006.
58. Nodia and Scholtbach, The Political Landscape of Georgia, 7.
59. Including 17,000 party members. See Jallot, Chevradnadzé, 44.
