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Acknowledgements
An earlier version of this article was presented at the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies Annual Convention held in November 2006, and I thank Catherine Baker, Eric Gordy, Emil Kerenji, Aleksandra Milićević and Martin Pogačar for their comments on it.
Notes
Unless made otherwise explicit, the term “Yugoslavia” is used in this article to refer only to the socialist Yugoslavia that existed from 1945 to 1991, and not to its inter-war predecessor or post-1991 rump namesake.
This is evident in the continued existence of a common market for popular music in the former Yugoslavia, where audiences across it consume the popular music produced in its various parts, and composers, musicians, singers, songwriters and record companies from them co-operate in its production. One can also see it in voting patterns at the Eurovision Song Contest, where in recent years audiences have in their telephone voting awarded entries from other parts of the former Yugoslavia the highest number of points, much to the irritation of some Western commentators, such as the British Broadcasting Corporation's Terry Wogan (MacInnes, “Wogan Fears ‘Britain’ Will Never Win Eurovision Again”). For example, at the 2004 Eurovision, Serbia and Montenegro received 12 points (the highest score that can be given) from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia for Željko Joksimović and the Ad Hoc Orchestra's song “Lane moje” [My Darling]; this prompted Serbia's foreign minister at the time, Goran Svilanović, to suggest that Croatia's 12 points for Serbia would “help improve relations between the countries in the region” (Petruseva, “Old Friends Serenade Serbia in Istanbul”). At the 2007 Eurovision, Serbia's entry “Molitva” [A Prayer], sung by Marija Šerifović, was awarded 12 points by audiences from all of the other parts of the former Yugoslavia, and it went on to win the contest. Eurovision was consequently staged in Belgrade the following year, giving Serbia a rare opportunity to host and promote itself through a major international event, especially after the years of international isolation and political turmoil that it has faced since 1991.
Rusinow, The Yugoslav Experiment 1948–1974, 14. Yugoslavia lost 11% of its population in the Second World War, with only Poland having a proportionate loss that was higher. Ibid., 19.
Dimić, Agitprop kultura, 28–30, 63, 86.
Marković, “Radio u Jugoslaviji,” 1024.
Similarities exist between Yugoslavia and West Germany in this regard: in the latter, as Uta G. Poiger has shown, intellectuals and politicians became more accepting of American popular music in the second half of the 1950s in order to distinguish West Germany's cultural and social life from that of East Germany, where the authorities were less tolerant of it. Poiger, Jazz, Rock, and Rebels, 6–7.
For a study of the development of popular music in other parts of Eastern Europe in the late 1940s and 1950s, see Ryback, Rock around the Bloc, 7–34. However, Ryback does not include Yugoslavia in his work, thereby underlining its different cultural and political trajectory in comparison to the other Eastern European states. For a collection of studies on rock music in Eastern Europe, including Yugoslavia, see Ramet, Rocking the State.
Zimmermann, Open Borders, Nonalignment, and the Political Evolution of Yugoslavia, 128.
For images of how Tito entertained such personalities, see Drulović, Titova kuharica.
Vucinich, “Nationalism and Communism,” 273–75.
Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation, 173–74. Wachtel draws on Benedict Anderson's concept of “imagined communities” to examine how, from the nineteenth century, South Slavic cultural leaders used literature to forge a Yugoslav culture. Wachtel lists the models that have been followed since then in the pursuit of this—from the unitarist (based largely on Serbian culture) to the synthetic (which took elements from the various national cultures) and the supranational. Ibid., 2, 5–9.
Larkey, Pungent Sounds, 9.
Fehrenbach and Poiger, “Introduction,” xiii–xiv; Hixson, Parting the Curtain, ix. For an overview of the literature on Americanization, see de Grazia, Irresistible Empire, 552–56.
Fehrenbach and Poiger, “Introduction,” xiv–xv.
Rasmussen, Newly Composed Folk Music of Yugoslavia, 40–42.
Ibid., 41, 48; Ramet, Balkan Babel, 128.
Dimić, Agitprop kultura, 37.
Ibid., 20; Luković, Bolja prošlost, 9.
Cited in Luković, Bolja prošlost, 12. As a further example, in the first three months of 1948 the Prosveta publishing house in Belgrade released the songs “Pesma graditelja autostrade Zagreb-Beograd” [The Song of the Builders of the Zagreb–Belgrade Highway], “Pesma prvom petogodišnjem planu” [A Song to the First Five-Year Plan] and “Bratskoj armiji” [To the Brotherly Army]. Archive of Yugoslavia (AY), Committee for Culture and Art of the Government of the Federal National Republic of Yugoslavia (314), 1–192, “Izveštaj sa kulturno-umetničkog sektora za januar, februar i mart 1948 godine,” 16 April 1948, 4.
Pettan, “Music, Politics, and War in Croatia in the 1990s,” 11.
Ibid.; Lopušina, Crna knjiga, 23–24, 26–27.
Lilly, Power and Persuasion, 46; Ramet, Balkan Babel, 128.
Kovačević, Muzičko stvaralaštvo u Hrvatskoj 1945–1965, 88–89; Tomc, Druga Slovenija, 51–53; “Džez (jazz) muzika,” Leksikon jugoslavenske muzike, vol. 1 (Zagreb: Jugoslavenski leksikografski zavod “Miroslav Krleža”), 216–17.
For studies on the relations between the USA and Yugoslavia in the late 1940s and 1950s see Jakovina, Američki komunistički saveznik; and Lees, Keeping Tito Afloat.
Cited in Ramet, Balkan Babel, 128.
Dimić, Agitprop kultura, 64–65; Lopušina, Crna knjiga, 246.
Cited in Luković, Bolja prošlost, 10, 29. In the late 1940s and 1950s, American officials realized the potential that American popular music had as a tool of cultural infiltration and political propaganda, and they began to include it more in their international radio services in order to increase their listenership. A survey conducted by the United States Information Agency in the late 1950s affirmed this approach: it found that the “Music USA” program, which was launched in 1955, was the Voice of America's most popular. Hixson, Parting the Curtain, 115–17.
Cited in Luković, Bolja prošlost, 12.
AY, Archive of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Ideological Commission (507), VIII, II/2-b-96, “Stenografske beleške sa sastanka Ideološke komisije,” 28 June 1957, 67–68.
Cited in Dedijer, Tito Speaks, 275; Dimić, Agitprop kultura, 188; Lilly, Power and Persuasion, 146–47.
Cited in Dedijer, Tito Speaks, 274–75.
Lilly, Power and Persuasion, 140–43.
Cited in Luković, Bolja prošlost, 46.
Dimić, Agitprop kultura, 184–88; Lilly, Power and Persuasion, 187.
Cited in Banac, With Stalin against Tito, 154–55, 232.
Dimić, Agitprop kultura, 244–56; Lilly, Power and Persuasion, 198–203, 229–233.
Ramet, Balkan Babel, 129.
Marković, Beograd između istoka i zapada 1948–1965, 471. Prior to the establishment of popular music associations such as this, those for composers, musicians and music teachers were formed at the federal level from 1950 as umbrella organizations for republican and provincial associations of the same, but they did not include popular music artists. “Savezi muzičkih organizacija Jugoslavije,” Leksikon jugoslavenske muzike, vol. 2 (Zagreb: Jugoslavenski leksikografski zavod “Miroslav Krleža”), 278.
Kovačević, Muzičko stvaralaštvo u Hrvatskoj 1945–1965, 89; Škarica, Pjeva Vam Ivo Robić, 57–60, 69.
Cited in Lilly, Power and Persuasion, 236.
Cited in ibid.; AY 507, VIII, II/2-b-132, “Stenografske beleške sa sastanka u Ideološkoj komisiji Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije,” 9 January 1960, 6.
Cited in Marković, Beograd između istoka i zapada 1948–1965, 471.
Cited in Rusinow, The Yugoslav Experiment 1948–1974, 81–82.
Cited in Marković, Beograd između istoka i zapada 1948–1965, 471.
Cited in ibid.
Marković, “Bioskopska mreža i prikazivanja filmova,” 749.
Archive of Slovenia, Central Committee of the League of Communists of Slovenia (1589), “Zapisnik V. plenarnega zasedanja Centralnega komiteja Komunistične partije Slovenije,” 16–17 February 1951, 75–76.
Marković, “Radio u Jugoslaviji,” 1027.
Duda, U potrazi za blagostanjem, 44–45; League of Communists of Yugoslavia, The Programme of the League of Yugoslav Communists, 117, 207–10.
Rusinow, The Yugoslav Experiment 1948–1974, 98–99, 101–02.
The figures for the other republics were 24 to 10 in Croatia, 35 to 14 in Serbia, 47 to 18 in Macedonia and 60 to 24 in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Marković, “Radio u Jugoslaviji,” 1021, 1024.
Lipovšćak, 25 godina, 10, 13, 79–80, 94.
League of Communists of Yugoslavia, 200, 233, 235.
AY, Socialist Federation of the Working People of Yugoslavia (142), 50–2, 3, “Zabeleška o razgovoru potpretsednika SIV E. Kardelja sa pretstavnicima Jugoslovenske radiodifuzije,” 26 November 1958, 2–3.
Rasmussen, Newly Composed Folk Music, 41.
As the bulletin for the 1976 Opatija Festival put it: “The role of the festival is not small. As the one and only pan-Yugoslav festival it is particularly significant for the development of all that comprises the popular music of the nations and nationalities [of Yugoslavia]. In this regard the festival has a sociopolitical significance …” Cited in Kovačić, “Čestitke prije i poslije.”
Youth Day was held annually on 25 May as a celebration of both Tito's birthday and the youth of Yugoslavia. At the main event staged to mark it, young people from all over Yugoslavia presented Tito with a baton that had travelled around the state as a symbol of their loyalty to him.
Simić, Susreti i sećanja, 87.
Bogetić, Nova strategija jugoslovenske spoljne politike, 314–35.
For Simić's reflections on such foreign tours with the Jazz Orchestra of Belgrade Radio and Television, see Simić, Veselo putovanje.
Marković, Beograd između istoka i zapada 1948–1965, 471–72, 476, 521.
Cited in Bojanić, Čola, 71; cited in Karan, Pesma Evrovizije, 38.
Ryback, Rock around the Bloc, 21–34.
Lopušina, Crna knjiga, 243–44. As Mark Thompson points out, this self-censorship was influenced by the “national mythology” of the Yugoslav communists, a component of which was “the claim that the country's achievements, and even its existence, rested upon constant vigilance against an array of powerful international enemies, on both sides of the Cold War divide.” An additional aspect of it was the notion that the system of self-management—according to which workers or employees managed farms, factories and businesses—had made Yugoslavia “the first and only democratic socialist system, which uniquely empowered every citizen to participate in working and political life.” Thompson, Forging War, 12. Slavenka Drakulić reflects on this in her book How We Survived Communism and Even Laughed, in which she notes that, in the 1980s,
-
it had become obvious that the system of ‘self-management’ Yugoslavia was so proud of was a ruse, invented to make you believe that you—not the government or the party—are to blame. It was the most perfect system among the one-party states, set up to internalize guilt, blame, failure or fear, to teach you how you yourself should censor your thoughts and deeds and, at the same time, to make you feel that you had more freedom than anyone in Eastern Europe. (6)
Marjanović, Đorđe, 17–19.
Kajlovic, Đorđe Marjanović, 38–43, 49, 50.
AY, Yugoslav Radio and Television (646), 70, “Zapisnik sa sastanka muzičke komisije JRT,” 28 December 1959, 5.
For Vukov's memoirs on his experiences during the Croatian Spring, see Vukov, Tvoja zemlja.
Tito, Josip Broz Tito o omladini, 130.