Redefining Hijab: American Muslim Women's Standpoints on Veiling

Abstract

Feminist standpoint theory suggests that, although powerful discourses attempt to define women on the “margins” of society, women's cultural positions provide them with heightened understandings of the contradictions between their experiences and the ways the dominant group defines them. Thus, while many Americans believe hijab—also called a “veil” or “headscarf”—functions to oppress women, veiled women probably possess alternative understandings. In this study, 13 veiled American Muslim women share their experiences, and under the lens of standpoint theory, the participants’ definition of hijab emerges. Specifically, the women inscribe hijab with meanings shaped by their unique cultural standpoints. Hijab functions to define Muslim identity, perform a behavior check, resist sexual objectification, afford more respect, preserve intimate relationships, and provide freedom.

Keywords:

• Muslims
• Women's Clothing
• Feminist Standpoint
• Oppositional Discourse
• Stereotypes of Cultural Groups
• Religious Dress
• Nonverbal Communication

An earlier version of this manuscript was presented at the National Communication Association Convention in Chicago, IL, November 2004.

An earlier version of this manuscript was presented at the National Communication Association Convention in Chicago, IL, November 2004.

Acknowledgements

This manuscript draws on a portion of the author's master's thesis, which was conducted at Howard University under the direction of William J. Starosta. The author thanks William J. Starosta for his guidance and continued support of this manuscript. Thanks also to Tim Sellnow and the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful and challenging feedback.

Notes

An earlier version of this manuscript was presented at the National Communication Association Convention in Chicago, IL, November 2004.

1. Typically, Muslim girls begin to veil or to consider veiling around puberty. Each woman described her choice to veil as an individual decision and one she made independently of family members and friends. Not all Muslims believe that the Qur'an and hadith require veiling, so each must research the issue for herself before making a decision. Regardless, as one participant explained to me, the veil often indicates a transition to adulthood and/or one's taking on the responsibility to practice all the pillars of Islam.

2. After a prolonged period of internal questioning, prayer, and research into the scriptural basis for wearing hijab, Sadiyyah decided that the Qur'an and hadith do not explicitly instruct women to cover their heads but, rather, suggest conservative dress for both women and men. Thus, Sadiyyah ceased covering her head daily but continues to wear hijab when she visits the mosque. She continues, however, to wear the same loose style of clothing that had accompanied her headscarf. Information about the influences on each woman's choice to wear hijab appears in the larger version of this research project (Droogsma, 2004).

3. From my perspective, the women in this study openly and candidly expressed their viewpoints on veiling despite my “outsider” status. Several women eagerly accepted my invitation for an interview to share their perspectives with me and, hopefully as a result, other persons outside of the Muslim community. When I specifically discussed the possible influence of my identity on the study with three of the women, each felt that my “outsider” status provided more benefits than drawbacks. Specifically, since each woman expressed her keen desire to change Americans’ misconceptions of hijab, they felt that my analysis of their perspectives probably conveys more credibility than if a Muslim woman researcher shared their experiences.

4. Previous research suggests that certain “rhetorical indicators” occur in the talk of religious converts, including embracing a “master role” and adopting a master attribution scheme to explain one's life within the framework of the new religion (see Snow & Machalek, 1984). It follows that converts may place greater emphasis on identity issues as they seek to align their values with those of their new religion (see Rambo, 1999). The fact that the converts I interviewed seemed even more strongly to embrace hijab strengthens these assertions.

5. Hajj is the annual Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca which draws millions of Muslims from around the world every year. The Qur'an encourages all Muslims to make this pilgrimage at least once in their lifetime if they are financially and physically able to do so (Siddiqui, 2006).

6. This study focused on the experiences of 13 individual Muslim women in the United States, and the results should not be generalized to women in other countries whose experiences certainly differ. Indeed, Muslim women in the few countries that force veiling probably would not define it as empowering. Further, other veiled women in the United States may possess alternative understandings based on their varying cultural vantage points. The women in this study, for example, were exceptionally well educated, and this probably plays a role in their evaluations of American society and how patriarchal forces constrain American women. Similarly, all of the women in this study were under the age of 35, and since the results revealed differences in the women's experiences between their 20s and 30s, age probably plays a role in one's understanding of hijab as well. With these exceptions, the participants in this study constituted a fairly diverse group, and the results reveal that each of them regards the hijab quite similarly.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Rachel Anderson Droogsma

Rachel Anderson Droogsma (Ph.D., Howard University, 2006) is Assistant Professor of Speech Communication at Minnesota State University, Mankato