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Original Articles

Mapping the Philippines’ Defective Democracy

Pages 97-125 | Received 09 Sep 2019, Accepted 06 Dec 2019, Published online: 27 Dec 2019
 

Abstract

The Philippines is Southeast Asia’s oldest democracy. Yet democratic institutions fail to show coherence in what is largely seen as a resilient oligarchical state that manages to control the state, economy, and society by constantly adapting and shifting along with the political contours. Despite its rich democratic tradition, the country has not been able to reduce centuries old socio-economic inequalities that have sustained clientelistic politics. The continuing failure to consolidate and deepen democracy has negatively impacted the Philippine state, the economy and society. This country study charts the various structural and institutional arrangements and accommodations that have resulted in the country’s defective democratization. Using historical and contemporary process tracing, this study hopes to provide a nuanced understanding of the democratic and not so democratic trajectory that the country continues to experience. By providing a mapping of the defective democracy in the Philippines, this study provides a lens to see the conditions, depth and alterations within the course of pursuing democratization. The distinct and complementing structural and institutional arrangements over the years illustrate how power can lead to various patterns of domination and transformation.

Acknowledgment

We would like to acknowledge the research assistance of Mr. Kevin Agojo for this article.

Notes

1 Felipe B. Miranda, “Prologue,” in Chasing the Wind: Assessing Philippine Democracy, eds. Felipe B. Miranda and Temario C. Rivera, x–xi (Quezon City: Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines, 2016).

2 See David Collier and Steven Levitsky, “Democracy with Adjectives: Conceptual Innovation in Comparative Research.” World Politics 49, no. 3 (1997): 430–451; Aries A. Arugay, “The Accountability Deficit in the Philippines: Implications and Prospects for Democratic Consolidation.” Philippine Political Science Journal 26, no. 49 (2005): 63–88; Eric U. Gutierrez, Ildefonso C. Torrente, and Noli G. Narca, All in the Family: A Study of Elites and Power Relations in the Philippines (Quezon City: Institute for Popular Democracy, 1992); Benedict Anderson, “Cacique Democracy and the Philippines: Origins and Dreams,” New Left Review 1, no. 169 (1988): 3–31; James Putzel, “Survival of an Imperfect Democracy in the Philippines,” Democratization 6, no. 1 (1999): 198–223; Aurel Croissant, “Legislative Powers, Veto Players, and the Emergence of Delegative Democracy: A Comparison of Presidentialism in the Philippines and South Korea,” Democratization 10, no. 3 (2003): 156–178; John L. Linantud, “The 2004 Philippine Elections: Political Change in an Illiberal Democracy,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 27 no. 1 (2005): 80–101; Julio C. Teehankee, “Consolidation or Crisis of Clientelistic Democracy?: The 2004 Synchronized Elections in the Philippines,” in Between Consolidation and Crisis: Elections and Democracy in Five Nations in Southeast Asia, ed. Aurel Croissant and Beate Martin (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2006), 215–277; Nathan Gilbert Quimpo, “Oligarchic Patrimonialism, Bossism, Electoral Clientelism, and Contested Democracy in the Philippines,” Comparative Politics 37, no. 2 (2005): 229–250; and, John T. Sidel, “Achieving Reforms in Oligarchical Democracies: The Role of Leadership and Coalitions in the Philippines,” Developmental Leadership Program Research Paper 37 (2014), , http://www.dlprog.org/publications/achieving-reforms-in-oligarchical-democracies-the-role-of-leadership-and-coalitions-in-the-philippines.php (accessed November 9, 2017).

3 Aurel Croissant, “From Transition to Defective Democracy: Mapping Asian Democratization,” Democratization 15, no. 5 (2004): 156–178; Wolfgang Merkel, “Embedded and Defective Democracy,” Democratization 11, no. 5 (2004): 33-58.

4 Joel Migdal. Strong Societies and Weak State: State-Society Relations and Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University, 1988), 4–5.

5 State capacity may be understood in four distinct ways: (1) implementation or the ability to achieve its own identified goals; (2) scope or the ability to realize a set of goals identified by others; (3) relational or the ability of the state to compel its citizens and other states to do what they would have otherwise done; and, 4) quality of bureaucracy or the organizational capacity of the bureaucracy. See Miguel A. Centeno, Atul Kohli, and Deborah J. Yashar, eds., States in the Developing World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 6.

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8 McCoy, Closer than Brothers.

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10 Arugay, The Accountability Deficit, 66.

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13 Miranda, “Conceptualizing and Measuring Modern Democracy,” 25.

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31 Ibid, 5

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36 Albert, et. al. “Examining Trends in ICT Statistics,”14–16.

37 Yuji Vincent Gonzales, “Duterte OKs National Broadband Program,” Philippine Daily Inquirer. March 6, 2017.

38 World Bank Group. Assessing Basic Education Service Delivery in the Philippines: Public Education Expenditure Tracking and Quantitative Service Delivery Study. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2016

39 David Wurfel, Filipino Politics: Development and Decay (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1988), 325.

40 Joel Rocamora, “Classes, Bosses, Goons, and Clans: Re-imagining Philippine Political Culture,” in Boss: 5 Case Studies of Local Politics in the Philippines, ed. Jose F. Lacaba (Pasig: Institute for Popular Democracy/Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, 1995), vii–xxx.

41 Renatos S. Velasco. “Philippine Democracy: Promise and Performance,” in Democratization in Southeast and East Asia, ed. Anek Laothamatas (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997), 85.

42 Velasco, “Philippine Democracy,” 92.

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48 Alfred W. McCoy. ed., An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines (Quezon City: Center for Integrative Development Studies/University of the Philippines, 1994), 10–11.

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50 Renatos S. Velasco. “Philippine Democracy: Promise and Performance,” in Democratization in Southeast and East Asia, ed. Anek Laothamatas (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997), 82.

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56 Alexander R. Magno. “Filipino Politics in the Electronic Age,” Kasarinlan 10, no. 1 (1994), 31; Velasco, “Philippine Democracy,” 104.

57 Magno, “Filipino Politics,” 33–35.

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59 David Wurfel. Filipino Politics: Development and Decay (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1988).

60 Arsenio M. Balisacan and Hal Hill. eds. The Philippine Economy: Development, Policies, and Challenges (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).

61 See Bünte, M. and Thompson, M.R., 2018. Perilous presidentialism in Southeast Asia?; Kasuya, Y., 2013. “A framework for analysing presidential-legislative relations in Asia.” In Presidents, Assemblies and Policy-making in Asia (). Palgrave Macmillan, London, 10–39.

62 Eva-Lotta E. Hedman and John T. Sidel. Philippine Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century (London and New York: Routledge, 2000), 13–35; Julio C. Teehankee. “Consolidation or Crisis of Clientelistic Democracy? The 2004 Synchronized Elections in the Philippines,” in Between Consolidation and Crisis: Elections and Democracy in Five Nations in Southeast Asia, eds. Aurel Croissant and Beate Martin (Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2006), 215–276.

63 Paul D. Hutchcroft. “Oligarchs and Cronies in the Philippine State: The Politics of Patrimonial Plunder,” World Politics 43, no. 3 (April 1991): 421.

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70 Julio C. Teehankee. “Weak State, Strong Presidents: Situating the Duterte Presidency in Philippine Political Time,” Journal of Developing Societies, 32, no. 3 (2016): 293–321.

71 Julio C. Teehankee. “Was Duterte’s Rise Inevitable?” in A Duterte Reader: Critical Essays on Rodrigo Duterte’s Early Presidency, ed. Nicole Curato (Quezon City: Bughaw, 2017), 39–58.

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