Cosmopolitan charismatics? Transnational ways of belonging and cosmopolitan moments in the religious practice of New Mission Churches

Abstract

During the 1990s, migrants from West Africa developed New Pentecostal Mission Churches as they settled in European metropoles. These churches are characterized by intense transnational connections and aim to incorporate their members into a global Christendom. Focusing on the Christian Church Outreach Mission International (CCOMI), a church founded by Ghanaians in Hamburg, this article explores when and how transnational competences, and interactions beyond linguistic, cultural and ethnic boundaries, can be described as cosmopolitan sociabilities. It asks whether we can use the term ‘cosmopolitanism’ as an analytical tool, beyond ‘benign universalisms’, to shed light on cosmopolitan moments which can emerge as side-effects of Christian moral missions. It also asks how precisely Pentecostal churches create transnational ways of being and belonging, and how far the politics of locality play into the intensity of connections.

Keywords:

• New Mission Churches
• reverse mission
• Christian Church Outreach Mission International (CCOMI)
• cosmopolitanism
• ethnicity
• Pentecostalism

Acknowledgements

Research on which this article is based was carried out within the framework of the project Transnational Networks, New Migration and Religion, funded by the German Research Foundation. I wish to acknowledge the stimulating and constructive comments by the editors of this special issue, Nina Glick Schiller, Sandra Gruner-Domic and Tsypylma Darieva. Many thanks also to Katrin Maier, Gertrud Hüwelmeier and two anonymous reviewers. I also wish to express my sincere gratitude to all members and pastors of CCOMI, in Berlin and Ghana, who supported the research, in particular Pastor Nimo (Berlin), Pastor Ydana (Bolgatanga) and Pastor Adjei (Tamale). Thanks also to Diana Aurisch for polishing my English.

Notes

1. On the importance of overcoming ‘methodological nationalism’ via a transnational approach, see Wimmer and Glick Schiller (2002); via the cosmopolitan turn, Beck (2004). On cosmopolitanism, see the edited volumes by Vertovec and Cohen (2002b), Werbner (2008) and Nowicka and Rovisco (2009).

2. To give just a random sample: global civil society, world citizenship, universal morality, planetary conviviality, openness to the world, respect and recognition of difference. See Škrbiš, Kendall and Woodward (2004) for an overview.

3. But see Diouf (2000), Van der Veer (2002) and Kahn (2008).

4. In the literature various different cosmopolitanisms have been described: rooted, banal and mundane, to mention just a few. See Vertovec and Cohen (2002a) for an overview.

5. Diouf (2000) describes the Murid brotherhood as an example of vernacular cosmopolitanism.

6. Genesis 11, 1–9, and Acts 2, 4–11. The ritual practice of speaking in tongues (glossolalia) should not be conflated with xenoglossy, the ability to speak a language previously unknown to the speaker.

7. Claudia Währisch-Oblau (2006, p. 33) suggests the term ‘New Mission Churches’ instead of ‘African Initiated Churches’ or ‘African International churches’ (Ter Haar 1998; Adogame 2004), because this notion expresses the self-understanding of the churches more appropriately.

8. ‘Charismatic Christianities’ and Pentecostalism are used here as a shorthand for forms of Christianity that differ greatly historically and culturally, but nevertheless all assign a central role to the Holy Spirit, as well as to an individual relationship to God. For overviews, see Meyer (2010), and Robbins (2004).

9. A comprehensive review of this exploding field of research still needs to be written; see Ter Haar (1998), Van Dijk (2004), Adogame, (2004, 2010), Jach (2005), Nieswand (2008b), Harris (2006), Krause (2008), Knibbe and Van der Meulen (eds) (2009), Saro and Blanes (2009), Garbin (2010) and Fumanti (2010).

10. ‘African Independent’ churches (AIC) already have a long history within Africa. They were founded in reaction to the missionary churches and became popular because of their practical approach towards everyday life problems and the inclusion of healing and spiritual protection in their practices (Peel 1968; Meyer 2004).

11. See Meyer (1998), Van Dijk (2004) and Gifford (2004).

12. The question arises how far African-initiated Pentecostal networks have to be seen as uniquely African and could be described as vernacular forms of cosmopolitanism, defined by Diouf as a modernity which is not simply an appropriation of Western influences, but occupies a unique position. In his analysis of the Murid trade networks, their sacred centre of Touba is crucial for providing a point of reference beyond the Western centres. Although I would argue that Pentecostal networks in contrast are rather characterized through their de-centredness, it is important to not overlook the ‘long history of African transnational mobilisation’ (Maxwell 2006, p.14), from which New Mission Churches stem, intertwined with, but still independent from, North American influences.

13. The research in Berlin was partly conducted together with Katrin Maier, whose ideas and input are hereby gratefully acknowledged. Research in Ghana was conducted solely by the author.

14. In addition they represent a form of Christianity which is regarded as sectarian in the view of the Protestant mainline churches.

15. This resonates with the findings by Nieswand (2008b, p. 40) and Glick Schiller and Caglar (2008).

16. There is a considerable body of literature on African Pentecostalism that deals with this question, in particular Meyer (1998) and Van Dijk (2004).

17. For a detailed description of CCOMI's history, see Adogame (2010).

18. We have to note here, of course, that Twi is just one of the over fifty Ghanaian languages, but is used however as a lingua franca in the migration context.

19. Ashanti are one of the ethnic groups in Ghana.

20. Interview with Pastor Nimo, 30 November 2006.

21. Like many other developing countries, the current government of Ghana has realized how the migrant population in Western countries sustains the national economy. See Nieswand (2008a), Fumanti (2010), Mazzucato, Kabki and Smith (2006).

22. Three members of CCOMI work in the embassy, and are regularly called to the front to be prayed for in church, as observed by Katrin Maier in her fieldwork.

23. The church is called Christian Mission International (CMI) in Ghana. See Adogame (2010) for details on the history of the church.

24. See Martin (2005, pp. 9–15) and Jach (2005, p. 206).

25. Interview with Pastor Opoku Nyarko, 6 August 2008.

26. Interviews with members of Teshie-Nungua branch, 10 August 2008.

27. Interviews with members conducted in the branches Bolga Central, Goroogo, Bawku Central, Missiga, Meegogo, Garu and Atuba, 26 August–4 September 2009.

28. CCOMI present their activities in Ghana as engagement in the so-called 10/40 window, which is situated between ten degrees to forty degrees latitude north of the equator. This region is inhabited by the highest number of non-Christians worldwide (personal communication with Apostle Stephen Waye-Onyina, 16 September 2009). See also Adogame (2010, p. 175).

29. The industrialization of the cocoa industry and gold mining in the south relied heavily on labour migrants from the north (see Hart 1971).

30. Interviews with Pastor Antwi, 1 September 2008, and members of Bawku branch, 30 July 2008.

31. Interview with Pastor Isaac Adjei Abu, 19 August 2008. According to the pastor, two members are Dagombe, but they speak Twi due to the time they spent in the south.

32. The area has been mainly missionized by the White Fathers and by the neo-Pentecostal church of Eastwood Anaba.