Business as unusual: what the Chávez era tells us about democracy under globalisation

Abstract

In the context of struggling neoliberal ‘democracies’, many analysts now promote an increased focus on poverty alleviation and the reduction of inequality through carefully managed redistribution. They often fail, however, to question the overall logic of ‘efficient macroeconomic management’ orientated towards market-based reforms. Therefore, these ‘post-neoliberal’ policies should not be seen as an overall structural shift in paradigm but rather as poverty management within the paradigm. The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela, on the other hand, represents an all-out assault on neoliberal doctrine and its authoritarian elements, putting into question elite control of the economy. A key aspect of the revolution has been the effort to revitalise citizenship through the construction of mechanisms for public participation in decision making, particularly aiming at the poor majority. The dramatic transformations taking place in health and education policy in Venezuela are indicative of what can happen when poor communities are invited to participate in decision making.

Notes

1 Recent works have emphasised the weakness of traditional definitions of democracy (focusing on elections, rule of law and civil and political liberties) in evaluating prospects in Latin America, turning rather to the notion of the quality of democracy, which allows for the exploration of socioeconomic categories and speaks to a deeper concept of citizenship. See Felipe Agüero & Jeffrey Stark (eds), Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1998, for some excellent contributions opening this debate.

2 Globalisation is seen by this author to be in itself a neutral term and process. For this reason I will refer to neoliberal globalisation and alternative globalisation (versus anti-globalisation). Alternative globalisation involves elements of redistribution and economic democracy.

3 Guillermo O'Donnell, ‘Delegative democracy’, Journal of Democracy, 5 (1), 1994, pp 55–69.

4 Democracy In Latin America: Towards a Citizen's Democracy, commissioned by the United Nations Development Programme, 2005. The report is based on interviews with 231 leaders from the region—including almost all sitting presidents and living former presidents—and public opinion polls of almost 20 000 Latin Americans, representing all social classes, from 18 countries.

5 See, for example, Economist editorials such as ‘How to protect Latin American democracy’, 11 June 2005; and William Ratliff, ‘Latin America's flickering democracy’, Christian Science Monitor, 27 July 2005.

6 Informe Latinobarómetro 2005, Santiago, Chile: Corporación Latinobarómetro, October 2005.

7 There are important exceptions to this approach, such as William Robinson, Transnational Conflicts: Central America, Social Change and Globalization, London: Verso, 2003; Paul Cammack, Capitalism and Democracy in the Third World, Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1997; and Agüero & Stark, Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America. On the other hand, Larry Diamond, J Linz, & SM Lipset (eds), Democracy in Developing Countries: Latin America, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999, makes no connection between the failure of political institutions and capitalist elites.

8 Deitrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens & John D Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992, p 287.

9 Eva Golinger's analysis of the coup, supported by documents released through the US Freedom of Information Act, is particularly instructive in this regard. Eva Golinger, The Adaptable US Intervention Machine in Venezuela, Communication and Information Ministry, Bolivarian Government, November 2004.

10 Norbert Lechner has commented on the serious implications of privatisation in these sectors, noting how it ‘tends to weaken the integrative dimension of the public realm’. Norbert Lechner, ‘The transformation of politics’, in Agüero & Stark, Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America, pp 21–39.

11 Alfred P Montero, ‘From democracy to development: the political economy of post-neoliberal reform in Latin America’, American Research Review, 40 (2), 2005, pp 253–267.

12 ‘Venezuela's oil revenue fuels record growth’, Dow Jones Newswire, 17 February 2005.

13 According to official Venezuelan government sources, 257 people died in the violence. Some ngos have put the number as high as 2000.

14 Speech by President Hugo Chávez, Meeting of the Heads of State, United Nations, September 2004, emphasis added.

15 For an excellent and detailed analysis on the history and relevance of the new constitution, see Gregory Wilpert, ‘Venezuela's new constitution’, Venezuelanalysis, 27 August 2003.

16 Steve Ellner, ‘The radical potential of Chavismo in Venezuela: the first year and a half in power’, Latin American Perspectives, 28 (5), 2001, pp 5–32.

17 Interview with Francisco Armada, Minister of Health and Social Development, Caracas, 18 May 2005.

18 See Kim Bartley & Donnacha O'Braian, The Revolution Will Not Televised, a 2003 documentary film, for a critical evaluation of the media during the 2002 coup.

19 Constitucion de la Republica Bolivariana de Venezuela, Gaceta Oficial No 5.453 Extraordinario, 24 March 2000.

20 As part of the strategy of preventative healthcare, these trainers are concerned with promoting healthy lifestyles and physical activity. For example, there are grandparents' clubs (‘clubs de abuelos’) focused particularly on improving the quality of life of the elderly.

21 Peter Maybarduk, ‘A people's health system: Venezuela works to bring healthcare to the excluded’, Multinational Monitor, 25 (10), 2004.

22 As part of the government's plan to emphasise improving the health of the poor, Venezuelans can also access basic food products at a 40% discount in government-subsidised markets, or ‘Mercales’. The Mercal Mission is having a significant impact on nutrition in poor neighbourhoods.

23 Interview with Francisco Armada, Minister of Health and Social Development, Caracas, 18 May 2005.

24 Interview with Professor Lisandro Perez, Jefe Civil, Barrio 23 de Enero, Caracas, 29 April 2005.

25 Interview with Francisco Armada.

26 National Institute of Statistics, Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

27 Interview with Franciso Armada.

28 Interview with Arnoldo Sotillo, Director, Escuela Basica Integral Bolivariana Estado Vargas, Caracas, 17 May 2005.

29 Interview with Professor Lisandro Perez.

30 ‘Skepticism prevails at trade talks’, Washington Post, 6 November 2005.

31 PetroCaribe agreement signed at the First Energy Summit of Caribbean heads of state and government in Puerto La Cruz, Venezuela, July 2005.

32 Sophia Hoffman, ‘Venezuela loans money to Ecuador’, Emerging Markets, 2 August 2005.

33 Robinson includes in this class, ‘the owners of the leading worldwide means of production as embodied principally in the transnational corporations and private financial institutions … its interests lie in the global over local or national accumulation’. Robinson, Transnational Conflicts, p 39.

34 Jeffrey Stark, ‘Globalization and democracy in Latin America’, in Agüero & Stark, Fault Lines in Post-Transition Latin America.

35 This process of decentralisation should be distinguished from some current processes that place increasing economic burdens on local/departmental governments or allow for increased ‘participation’ (à la World Bank) but without accompanying resources to facilitate translating local control into local development.

36 While some loss of sovereignty is still inevitable and may be desirable even under the Bolivarian model of globalisation, the degree and type of external influence on national agenda setting is important.

37 Interventions range on the spectrum from the imposition of austerity measures and unfair trade practices, and active support of violent actors such as armed opposition groups and paramilitaries or coup leaders, to more insidious forms such as funding opposition political parties and groups, control of media/cultural channels and doing business with human rights violators.