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Articles

How Neopatrimonialism Affects Tax Administration: a comparative study of three world regions

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Pages 1307-1329 | Published online: 09 Aug 2011
 

Abstract

Neopatrimonialism is a concept that has predominately been applied to describe governance in sub-Saharan Africa. Recently, however, it has also been used to describe governance in states from other world regions. However, scholars have rarely attempted systematically to compare neopatrimonial rule in different regional settings. This paper aims to narrow this gap by examining the effect of neopatrimonialism on the tax administration as a core state function in six countries from three different world regions: Argentina, Venezuela, Indonesia, the Philippines, Kenya and Zambia. We conclude that neopatrimonialism is a valuable concept for comparative area studies with the potential to foster dialogue on the ‘state in operation’ across the regional divide. Nevertheless, several indicators are more valid for some world regions than for others. We find that there is no systematic relationship between neopatrimonial trajectories and the strength of tax administration. Individual actor decisions influence the outcomes of neopatrimonialism substantially.

Acknowledgements

This article presents results of the research project ‘Persistence and Change of Neopatrimonialism in Various Non-oecd Regions’, which is based at the giga German Institute of Global and Area Studies in Hamburg, and is funded by the German Research Foundation (dfg). The authors gratefully acknowledge valuable comments by participants of the workshop ‘Neopatrimonialism in various world regions’, held on 23 August 2010 in Hamburg.

Notes

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3 M Basedau & P Köllner, ‘Area studies, comparative area studies, and the study of politics: context, substance, and methodological challenges’, Comparative Governance and Politics, 1(1), 2007, pp 105–124.

4 For taxation and state–society relations, see ES Lieberman, Race and Regionalism in the Politics of Taxation in Brazil and South Africa, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003; and JA Cheibub, ‘Political regimes and the extractive capacity of governments: taxation in democracies and dictatorships’, World Politics, 50(3), 1998, pp 349–376. For tax administration as focal point of interventions, see S Rose-Ackerman, The Challenge of Poor Governance and Corruption, Copenhagen: Copenhagen Consensus, 2004, p 28, at http://www.imv.dk/Files/Filer/CC/Papers/Governance_and_Corruption_300404_(6.4MB_version).pdf,, accessed 30 November 2005; and J Anderson, D Kaufmann & F Recanatini, Service Delivery, Poverty and Corruption—Common Threads from Diagnostic Surveys, Washington, DC: World Bank, 2003, at www.worldbank.org/wbi/governance/capacitybuild/d-surveys.html accessed 30 November 2005, p 10.

5 This study deals only with the collection of central state taxes, as the administration of local taxes often operates under conditions distinct from the central level. The analysis also does not include the collection of non-tax revenue, such as fees or service charges by other authorities or ministries.

6 Field research conducted between February and June 2009 included data collection, qualitative interviews and focus group discussions in all six countries. Number of interviews: Argentina: 50, Venezuela: 52, Indonesia: 66, Philippines: 54, Kenya: 47, Zambia: 49. In order to improve comparability, common indicators, questionnaires and topic guides were used.

7 B Badie, The Imported State: The Westernization of the Political Order, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000.

8 A Przeworski & H Teune, The Logic of Comparative Social Enquiry, Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing, 1970, pp 31–46.

9 AR Zolberg, Creating Political Order: The Party States of West Africa, Chicago, IL: Rand McNally, 1969; and SN Eisenstadt, Traditional Patrimonialism and Modern Neopatrimonialism, London, CA: Sage, 1973.

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12 M Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft: Grundriß der verstehenden Soziologie, Tübingen: JCB Mohr, 1980, pp 133–134, 136.

13 This resembles Lemarchand and Legg's classic definition of political clientelism, which they understand as ‘a more or less personalized, affective, and reciprocal relationship between actors, or sets of actors, commanding unequal resources and involving mutually beneficial transactions that have political ramifications beyond the immediate sphere of dyadic relationships’. R Lemarchand & K Legg, ‘Political clientelism and development’, Comparative Politics, 4(2), 1972, pp 151–152.

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37 H Crouch, ‘Patrimonialism and military rule in Indonesia’, World Politics, 31(3), 1979, pp 571–587.

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40 ‘Fuad Rahmany: Sistem Pengawasan Memang Masih Lemah’ (Fuad Rahmany: the control system is indeed still weak), Majalah Tempo (Jakarta), 21 February 2011.

41 A Aris, S Munawaroh & R Ariyanti, ‘Waduh, 60 per cent anggota dpr belum ber-npwp’ (Oh My, 60 per cent of new members of parliament do not have a tin yet), Bisnis Indonesi (Jakarta), 2 November 2009.

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48 RR Taliercio, Designing Performance: The Semi-Autonomous Revenue Authority Model in Latin America and Africa, Washington, DC: World Bank, 2004.

49 CB Hill, ‘Tax reform in Zambia’, in CB Hill & MF McPherson (eds), Promoting and Sustaining Economic Reform in Zambia, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004, p 141.

50 The zra salary for certain positions is roughly eight times higher than for similar posts in the public sector. Cf von Soest, The African State and its Revenues, p 116.

51 J Gray & E Chapman, Evaluation of Revenue Projects: Synthesis Report, Vol 1, London: Department for International Development (dfid), 2001, p 40.

52 Bach, ‘Patrimonialism and neopatrimonialism’, p 290.

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