Matatu: A Case Study of the Core Segment of the Public Transport Market of Kampala, Uganda

Abstract

In Uganda, public transport is provided by a four‐tiered public transport system, with the Matatu (usually Toyota cabin‐transporters of 1990s make) as its backbone, providing the widest, densest and cheapest connectivity. The article shares findings of a survey on perceptions, profiles and aspirations of drivers/conductors/stage personnel and of passengers. They show that entering a career within the Matatu business opens choices and promises inclusion into a relatively strong social network. For passengers, the Matatu offers a cost‐effective opportunity to commute to places of work, transport goods and connect with business partners. The findings also point to limitations of the current public transport system, with emphasis on lacking client care, e.g. fare cheating by conductors. There is a need to better understand the dynamics of urban transport systems against the background of expanding urbanization in low‐income countries. This article has attempted to contribute to that need.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the ILO/DFID project ‘Business Service Market Development’ in Uganda for financial support to our survey. We are particularly grateful to two anonymous referees for a thorough review of our article which led to a considerably improved presentation of the arguments. Of course all mistakes remain of the authors.

Notes

1. The urbanization data displayed in the ‘Introduction’ section draws on the ‘State of the World’s Cities Report 2006/7’ report from UN Habitat. See e.g. Hove (2006) for reference and further details.

2. Figure for Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area (2004/2005), compared to estimated 1.2 million inhabitants for the city of Kampala (GoU, 2005).

3. Whereas most countries of the world are experiencing shrinking population growth rates, Uganda is one of the few countries with high population growth.

4. One might feel tempted to refuse the label ‘passenger service’ here. Indeed, the shouters are taking over the task from the conductor. Yet, the objective—however doubtful the impact might be—is to serve the passenger by reducing the time of searching for the car of his/her destination.

5. Kamuhanda (2008) reports 12 000 registered Matatus. However, she also reports 12 000 Matatu owners among UTODA members (20% of 60 000). For a fact, many owners operate at least two vehicles, often more. Assuming that half of the UTODA member‐owners operate at least two Matatus, the minimum number comes to 18 000. From the numbers of GoU (2005), 138 000 public transport vehicles are reported (300 000 motor vehicles in total, 46% of them Matatus + motorcycles + buses). For a fact, there are more Matatus than buses but less than motorcycles. Going by the registered Matatus, and assuming a relation of 2:1 Matatus to buses, there would be 120 000 motorcycles—ten times the number of Matatus. Assumingly, a realistic low‐side estimate of the relation Matatu to motorcycles would be 5:1—equalling about 21 000 Matatus. All these estimates suffer inaccuracy because there is a significant number of non‐registered Matatus and motorcycles out there on Ugandas roads, at least several thousands.

6. Motorcycles are regularly seen with two passengers; anecdotal evidence has it that three and more have been spotted. Reference are adult passengers; children are—as in the Matatu—added at will.

7. Among the respondents, all drivers and conductors were male. However, anecdotal evidence indicates that there are a handful of pioneer female Matatu drivers in Kampala. The penetration of driving business by women is a bit more advanced for individual taxis (‘special hire’).

8. A goal that approximately 40% of the drivers realize eventually (according to UTODA data; see Kamuhanda and Tanburn, 2005, p. 49).

9. Unfortunately, the questionnaire for taxi owners does not ask for the educational background. The indication is drawn from the question for the reason to become a taxi owner. Here, owner‐drivers answer regularly that it is their profession/experience/means of living.

10. Note that the owner‐driver sample is very small (14 respondents) and thus less conclusive. The reason is that this group was not thought of when compiling the questionnaire, it was rather ‘discovered’ through it.

11. The age of the conductors interviewed ranges from 19 to 40 years, compared to 26 to 49 years for the drivers interviewed.

12. Note that the percentage (6% of daily revenue) does not include the monthly membership fee of 20 000 Ug. Sh. per minibus operator. Furthermore, the Matatus entering the taxi‐park pay a daily fee of 4500 Ug. Sh. (Kamuhanda and Tanburn, 2005, p. 48).

13. Proposed answers for ‘Security’: ‘drive more carefully/slower’, ‘control strictly for misuse of alcohol’, ‘improve stage security’. Proposed answers for ‘Convenience’: ‘avoid overcrowding’, ‘conductors should ensure to have change money’, ‘increase number of stages/routes’. Proposed answers for ‘Price’: ‘control strictly for conductors betraying with the fare’, ‘reduce prices’. Proposed answers for ‘Others/structural’: ‘employ female drivers/conductors’, ‘establish a regular time schedule’, ‘vehicles should be smaller (7 places)’, ‘vehicles should be bigger (30 places)’, ‘no need for improvement’.