![Sample our Humanities journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days]({"type":"image" , "src" : "/sda/5939/TOC-Subject-Sample-2021-Humanities.jpg"})
ABSTRACT
In 1894, the Institut Colonial International was founded in Brussels, with the aim to engage and promote transnational exchanges between jurists, scholars, politicians, colonial administrators and experts, comparing different colonial experiences. As the Institut Colonial International’s founders had hoped, its publications promoted legal debates, discussions and the prospects of specific legislation, decrees or norms to be adapted and used in entirely different colonial systems. This paper will show that the Institut Colonial International encouraged the exchange of ideas about the various colonial experiences in order to create common and universal principles. International law and domestic law, or national law concerning land register systems and land law were part of the colonial discourse as it endeavoured to create and adopt universal principles of law, trying to establish a platform of common dialogue, with common premises, concerning different colonies, different colonial experiences and ultimately different cultural, social and political contexts.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 Martti Koskenniemi and Ville Kari, ‘A More Elevated Patriotism: The Emergence of International and Comparative Law (Nineteenth Century)’, in The Oxford Handbook of European Legal History, ed. Heikki Pihlajamäki, Markus D. Dubber and Mark Godfrey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018), 974–99.
2 Ulrike Lindner, ‘New Forms of Knowledge Exchange Between Imperial Powers: The Development of the Institut Colonial International (ICI) since the End of the Nineteenth Century’, in Imperial Cooperation and Transfer 1870–1930. Empires and Encounters, ed. Volker Barth and Roland Cvetkovski (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015), 57–78. Also Pierre Singaravélou, ‘Les stratégies d’internationalisation de la question coloniale et la construction transnationale d’une science de la colonisation à la fin du XIXe siècle’, Monde(s) 1, no. 1 (2012): 135–57.
3 Alexander C.T. Geppert, Fleeting Cities: Imperial Expositions in fin-de-Siècle Europe (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2010), 3, in which the author showed through a transnational approach how expositions favoured the ‘international’ exchanges between nations at the end of the 19th century. Also Singaravélou, ‘Les stratégies d’internationalisation’, 135–57.
4 See on the concept of ‘modern professionalism’: Magali S. Larson, The Rise of Professionalism: A Sociological Analysis (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1979), 4 ff.
5 See Carlo Fumian, ‘Il senno delle nazioni. I congressi degli scienziati italiani dell’Ottocento: una prospettiva comparata’, Meridiana 24 (1995): 95–124; Rainald Von Gizycki, ‘The Associations for the Advancement of Science: An International Comparative Study’, Zeitschrift für Soziologie 8 (1979): 35, where the author reflects on the scientific character of the associations and the building of an international network of scholars and scientists: ‘the close scientific cooperation between the various AAS [Associations for the Advancement of Science] across frontiers and across the Atlantic, which consisted in the regular exchange of visits, correspondence and materials, produced similar scientific interests and a unity of thinking on the requirements of scientific organizations which in turn resulted in the international imitation of social and cognitive patterns of science’.
6 Paolo Rossi, Storia della scienza moderna e contemporanea, vol. II, Dall’età romantica alla società industriale (Torino: Utet, 1988), 11–12.
7 Massimo Augello, Marco Guidi (ed.), The Spread of Political Economy and the Professionalisation of Economists. Economic Societies in Europe, America and Japan in the Nineteenth century (London: Routledge, 2001).
8 Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law 1870–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 39 ff.; Luigi Nuzzo, Origini di una scienza: Diritto internazionale e colonialismo nel XIX secolo (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 2012), 133 ff. See also: Luigi Nuzzo, ‘Disordine politico e ordine giuridico. Iniziative e utopie nel diritto internazionale di fine Ottocento’, Materiali per una storia della cultura giuridica 41, no. 2 (2011): 319–38.
9 See: Vincent Genin, ‘L’institutionnalisation du droit international comme phénomène transnational (1869–1873). Les réseaux européens de Gustave Rolin-Jaequemyns’, Journal of the History of International Law/Revue d’histoire du droit international 18, no. 2/3 (2016): 181–96, https://doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340056.
10 On the Berlin conference and the role of international law: Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations, 121; Charles H. Alexandrowicz, ‘The Partition of Africa by Treaty’, in The Law of Nations in Global History, ed. David Armitage and Jennifer Pitts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 230; Mieke van der Linde, The Acquisition of Africa (1870–1914): The Nature of International Law (Leiden: Brill, 2016). See also Matthew Craven, ‘Between Law and History: the Berlin Conference of 1884–1885 and the Logic of Free Trade’, London Review of International Law 3, no. 1 (2015): 31–59, https://doi.org/10.1093/lril/lrv002; Robert J. Miller and Olivia Stitz, ‘The International Law of Colonialism in East Africa: Germany, England, and the Doctrine of Discovery’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law 32 (2021–2022), forthcoming, https://ssrn.com/abstract=3798893 (accessed March 24, 2022). For an analysis of the conference, see also the following writings published in the years just after the conference: John S. Keltie, The Partition of Africa (London: Edward Stanford, 1893) and immediately after the end of the First World War: Arthur B. Keith, The Belgian Congo and the Berlin Act (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1919).
11 Berber Bevernage, ‘The Making of the Congo Question: Truth-telling, Denial and ‘Colonial Science’ in King Leopold’s commission of inquiry on the rubber atrocities in the Congo Free State (1904–1905)’, Rethinking History 22, no. 2 (2018): 203–38, https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-6478.2015.00707.x. See also Brenna Bhandar, Colonial Lives of Property. Law, Land and Racial Regimes of Ownership (Durham: Duke University Press, 2018), passim.
12 This article will present some preliminary results on an ongoing research project (it will constitute my ‘Habilitationsschrift’, to be submitted to the Faculty of Law of the University of Zurich), that intends to investigate the 19th century entanglements generated by: the different systems of land registration in some European States; the relationship between Europe and its African colonies with regard to the land registration systems; the international scientific collaborations to address issues that could arise at the time of the introduction in the colonial context-specific land registration system.
13 Benoit Daviron, ‘Mobilizing Labour in African Agriculture: The Role of the International Colonial Institute in the Elaboration of a Standard of Colonial Administration 1895–1930’, Journal of Global History 5, no. 3 (2010): 479–501. Also Lindner, New Forms of Knowledge Exchange, 57–78, has published on the role played by the Institut during the second half of the 19th century. See the PhD thesis of Florian Wagner, ‘Colonial Internationalism: How Cooperation among Experts Reshaped Colonialism (1830s–1950s)’ (PhD diss., European University Institute, 2016) and his recent book: Colonial Internationalism and the Governmentality of Empire, 1893–1982 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022). See also Janny de Jong, ‘Kolonialisme op een koopje: Het Internationale Koloniale Instituut, 1894–1914’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 109 (1996): 45–72; Jan Henning Böttger, ‘Internationalismus und Kolonialismus: Ein Werkstattbericht zur Geschichte des Brüsseler Institut Colonial International (1894–1948)’, Jahrbuch für europäische Überseegeschichte 6 (2006): 165–72; Florian Wagner, ‘Private Colonialism and International Co-operation in Europe, 1870–1914’, in Imperial Co-operation and Transfer, 1870–1930: Empires and Encounters, ed. Volker Barth and Roland Cvetkovski (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017), 58–79; Miguel B. Jerónimo, The ‘Civilizing Mission’ of Portuguese Colonialism 1870–1930 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 190–3; id., ‘Developing Civilisation? Imperial Internationalism at the League of Nations (1920s–1930s)’, Histoire Politique 41 (2020), http://journals.openedition.org/histoirepolitique/385 (accessed March 14, 2022); Emmanuelle Saada, ‘Penser le fait colonial à travers le droit en 1900’, Mil neuf cent. Revue d’histoire intellectuelle 27, no. 1 (2009): 103–16; Romain Bertrand, ‘Histoire d’une ‘réforme morale’ de la politique coloniale des Pays-Bas: les Éthicistes et l’Insulinde (vers 1880–1930)’, Revue d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 54, no. 4 (2007): 86–116. See also: Laurent Morando, Les instituts coloniaux et l’Afrique, 1893–1940: ambitions nationales, réussites locales (Paris: Karthala, 2007).
14 Institut Colonial International, Notice, statuts et règlement, liste des membres et listes des publications (Brussels: Mertens, 1937), 5.
15 Ernest Lehr, ‘Reay (Donald-James Mackay, baron Reay de Reay, baron Druness, lord)’, in Tableau Général de l’organisation, des travaux et du personnel de l’Institut de droit international, pendant les deux premières périodes décennales de son existence (1873–1893) (Paris: G. Pedone-Laurie, 1893), 328–29.
16 Octave Louwers, ‘Camille Janssen’, in Biographie Coloniale Belge, vol. 4 (Brussels: Institut Royal Colonial, 1955), 437–40.
17 Guy Vanthemesche, Belgium and the Congo, 1885–1980 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 38 and 148ff.
18 Georges Michel, Léon Say, sa vie, ses œuvres (Paris: Calmann Lévy, 1899).
19 Stuart M. Persell, ‘Joseph Chailley-Bert and the Importance of the Union Coloniale Française’, The Historical Journal 27, no. 1 (1974): 176–84.
20 Paul Consten, Fransen van de Putte [1822–1902] Het leven van een selfmade politicus, (Nijmegen: Van Tilt, 2019).
21 Pierre Singaravélou, Les stratégies d’internationalisation, 151.
22 Institut Colonial International, Notice, statuts et règlement, 5.
23 Institut Colonial International, Notice, statuts et règlement, 5.
24 Tracy Philipps, ‘The XXIVth Biennial Session of the Institut Colonial International’, Journal of the Royal African Society 39, no. 154 (1940): 17–21.
25 Lindner, New Forms of Knowledge Exchange, 57.
26 Institut Colonial International, Notice, statuts et règlement, 5.
27 Concerning some topics discussed by the Institute, for example, agriculture see: Daviron, Mobilizing Labour in African Agriculture, 479–501.
28 Lindner, New Forms of Knowledge Exchange, 65.
29 Rojil Nugroho Bayu Aji and Eko Satriya Hermawan, ‘Ethical Politics and Educated Elites in Indonesian National Movement’, Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (2nd International Conference on Social Science) 383 (2019): 369–73. See Calvin Ricklefs, Sejarah Indonesia Modern 1200–2008 (Jakarta: Serambi, 2008); Peter L. Geschiere, ‘The Education Issue in the Dutch East Indies in the Twentieth Century. Opinions on the Questions of “Western Education” versus “National Education”’, in Acta Historiae Neerlandicae. Studies on the History of The Netherlands, vol. 4 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1973), 146–74.
30 He was the author of Principes de colonisation et de législation colonial published in 1895. For this work see: Samia El Mechat, ‘On Arthur Girault’s Principes de colonisation et de legislation colonial’, Revue Historique 657, no. 1 (2011): 119 ff.
31 Joost Johannes Coté, ‘Raden Ajeng Kartini and Cultural Nationalism in Java’, in Connecting Histories of Education: Transnational and Cross-Cultural Exchanges in (Post-)Colonial Education, ed. Barnita Bagchi, Eckhardt Fuchs and Kate Rousmaniere (New York: Berghahn Books, 2014), 194. See also Günther K. Anton, Le régime foncier dans l’État Indépendant du Congo: Rapport Préliminaire à la Session de Paris du 1er Août 1900 (Brussels: Mertens, 1900).
32 For an overview of his life and work see: Ridgway Foulks Shinn, Arthur Berriedale Keith, 1879–1944: The Chief Ornament of Scottish Learning (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1990). He distinguished himself for Indian constitution: Arthur Berriedale Keith, A Constitutional History of India 1600–1935 (London: Routledge, 2019); id., A History of Sanskrit Literature (London: Oxford University Press, 1941); id., The Development and History of Sanskrit Literature (Delhi: Sanjay Prakashan, 2002).
33 Peter Duignan and Lewis Henry Gann, Colonialism in Africa 1870–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 149.
34 Carlo Rossetti, Manuale di legislazione della Somalia italiana. Documenti diplomatici e indici (Roma: Tip. dell’Unione editrice, 1914). See Giuseppe Finaldi, A History of Italian Colonialism, 1860–1907: Europa’s Last Empire (London: Routledge, 2017). On Rossetti: Karin Pallaver, ‘Da moneta straniera a moneta nazionale: Prima Guerra Mondiale, politiche coloniali e circolazione monetaria in Eritrea e Somalia’, in Africa. Storia, Antropologia, Economia, Migrazioni, ed. Donatella Strangio (Roma: Nuova Cultura, 2018), 105; ead., ‘The African Native Has No Pocket: Monetary Practices and Currency Transitions in Early Colonial Uganda’, The International Journal of African Historical Studies 48, no. 3 (2015): 471–99. See concerning Carlo Rossetti: Bronislaw Malinowski, ‘The Sociology of ‘Modem Problems’ in Africa and the ‘Colonial Situation’, Cahiers d’études africaines 25, no. 100 (1985): 477–503.
35 Ann Laura Stoler, Along the Archival Grain. Epistemic Anxieties and Colonial Common Sense (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 158–60.
36 Institut Colonial International, Notice, statuts et règlement, 5.
37 For example, the questionnaire of 1899 aimed to collect acts, regulations and orders in these specific areas: the land tenancy under which occupation was sanctioned - fee simple, emphytheusis, ordinary leases, clearance leases; the exclusion or admission of foreigners as grantees; the maxima and minima of the extent of waste lands obtainable by each planter; the prices at which waste lands were sold or leased, whether these prices were determined by regulation or by competition, and the conditions to which the resale of these lands were subject; the taxes to which planters were subject whether they were exempted from certain taxes and if so for how many years; whether compulsory labour still existed for village or other purposes, how far the people on the lands were exempted from such services and what the planters had to pay in consideration for the exemption; the rights of natives (chiefs, communities or private individuals) on the land, occupied or turned to any account by them before the conquest; the limits on the rights of the natives to sell, let, or sub-let their own lands and the conditions under which such rights could be exercised; the regulations that applied to deeds of sale and mortgages on lands belonging to Europeans and natives (public or authentic records, land registers, mortgages, registers, registry, books): Institut Colonial International, Le Régime foncier aux Colonies, Tome I.- Indie britannique. Colonies allemandes (Bruxelles: Mertens, 1898), 10–11.
38 Günther Kurt Anton, Le Régime foncier aux Colonies. Rapports présentés à l’Institut Colonial International (Bruxelles: Mertens, 1904), III.
39 Günther K. Anton, ‘Ein Zollbündnis mit den Niederlanden’ (Vortrag, gehalten in der Gehe-Stiftung zu Dresden am 25. Januar 1902) (Dresden, Zahn & Jaensch, 1902).
40 Coté, Raden Ajeng Kartini and Cultural Nationalism, 175–97.
41 Joseph Chailley-Bert, ‘Préface’, in Le Régime foncier aux Colonies, Rapports présentés à l’Institut Colonial International, VI.
42 Ibid., VI.
43 Ibid., XIV.
44 Anton, Le Régime foncier aux Colonies, 320 ff.
45 Joseph T. Janczyk, ‘An Economic Analysis of the Land Title Systems for Transferring Real Property’, The Journal of Legal Studies 6, no. 1 (1977): 213–33.
46 Maria Donata Panforti, ‘Torrens Title’, in Digesto Discipline Privatistiche, Sezione Civile (Torino: UTET, 2000), 715–22; Edmund Rogers, ‘The Impact of the Australian Torrens System on the Land Transfer Debate in the United Kingdom, 1858–1914’, Australia and New Zealand Law and History E-journal 4, (2006): 125–32. See also Lucia di Costanzo, La pubblicità immobiliare nei sistemi di common law (Napoli: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, 2005), 147; Pamela O’Connor, ‘Double Indemnity - Title Insurance and the Torrens System’, Queensland University of Technology Law and Justice Journal 3, no. 1 (2003): 141–67. See also Theodore B.F. Ruoff, An Englishman Looks at the Torrens System (Sydney: Law Book Company of Australasia, 1957).
47 Kelvin F.K. Low, ‘The Nature of Torrens Indefeasibility: Understanding the Limits of Personal Equities’, Melbourne University Law Review 33, no. 1 (2009): 205–34.
48 Panforti, Torrens Title, 715. See also Albert J. Gillissen, ‘Sir Robert Torrens and the Torrens System of Registration’, Australian Surveyor 26, no. 2 (1974): 142–44. See Charles Gide, ‘Etude sur l’Act Torrens’, Bulletin de la Société de législation comparée 11 (1886), 288–330.
49 Lyda Favali and Roy Pateman, Sangue, terra e sesso: Pluralismo giuridico e politico in Eritrea (Milano: Giuffrè, 2007); Elisabetta Fiocchi Malaspina, ‘Tracing Social Spaces: Global Perspectives on the History of Land Registration’, in Historical Perspectives on Property and Land Law – An Interdisciplinary Dialogue on Methods and Research Approaches, ed. Elisabetta Fiocchi Malaspina and Simona Tarozzi (Madrid: Dykinson, 2019), 177–202.
50 Arnold Guyot Cameron, The Torrens System: its Simplicity, Serviceability and Success (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1915), 13 ff.
51 See: Carol Dickerman, ‘Introduction’, in Security of Tenure and Land Registration in Africa. Literature Review and Synthesis, ed. ead. (Madison: University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1989), VIII.
52 Arthur Girault, Principes de colonisation et de législation colonial, vol. 2, (Paris: Larose and Tenin, 1923), 149 (author’s translation).
53 See: Abdelhamid Hénia, Propriété et stratégies sociales à Tunis XVI–XIXe siècles (Tunis: Faculté des sciences humaines et sociales de Tunis, 1998), 27; Christophe Giudice, ‘La législation foncière et la colonisation de la Tunisie’, in Les administrations coloniales XIXe-XXe siècles, Esquisse d’une histoire comparée, ed. Samia El Machet (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2009), 229–39. See also: Paul Cambon, ‘Rapport sur la loi immobilière tunisienne du 1er juillet 1885’, in La propriété foncière en Tunisie. Recueil Officiel des Lois, Décrets et Règlements (Tunis: Imprimerie française Borrel, 1886), IV–V; Alfred Dain, ‘Le système Torrens, de son application en Tunisie et en Algérie Rapport à Mr Tirman Gouverneur de l’algérie’, Revue algérienne et tunisienne de législation et de jurisprudence 1 (1885): 285–356.
54 Johan Pottier, ‘Customary Land Tenure in Sub-Saharan Africa Today: Meanings and Contexts’, in From the Ground Up: Land Rights, Conflict and Peace in Sub-Saharan Africa, ed. Christopher David Huggins and Jenny Clover (Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies, 2005), 59; Johan Pottier, ‘Land Reform for Peace? Rwanda’s 2005 Land Law in Context’, Journal of Agrarian Change 6, no. 4 (2006): 509–37. See also Georges Brausch, Belgian Administration in the Congo (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961). Article 1 of the Ordonnance of 1885 stated: ‘A partir de la présente proclamation, aucun contrat ni convention passé avec des indigènes pour l’occupation, à un titre quelconque, de parties du sol, ne sera reconnu par le gouvernement et ne sera protégé par lui, à moins que le contrat ou la convention ne soit fait à l’intervention de l’officier public commis par l’administrateur général et d’après les règles que ce dernier tracera dans chaque cas particulier’. Furthermore, article 2 proclaimed: ‘Nul n’a le droit d’occuper sans titre des terres vacantes, ni de déposséder les indigènes des terres qu’ils occupent; les terres vacantes doivent être considérées comme appartenant à l’Etat’. See Bulletin Officiel de l’État Indépendant du Congo 1885–1886 (Bruxelles: P. Weissenbruch, 1886). See also Ruth Kinet, ‘Licht in die Finsternis’: Kolonisation und Mission im Kongo, 1876–1908: kolonialer Staat und nationale Mission zwischen Kooperation und Konfrontation (Münster: Lit Verlag, 2005), 70 ff.
55 Dimitri Yernault, L’État et la propriété. Le droit public économique par son histoire 1830–2012 (Brussels: Bruylant, 2013), 50 ff.
56 Paul Dufrénoy, Le régime foncier au Congo belge et l’acte Torrens (Bruxelles: Hauchamps, 1934), 220; Theodore Heyse, Régime de la propriété immobilière au Congo Belge (Bruxelles: G. Van Campenhout, 1936).
57 Dirk Beke, ‘Land-law in Belgian Central Africa’, in Our Laws, Their Lands: Land Laws and Land Use in Modern Colonial Societies, ed. Jap de Moor and Dietmar Rothermund (Münster: Lit, 1994), 65.
58 John Carrier Waever, Great Land Rush and the Making of the Modern World, 1650–1900 (Ithaca, N.Y.: McGill-Queen’s Press, 2003), 243.
59 Sue Jackson, Libby Porter and Louise C. Johnson, Planning in Indigenous Australia: From Imperial Foundations to Postcolonial Futures (New York: Routledge, 2017).
60 Renisa Mawani, ‘Law as Temporality: Colonial Politics and Indian Settlers’, University of California Irvine Law Review 4, (2014): 65–96. Sarah Keenan, Subversive Property: Law and the Production of Spaces of Belonging (London: Routledge, 2015). See also: Brenna Bhandar, ‘Title by Registration: Instituting Modern Property Law and Creating Racial Value in the Settler Colony’, Journal of Law and Society 42, no. 2 (2015): 253–82, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6478.2015.00707.x .
61 Sarah Keenan, ‘From Historical Chains to Derivative Futures: Title Registries as Time Machines’, Social & Cultural Geography 20, no. 3 (2019): 283–303; ead., ‘Smoke, Curtains and Mirrors: the Production of Race Through Time and Title Registration’, Law and Critique 28, no. 1 (2017): 87–108.
62 Anton, Le Régime foncier aux Colonies, 321.
63 Ibid., 321.
64 Ibid., 322 ff.
65 On Martens see: Lauri Mälksoo, ‘Friedrich Fromhold Von Martens (Fyodor Fyodorovich Martens) (1845–1909)’, in The Oxford Handbook of the History of International Law, ed. Bardo Fassbender and Anne Peters (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 1148–50; Lauri Mälksoo, ‘The Liberal Imperialism of Friedrich (Fyodor) Martens (1845–1909)’, in Select Proceedings of the European Society of International Law, ed. Hélène Ruiz Fabri, Emmanuelle Jouannet and Vincent Tomkiewicz, vol. 1 (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2006), 173–80; Arthur Nussbaum, ‘Frederic de Martens: Representative Tsarist Writer on International Law’, Nordisk Tidsskrift International Ret 22 (1952): 1–66.
66 Friedrich F. Martens, ‘Débats sur le régime foncier aux colonies (Session de Londres) 1903’, in Le Régime foncier aux Colonies, 363 (author’s translation).
67 Singaravélou, Les stratégies d’internationalisation, 135–57.
68 Arthur Girault, ‘Les travaux de l’Institut Colonial International: la main d’œuvre’, Revue d’économie politique 10, no. 2 (1896): 147 (author’s translation).
69 Singaravélou, Les stratégies d’internationalisation, 149 (author’s translation). Furthermore the comparison, as Joseph Tramond wrote, aimed to create a scientific platform for collaborative and fruitful dialogue between nations. Colonial questions entered a phase in which their interest went beyond purely national matters: ‘This unification of the planet has not yet taken place; we can only conceive of it in the form of these great empires extending over several climates and several continents, which are essentially colonial empires’. Tramond also reiterated the ‘epochal change’ that had taken place: ‘The old notion of rivalry, which caused so much harm to humanity, is constantly being replaced by that of solidarity and sympathy, and it can be said that this colonial passion, which once caused so many wars and disasters, is now turning into a principle of union and almost collaboration’: Joseph Tramond, ‘Des conclusions sur la colonisation comparée’, Revue d’histoire des colonies 85, (1932): 527–28 (author’s translation). See: Singaravélou, Les stratégies d’internationalisation, 156.
70 Article 1 stated that: ‘Its purpose is to promote the development of moral and political sciences in countries where peoples of differing civilizations have been brought into contact, and more particularly : 1) to undertake a study of the problems arising in the administrative, political, social, cultural and economic spheres from the contacts between those peoples, and from their respective evolution; 2) to promote international relations between the persons or corporations engaged in the study of these problems and to facilitate the interchange of ideas on the same problems between experts; 3) to promote and organize exchanges between persons and corporations of different nationalities interested in problems which are within the scope of the Institute; 4) to organize, as far as its resources permit, an international office of information and of documentation concerning these problem’. Editorial, in Civilisations 1, no. 1 (1951): 3.
71 Ibid., 2 ff.
72 Ibid., 2 ff.
73 Edward A. Tiryakian, ‘Civilizational Analysis’, in Rethinking Civilizational Analysis, ed. Said A. Arjomand and Edward A. Tiryakian (London: Sage Publication, 2004), 33. See also Miguel B. Jerónimo and Hugo G. Dores, ‘Enlightened Developments? Inter-imperial Organizations and the Issue of Colonial Education in Africa 1945–1957’, in Education and Development in Colonial and Postcolonial Africa, ed. Miguel B. Jeronimo, Hugo G. Dores and Damiano Matasci (Cham: Springer, 2020), 238.