Abstract
The growth of local Chinese Christian communities in the seventeenth century highlighted the importance of directly addressing the issue of miracles. For Giulio Aleni (1582–1649), the most respected Catholic missionary to China after Matteo Ricci, this issue presented two interrelated agendas: to criticize divination and to preach Christian miracles. Aleni’s empirical approach to refute divination as a feeble observational science seemed to contradict his belief in miracles. Focusing on how Aleni negotiated the tension between empirical inquiry and the ineffable and interpretive qualities of acts of faith, this study shows that Aleni’s robust empiricism can be justified and forms the basis for cross-cultural hermeneutics based on a two-tier theory of the truth.
17世紀不斷發展的中國本土基督徒社區使對奇跡的直接處理成為一個越來越迫切的議題。對於艾儒略 (1582–1649)，利瑪竇之後最受尊敬的來華天主教傳教士來說，這一議題包括兩個彼此相關的議程：批評占卜和宣揚基督教奇跡。分析表明，艾儒略用經驗主義的方法駁斥占卜是一門無效的觀察科學，這似乎與他對神迹的信仰相矛盾。本研究重點関注艾儒略如何处理經驗探究與信仰行為的不可言說性和解釋性之間的張力和矛盾，表明艾儒略强有力的經驗主義有其道理，並為基於雙層真理理論的跨文化詮釋學奠定了基础。
Notes
6 Health is traditionally understood as the absence of disease, or, more generally, absence of abnormalities and vice versa in modern medicine. For an introduction to the relevant conceptual issues, see CitationBoorse 2011.
7 The popular notion of the Confucian attitude toward the supernatural, illustrated in Lunyu 論語 (The Analects), is that “subjects the Master did not discuss: strange occurrences, feats of strength, rebellion, gods” (子不語怪、力、亂、神, Lunyu 7:20) should be better avoided. Interpreted in this way, scholars often characterized Confucians' attitude as “humanism,” suggesting an affinity with Enlightenment values. However, such characterization can be misleading in that it does not do justice to the religious dimension of Confucianism, particularly the structure and function of divination within it. Cf. CitationShin 2011. For the “humanism” claim, see CitationChan Wing-Tsit 1969, p. 3.
9 The metaphorical nature of diviners’ language was noticed by Ferdinand Verbiest (1623–1688). See, for instance, Verbiest’s Wang ze bian 妄擇辯, in Faguo guojia tushuguan Ming–Qing tianzhujiao wenxian, vol. 16, p. 271.
11 Zhu Xi’s idea is related to a particular stance he held regarding the hermeneutic of the Yijing. While some of the interpreters, sometimes called yili pai 義理派 (the intellectualist school), tended to philosophize it and regard it as a difficult philosophical work, others called xiangshu pai 象數派 (the symbolist school), Zhu included, maintained that it was undoubtedly a book of divination and must be read at face value.
12 卜筮自伏羲、堯、舜以來皆用之，是有此理矣。今人若於事有疑，敬以卜筮決之，有何不可？如義理合當作底事，卻又疑惑，只管去問卜筮，亦不能遠也. See Zhuzi yulei, vol. 32, p. 817. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations of quotations from Chinese are provided by the author.
14 For an excellent examination of the sense of and reference to the term mixin 迷信 in early Catholic communities, see CitationChu Pingyi 2013.
15 Chu Pingyi noticed that the Jesuits redefined divinations, notably astrology, as zuodao 左道 (heterodoxy), which is more scathing an evaluation than the formerly categorized “superstitions,” in the wake of the Calendar Controversy of 1664–1665, which was triggered by the conflict between Jesuit and Chinese astronomers and led to the imprisonment of Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1592–1666) and his Jesuit colleagues. See CitationChu Pingyi 2013, pp. 724–735.
16 Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, p. 287.
17 Cf. Giulio Aleni, Xifang dawen 2:3, in Ai Rulüe Hanwen zhushu wenji, vol. 2, p. 148.
18 求簽求爻與神廟及卜卦問課與術士者有罪；見犬吠鴉鳴鵲噪等以為妖祥者有罪；妄信夜夢爲吉凶先兆者有罪；書符唸咒顯奇怪之事者有罪；擇年月日造作諸事謀求福利者有罪；妄信堪輿福禍者有罪；妄信星相術家言造化吉凶者有罪. See Giulio Aleni, “Zhang Mige’er yiji” 張彌格爾遺跡 [Biography of Michael Zhang], in Ai Rulüe Hanwen zhushu wenji, vol. 1, p. 247.
20 The treatise is integrated into Aleni’s Xifang dawen and appears as its last chapter.
22 Aleni, Xifang dawen 2:5, in Ai Rulüe Hanwen zhushu wenji, vol. 2, p. 153.
23 “Da Luo Bixian shenggan,” p. 406.
24 今堪輿家談風水，必言山從何來、從何去，于何卓越，于何結聚，沙水如何匯合，如何環抱。然在江南多山之處，猶得謬張其説。吾嘗過齊魯汴洛之地，平空一望，曠野千里，而人之葬其先者，有何來龍沙水，可辨吉凶？而衰旺興替，種種不同，則何以説也？See CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 214–215 [the translation was modified]. Another example of the mutual refutation between geomancy and Christianity can be found in Kouduo richao I.29 (CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 232–233).
25 十六日，余侍司鐸，偶及堪輿之説。艾司鐸曰：「人之生也，目能視，耳能听，口能言，手足能持行，而不能庇其子孫或富且貴。豈既死之後，目不能視，耳不能听，口不能言，手足不能持行，而能庇子孫以富貴，豈不惑哉？且既朽之骨，并其耳目口鼻手足而無之，而謂于數十里之遙，數百年之遠，呼吸可通，禍福不爽，則又惑之甚者也。」 CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, p. 214 [the translation was modified]. A similar argument can also be found in Lun kanyu. See Ai Rulüe Hanwen zhushu wenji, vol. 2, pp. 151–152.
31 Chinese literature sometimes refers to geomancy as the “learning of geography” (dili zhi xue 地理之學) or the “art of geography” (dili zhi shu 地理之術).
33 小道不是異端，小道亦是道理，只是小。如農、囿、醫、卜、百工之類，卻有道理在. See Zhuzi yulei, 49:1200.
35 Cf. CitationZürcher 2007, 1:216. Zürcher maintains that Confucian literati rejected geomancy. While this may be true of the few Neo-Confucian figures he mentions, including Sima Guang and Cheng Yi, the argument nevertheless is a partial one, in that it belies the sheer fundamental complexity of the Confucian tradition.
36 The fact that the Confucian world has a mixed message for geomancy partly explains the anti-Christian camp’s meaningful silence, as the Jesuits piled on their criticism of geomancy.
37 See Zhuzi quanshu, p. 4878.
38 Xiang Qiao 項喬, “Fengshui bian” 風水辯 (On Geomancy), in Yingyin Wenyuange Sikuquanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書, vol. 58, pp. 27; Li Guangdi 1995, pp. 799–800.
40 Chuanshan si wen lu, p. 94. [Cf. also the article by Chen Yu-chuan in this volume. – Ed.]
41 For instance, the miracles performed by Moses (cf. Kouduo richao V.34, VI.42; CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 467–468, 512–515), Jesus and the Apostle Peter walking on the waves (Matt 14:22–32, cf. Kouduo richao I.3; CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, p. 193), and the miracle of Pentecost (cf. Kouduo richao VIII.16; CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 541–542).
42 The Image of Edessa (Kouduo richao I.24; CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 224–225) and the instant production of Mass wine at the church of the Apostle Thomas at Mylapore (Kouduo richao IV.27; CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 415–416).
43 The holy dream of Dominic, the founder of the Dominican order (Kouduo richao VI.48; CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 520–521), the infinite sharing of the relics of the Cross (Kouduo richao II.2; CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 254–255), and the uniformity of the production of the Septuagint (Kouduo richao II.7; CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 260–261).
46 Such as newborns speaking of their former lives (cf. Kouduo richao II.44; CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 315–316) or the mysterious destruction of a coffin or grave (cf. Lun kanyu 論堪輿 in Ai Rulüe Hanwen zhushu wenji, vol. 2, p. 153). Regarding Renaissance Christianity’s belief in the existence of Satan, see also Alfonso Vagnone, Shengui zhengji 神鬼正紀 (On Spirits and Devils; ca. 1633) I.2.
47 Cf., for instance, Kouduo richao IV.27: “On the third day I asked the master: ‘Latterly, when reading the Lives of the Apostles [Zongtu xingshi] I found that the martyrdom of saints often has been accompanied by miracles. Master, you personally have passed through all those countries – have you too heard some stranger things?’ […] I rose from my seat in amazement and said: ‘This shows that martyrdom is the most perfect virtue; therefore, the Lord of Heaven especially loves it and shows his approval by manifesting his miracles。’” 初三日，余謂林司鐸曰：「頃讀宗徒行實，見諸聖之致命者，多種種靈奇。吾師身曆諸國，夫亦有異聞乎？」 … 余作而嘆曰：「致命之爲絶德也，故天主特愛之，而章示其靈奇耳。」 (CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 415–416). Note that, here, the original Chinese word for “master” is Lin siduo 林司鐸, or literally, “Priest Lin,” referring to Bento de Matos (Lin Bendu 林本篤, also Lin Cunyuan 林存元, 1600–1651).
48 Cf. Lixiu yijian, vol. 2. In: Standaert – Dudink – Monnet 2009, vol. 7, pp. 187–232. For an introduction to the collection Lixiu yijian, see CitationShin 2011.
49 若云誰聞之見之，則東方所見聞者，西方未嘗見聞；南方所見聞者，北方亦未嘗見聞。安可以未之見聞而遂疑其有無乎？盡如是，則中邦所稱古聖古賢暨諸事蹟，敝邦未之見聞。余入中華，必不以不前見聞故，遂概疑其無也. CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, pp. 546–547. The translation was modified.
60 Although Aleni’s authorship of Zhang’s hagiographic-like biography is controversial, it is beyond doubt that Aleni played a crucial role for the interpretive community that developed around the miracle.
62 Zürcher, in his Introduction to Kouduo richao, points out that in both Jesuit works and treatises written by Chinese converts “the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven is presented as an ideal system of beliefs and moral rules, not as a lived tradition” (CitationZürcher 2007, vol. 1, p. 12).
Additional information
Funding
I want to extend many thanks to my graduates, Xu Yuxiang 徐宇翔 and Qu Xiangru 曲相儒, for their help. My thanks also go to Thierry Meynard, who gave me much support. This study was funded by the National Social Science Foundation of China (NSSFC) (Grant Number 23BZX052); Social Science Foundation of Guangdong Province (Grant Number GD22TWCXGC03); MOE (Ministry of Education in China) Project of Humanities and Social Sciences Project (Grant Number 19YJC720023); “Three Big Constructions” Project of Sun Yat–sen University (No Grant Number); Narrative Medicine, Teaching Reform Project of University Level, Sun Yat–sen University (Xushi yixue, Zhongshan daxue jiaoxue gaige gongcheng xiangmu 叙事医学，中山大学教学改革工程项目) (No Grant Number).
Notes on contributors
Dawei 潘大为 Pan
Pan Dawei holds the position of Associate Professor at the Department of Philosophy, Sun Yat-sen University. She has published articles in Philosophy East & West, Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy, Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Universitas, Religions, and Argumentation. Pan and Thierry Meynard have recently co-translated Giulio Aleni’s A Brief Introduction to the Study of Human Nature (Brill, 2020).
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