Social media, civil unrest and government responses: the Zimbabwean experience

ABSTRACT

This article discusses the discontent that increased against the Robert Mugabe led government as a result of grave socio-economic and political grievances, and in the context of accessible social media platforms which mobilised and empowered disenfranchised Zimbabweans to challenge the regime after the 2013 elections. Among other factors, the mounting discontent was caused by the belated payment of civil servants’ salaries, inability to create employment opportunities, refusal to enact electoral reforms, rampant corruption and the introduction of import ban restrictions. This led to the formation of civic organisations which demanded the resignation of Mugabe and these included, but were not limited to, #Tajamuka and #ThisFlag. In response, the Mugabe led government used rigid and repressive measures targeting the protesters, as well as traditional and social media platforms to safeguard itself.

KEYWORDS:

• Protests
• Zimbabwe
• social media
• civic organisations

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Note on contributors

Mediel Hove is a Research Associate at the Durban University of Technology-South Africa and Associate Professor of local and international conflicts (including war), peacebuilding, human and state security and strategic studies in the History Department at the University of Zimbabwe. Some of his recent articles and book reviews are published in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, Journal of Asian and African Studies, African Security Review, Democracy and Security, Insight on Africa, Migration and Development, Politikon, SAGE Open, Democratization and Journal of Peace Education among others. He can be consulted on mediation and election strategies and peacebuilding. He can be contacted at: [email protected]

Vincent Chenzi lectures at the University of Zimbabwe and is in the process of registering for his PhD studies. His research interests embody: gender and conflict, conflict resolution and transformation. Some of his work has been published in Conflict Studies Quarterly and Insight on Africa (IOA). He can be contacted at: [email protected].

Notes

1 The national pledge was an oath imposed by the Zimbabwean government which was officially launched on the 3rd of May 2016 in all primary and secondary schools. The government argued that the national pledge was created so as to instil the spirit of patriotism, diligence and good character in all school children. However, parents countrywide strongly opposed the pledge claiming that it was a disguised form of brainwashing which sought to desensitise their children to the incumbent ZANU-PF’s extreme doctrines.

2 Bond notes are Zimbabwean quasi paper currency with $2 and $5 denominations introduced in November 2016.

3 ZANU-PF or Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front has been Zimbabwe’s ruling party since independence in 1980. Robert Mugabe was also the president of the party from 1976 until the November 2017 coup.

4 See: Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) Title 10, Chapter 10:27, Acts 5/2002, 5/2003; Interception of Communications Act (ICA) of 2007; Public Order Security Act (POSA), Act 1/2002; Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act Section 33; Republic of Zimbabwe, Computer Crime and Cybercrime Bill of 2016; Republic of Zimbabwe, ‘Flag ban’ Statutory Instrument 184 of 1987.

5 Dollarisation was the introduction of a multi-currency system in Zimbabwe, especially use of the United States Dollar and the South African Rand, following the 2009 Government of National Unity between Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF and Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC-T and Arthur Mutambara’s MDC-M.

6 Bond currency refers to Zimbabwean quasi currency which was initially pegged to the US dollar in an attempt to resolve the cash crisis. The currency was in coins: 1, 5, 10, 25, 50 cent and 1 dollar, and notes in $2 and $5 denominations.

7 Tsaona is a literal translation of the Shona word for accident or misfortune. In light of the Zimbabwean crisis, it has been used to refer to repackaged small packets of foodstuffs (such as sugar and mealie meal among others) affordable to the urban poor which at the time were priced at US $0.35.

8 Generation 40 refers to the cabal of young Turks within ZANU-PF’s echelons of power who are in their 40s and did not participate in the country’s liberation struggle, while Team Lacoste are ZANU-PF old guards who are former liberation war veterans.

9 Leakages refer to the Zimbabwean government’s definition of the practice of taking suitcases of money outside the country.