Complex context: Aboriginal participation in hosting the Vancouver 2010 Winter Olympic and Paralympic Games

Abstract

In an effort to build understanding of diverse Indigenous experiences with the Olympics, we explore the relationship between the Vancouver Organizing Committee and the Four Host First Nations Society (FHFN). The research is grounded in theory that stresses the social influence and political nature of material–cultural landscapes. The article also connects important details from two disparate literatures: the politics and imagery of Olympic hosting, and the history and tensions surrounding Aboriginal sovereignty in British Columbia (BC). After discussing our methodological approach and reviewing this literature, we trace the formalisation of the FHFN and consider how protocol agreements guided its relationship with the Vancouver Organizing Committee. Next, we overview programmes that enlisted Aboriginal artists and entrepreneurs, highlighting how prominent additions to the material–cultural landscape were produced and overseen, and have since been discursively framed. The hosting relationship has resulted in benefits for some Aboriginal persons and businesses. However, it has also imprinted the landscape in ways that may (re)legitimise dominant political, economic and cultural objectives and perspectives over time. Thus, we question whether the relationship should be taken as a model for future Indigenous participation in the Olympics and/or as evidence of improved relations between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples in BC.

Keywords:

• British Columbia
• Indigenous peoples
• landscape
• Olympic Games
• sovereignty

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank the editors at Leisure Studies and the three anonymous reviewers assigned to this manuscript for their constructive feedback on earlier versions; the article is stronger as a result of their diligence. The Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada funded Silver through parts of her Doctoral studies at Simon Fraser University and all of her Post-doctoral studies at Duke University. Meletis received funding from The University of Northern British Columbia for travel to the Games and for initial collaborative work on the research concept. Vadi’s MA research on Vancouver 2010 was supervised by Dr. Meg Holden of Simon Fraser University. Errors or omissions remain ours alone.

Notes

1. In Canada, the term ‘Aboriginal’ predominates in reference to an Indigenous person or nation. Three sub-groupings are recognized in the Canadian constitution: First Nations, Métis, and Inuit. In BC, approximately 66% of Aboriginal persons self-identify as First Nations (Statistics Canada, 2009). Thus, in references not specific to a certain people or place, we use the term Aboriginal. Where referring to a specific person or nation, we attempt to use the constitutionally defined term.

2. For two reasons we did not consider Ilanaaq, the inukshuk-shaped symbol chosen as the logo of the 2010 Olympic Winter Games. First, as a matter of scope: Ruhl (2008) contains details on its history and the tensions it raised amongst proponents and opponents of Vancouver 2010. Second, the symbol was revealed in 2005 and not subject to VANOC–FHFN stipulations.

3. We frequently cite Dunn in two early paragraphs of Section 5. Dunn also included copies of the full FHFN–VANOC protocol agreements as appendices to her thesis. It is important to note, however, that our presentation and discussion of those documents reflects our analysis of them (i.e. our reading and interpretation was simply made possible by their inclusion in Dunn’s thesis).

4. Estimates of the population during this period remain uncertain. Some suggest hundreds of thousands, while others estimate 2–5 million (McKee, 2009). The 2006 Canadian census recorded 196,070 Aboriginal persons in British Columba (Statistics Canada, 2008); approximately 6550–7000 are registered members of one of the four host nations (Dunn, 2007).

5. For example, although Aboriginal persons constitute 1.9% of metro Vancouver’s population, they account for 32% of its homeless (BC Housing, 2010). In Canada, Aboriginal persons live on average 6.25 years less than non-Aboriginals, Aboriginal men earn 50% less than non-Aboriginal men, Aboriginal women earn 21% less than non-Aboriginal women and 26% of Aboriginals in reserve-based communities reside in overcrowded housing (CPRA, 2009).

6. The Musqueam and Tsleil-Waututh Shared Legacy Agreements were signed on 13 June 2008, and include the allocation of lands and $17 million to each of the two nations.

7. For example, during the Games the FHFN Society released a statement condemning anti-Olympic protests that took place in concert with the torch relay and opening weekend (FHFN, 2010a). The release implied that dissent was a sign of disrespect to their peoples and territories.

8. The issue of branding and artistic authenticity has caused public controversy (CBC, 2009b). Perhaps the most notorious example occurred in October 2009 when artisans from the Cowichan Bands of the Coast Salish First Nations did not get contracted to produce their well-known knit sweaters for the Hudson’s Bay Company (the company chose to contract a similar design to non-Aboriginal knitters). After some negative press and meeting with Hudson’s Bay executives, the Cowichan were given the opportunity to sell sweaters at the Vancouver flagship Bay store and the FHFN Pavilion (CBC, 2009a).

9. It should be noted that the FHFN certified merchandise was one of several sub-sets of Vancouver 2010 merchandise and represented only 5% of total merchandise sales (VANOC, 2010b, p. 84).

10. For images of YVR collection, see: www.yvraf.com.

11. For images of Stanley Park landmarks, including poles and new installations, see: http://vancouver.ca/parks/parks/stanley/landmarks.htm.