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Original Articles

What's in a name? The personal and political meanings of ‘LGBT’ for non-heterosexual and transgender youth in Kyrgyzstan

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Pages 485-499 | Published online: 25 Dec 2010
 

Abstract

In this article, we focus on the ways in which non-heterosexual and transgender youth involved with the non-governmental organization ‘Labrys’ in Kyrgyzstan have begun to demand the protection of their basic civil and human rights on the basis of self-identification as ‘LGBT’. This acronym, which stands for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender, is relatively new to Kyrgyzstan and other post-Soviet states, and represents a change in the terms used by non-heterosexual and transgender people to describe themselves. We frame our discussion using the concepts of sexual citizenship, private/public divides and stigma and base our discussion on debates amongst the staff and community of Labrys about the purpose and scope of the organization. Centrally, we suggest that the strategic use of ‘LGBT’ as a public and politicized identity represents a new, pro-active form of stigma management. By employing this strategy, young LGBT people become ‘would-be’ sexual citizens and challenge traditional societal norms that seek to keep discussion of sex and sexuality in the private sphere and restrict rights to heterosexual, cisgender citizens.

This article is part of the following collections:
Critical Reader in Central Asian Studies: 40 Years of Central Asian Survey

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Labrys, Stefan Kirmse and the anonymous reviewer for helpful and insightful comments. Cai would also like to thank Anna Dovgopol and Dr Jeremy Morris for his comments on earlier drafts.

Notes

Cisgender refers to people whose gender is congruent with their assigned sex.

We use the term ‘non-heterosexual’ as a more inclusive alternative to homosexual and bisexual in recognition of the diversity of names people choose to describe their sexual orientation. The term ‘transgender’ is used to describe anyone whose gender identity does not correspond to their assigned biological sex at birth.

There is no single definition of homophobia or transphobia (Herek Citation2004). As working definitions, we define homophobia as hostility towards, fear of, prejudice or discrimination against anyone of any gender who is, or appears to be, homosexual or bisexual. Correspondingly, transphobia is hostility, towards, fear of, prejudice or discrimination against anyone who is, or appears to be, transgender.

Until 2004, the only NGO working in this area was ‘Oazis’. As of the end of 2009, there were eight registered NGOs working with non-heterosexual and transgender people. None of them are officially registered as LGBT organizations and three include non-heterosexual and transgender people only as groups particularly vulnerable to HIV/Aids.

That said, the issuance of documents with the correct gender marker is not subject to any official procedures, but rather depends on the attitude of the officials involved, as illustrated by the story of one transman in T-World, billed as Kyrgyzstan's first trans-comic, published by Labrys (available for download at http://www.scribd.com/doc/31856221/T-World-Kyrgyzstan-Issue-1).

Efforts to register officially as an ‘LGBT’ NGO foundered due to people's reluctance to have their personal details officially linked with the organization in case it led to harassment or being ‘outed’ by the police or other officials.

We use these terms in preference to the more common term ‘private sphere’ in recognition of the artificiality of attempts to construct a clear line between the private and the public spheres.

The terms and language used by Kando to describe transsexual women are crude and insensitive by today's standards. Nevertheless, his study remains relevant in describing how some transwomen manage their identity, particularly in places where there is much hostility towards and little understanding about transgender issues.

‘Non-traditional gender presentation’ is any appearance and/or behaviour that does not conform to societal standards for what is ‘normal’ for women and men. As such, it is determined by others’ perceptions and not self-identification, and can affect heterosexual and/or cisgender people as well as non-heterosexual and transgender people.

Labrys expanded its remit to include non-heterosexual men and transwomen in 2007, partly in response to the closure of the NGO Oazis, which had worked with gay and bisexual men and also men who have sex with men for over 15 years. Oazis closed following the discontinuation of funding from donors. However, as of November 2010 it appears that Oazis is once again active.

Personal correspondence with the member of the original initiative group who suggested the name Labrys, 15 October 2010.

Ibid.

Available at: www.beout.org.

The blog began at http://kyrgyzlabrys.livejournal.com/ before moving to http://kyrgyzlabrys.wordpress.com/. Both blogs have now been replaced by a website, http://www.labrys.kg/, in Russian and English.

Labrys initially received funding from the Global Fund for Women to provide a shelter in September 2005. Despite issues finding suitable premises at times, this has been one of the key services provided by Labrys.

The Ombudsman of the Kyrgyz Republic is responsible for ensuring that the human rights and freedoms of citizens are observed. http://www.ombudsman.kg/

‘Coming out' describes the process of self-acceptance, self-discovery and openness of non-heterosexual and transgender people about their sexual orientation and/or gender identity.

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