Migration and patrilineal descent: the role of women in Kyrgyzstan

Abstract

Migration processes in Kyrgyzstan have given rise to fundamental social and demographic changes, meaning that many villages and town quarters are inhabited nowadays solely by women, children and the elderly, whereas younger and middle-aged men live as migrants elsewhere. This article explores the role of women in the maintenance of a strong patrilineal descent system, in the absence of their husbands or sons. This is achieved by grandmothers who play a significant role in transmitting oral genealogies and passing stories on to their children. Another role of women lies in changing the names of male relatives of their husbands; while appointing whom one should marry is also of great importance. The role of mothers-in-law in the formation of their sons' marriage ties in the latter's absence points to the powerful positions of these women. The final point is that young brides continue to live with their parents-in-law – even if their husband does not – and they must be respectful brides.

Keywords:

• Kyrgyzstan
• women
• kinship
• marriage
• patriarchy
• migration

Acknowledgements

Some of the material used in this paper is the result of doctoral research conducted in Bulak village from 2007 to 2008. Further research was conducted in the framework of the Crossroads Asia competence network in the summer of 2011 and in 2012 for one month in Kyrgyzstan and one month in Yekaterinburg, Russia. The author would like to thank Anna-Katharina Hornidge, Eva-Marie Dubuisson and Michael Stanley-Baker for thoughtful comments made on a previous draft of this paper. The author is also grateful to an anonymous reviewer.

Funding

The author is grateful to the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) for funding the follow-up research on the repercussions of migration on those who are in Russia and those left behind in Bulak village, Kyrgyzstan.

Notes

1. The census of Bulak village, Issik-Ata Rayon, Chüi Oblast, Kyrgyzstan 15 May 2007.

2. In some of the ethnographic cases, father-in-laws are not mentioned at all because they are deceased. In some cases, father-in-laws are alive, but completely disengaged from the organizational matters of their sons' marriages.

3. However, it is important to mention that there are also other possible marriages (such as dating) which are not examined here due to lack of space.

4. Such a position can mean both increased responsibility and constraint for a young bride. Discussing gendered out-migration in eastern Uzbekistan, Reeves (2011) argues that ‘whilst spousal absence is experienced by some women as expanding the possibilities for social and spatial mobility, for others it can exacerbate the degree of control exerted by in-laws. The movement of some can constrain (or compel) the mobility of others’ (555).

5. Women waited until the hostess approached them and asked them to circulate and mingle. Otherwise, guests were not expected to be independent and free, which would be deemed as ‘misbehaviour’ and discussed later during informal talks. This would be interpreted as being disrespectful to the host.

6. An anonymous reviewer is thanked for pointing out this comment.