‘We don't want you to walk the streets we walked’: youth reflections on themselves and relationships that help them grow and thrive

Abstract

Research on adolescent health is emphasising positive youth development. Most research on the Developmental Assets framework has occurred in developed countries using quantitative methods. This paper explores the validity of the concept of youth Developmental Assets in Lebanon. Thirteen focus group discussions were conducted with 7th–12th-graders (n = 162 youth) from eight private and public schools in four areas of Lebanon (two urban and two rural). Six themes emerged from the thematic analysis: parent–youth relationship; relationships with others; behaviours, attitudes and values; role of schools; country and community context; and recreational needs, opportunities, and recommendations. These were closely linked to the Developmental Assets framework. These results can guide interventions to strengthen internal assets, and provide a supportive environment to help young people in Lebanon grow and thrive.

Keywords::

• Developmental Assets
• youth
• positive youth development
• qualitative research
• Lebanon

Background

Adolescence is a time of great opportunity and concurrently great risk. Research on adolescent health has recently shifted from a problem-focused approach aimed at thwarting risky behaviours and ‘fixing’ (Benson et al., 2006, p. 2) deficits, to an emphasis on capturing youths' innate potentials for being resources to their societies (Damon, 2004). This affirmative perspective on youth has paved the way to the field now called positive youth development (PYD) (Damon, 2004). PYD stems from a growing body of evidence among youth practitioners who have observed benefits in using strength-based models in their research and practice (Benson et al., 2006), and from cautionary acknowledgement that ‘problem-free is not fully prepared’ (Pittman & Fleming, 1991, in Scales et al., 2008).

The vocabulary that defines the core concepts and principles of PYD varies across authors, thinkers, researchers, and practitioners (Benson et al., 2006; Scales et al., 2008). However, five interacting core constructs seem to converge on common grounds (Benson et al., 2006); namely, the supportive developmental community context; two person-related constructs: the engagement of the child with his/her supportive context, and the child's developmental strengths; and two constructs of developmental success, reduction of high-risk behaviour, and promotion of health, well-being, and thriving (Benson et al., 2006).

Among one of the most widely adopted conceptualisations of PYD is the framework of Developmental Assets, developed by the Search Institute in its original form in 1990.1 The framework takes root in scientific research on adolescent development, and draws additionally on three areas of applied research: PYD; prevention; and resiliency. At present, the framework lists 40 Developmental Assets organised into two broad categories: 20 external assets and 20 internal assets.2 The external assets refer to the positive developmental features of the environment and are further grouped into four categories: support, empowerment, boundaries and expectations, and constructive use of time (Benson, 2002). The internal assets refer to values, skills and competencies that young people develop over time and are also grouped into four categories: commitment to learning, positive values, social competencies, and positive identity (Benson, 2002).

Several studies across diverse samples and of different designs have aimed to study the power of assets through examining the linkage of assets with a variety of key youth behaviours. The evidence from these studies points to better developmental outcomes among adolescents with higher levels of assets. Outcomes have included high-risk behaviours, such as violence and alcohol and substance abuse (Leffert et al., 1998), and thriving outcomes, such as school success, helping others, and physical health (Scales, Benson, Leffert, & Blyth, 2000). Research on assets, by the Search Institute, as well as other researchers, has consistently shown significant differences in assets by demographic variables, among which is age (Murphey, Lamonda, Carney, & Duncan, 2004; Oman et al., 2002; Scales, Leffert, & Vraa, 2003; Wilson, 2010). More specifically, there is a tendency for a decrease in assets among older adolescents as compared with younger adolescents (Benson, 2002; Scales, 1999).

Most of the work on the Search Institute's Developmental Assets framework has been done in the United States and other developed countries (Scales, 2011). Much less has been done in the developing world, and where there has been research few studies have published on the adaptation of the Developmental Assets Profile (DAP) to their specific cultures (James-Wilson, 2008; Wilson, 2010). Recently, Scales (2011) reported on DAP data from five countries whose samples were sufficiently large; namely, Albania, Bangladesh, Japan, Lebanon, and the Philippines. Results from these samples provide substantial evidence that the DAP can be effectively adapted and used study positive development in cultural settings other than the United States.

The majority of studies using PYD models have adopted quantitative methods, while few have used qualitative methods, or some mixed-method approaches. Among qualitative studies in the PYD field, some have aimed at assessing needs and assets (for example, Chang et al., 2007; Conticini, 2005; Ginsburg, Alexander, Hunt, Sullivan, Zhao, & Cnaan, 2002; Kegler, Rodine, Marshall, Oman, & McLeory, 2003), while others have focused on evaluation or follow up on PYD programmes or initiatives (for example, Kegler, Young, Marshall, Bui, & Rodine, 2005; Mahoney, Lafferty, & Nutter, 2003; Mannes, Lewis, Hintz, Foster, & Nakkula, 2002). Qualitative methods have been also used, along with quantitative methods, in attempts to pilot test for cultural relevance of the DAP outside the United States through a series of field research activities including the Philippines, Egypt, Bangladesh, and others (James-Wilson, 2008). This paper adds to this literature by presenting findings of qualitative research conducted in the Lebanese context to explore the validity of the concept of youth Developmental Assets. The main research question was: what are the factors that help young people to grow and thrive?

Methods

A total of 13 focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with 7th–12-grade youth (a total of 162 youths participated) over a two-month period (April–May 2009). Participants of these FGDs were recruited from eight private and public schools, located across two urban areas (Beirut, the capital city; and Tripoli, the capital city of the North governorate and the second largest city in Lebanon) and two rural areas (Shouf in Mount Lebanon governorate; and Koura in North governorate). Schools were selected for inclusion in the research with guidance from the Ministry of Education and Higher Education, Directorate of Counseling and Guidance.

In each of the schools, the administration would select at least one class of any grade between seven and 12 to participate, with selection mostly based on availability of time. Then, parental consent would be distributed to all students in the selected class. A total of 256 eligible students were recruited for the FGDs. Parents of 47 children did not respond; and out of the 209 who responded, parents of 162 students gave consent for their children to participate (77.5%). All of the youth whose parents had consented also assented themselves to participation prior to commencement of data collection. To ensure child privacy and confidentiality, school staff, teacher, or administrators were asked not to attend any of the focus group discussions. The Institutional Review Board at the American University of Beirut and the Ministry of Education and Higher Education approved the study, and the school administration's approval was obtained before starting the fieldwork at schools.

An initial set of questions was developed and pilot tested in two FGDs with youth of similar demographic characteristics. Building on the experience of the pilot test, questions were subsequently revised to address additional concepts of youth assets and include more probes. In line with the broad research questions, FGDs did not ask directly about each of the DAP items; instead, we sought to find out what the Lebanese youth would identify as issues that are problematic and mechanism to help them cope. Specific FGD questions are listed in Table 1.

Table 1 Focus group discussion questions with youth in Lebanon.

1. What are some problems/difficulties that youth your age face these days?

2. What are things that help you or people you know cope better, or deal with these problems, in a better way and grow up safe and healthy? Or what are some possible factors that might protect youth from these problems, or help them avoid or deal with these problems?

3. What role do adults play in helping young people cope with problems and grow up safe and healthy? Which adults are most important to help young people cope?

4. What role does the school have in helping young people cope with problems and grow up safe and healthy?

5. If you were to develop a programme to help young people cope with problems and grow up safe and healthy, what would the programme include, what activities, who would be involved in the programme, who would implement the programme?

6. What are your plans for your future? How are you thinking of making these a reality?

7. How much control do youth have over their lives? How do you feel about that?

8. In case youth your age are confronted with a problem that might lead to violence, what are ways that problem can be solved non-violently? How realistic is this?

9. How do youth your age react to persons from other cultures? If an American student joins your school, how would kids react? If a student from Sri Lanka joined the school, how would students react?

10. What after-school and weekend activities are you involved in?

The duration of the discussion groups ranged from 45 to 75 min. All of the FGDs were conducted at school during school-time, with one research team member moderating and another taking notes. The majority of the FGDs were conducted in Arabic (10/13), and the rest in English. All of the focus groups, but one, agreed to be audio-recorded. Transcription was then performed using the original language of the FGD. Thematic analysis was the data analysis strategy of choice. Because we were interested in answering the broader research question of ‘factors that help young people grow and thrive’, analysis was provided by identifying overall main themes, and did not proceed with the specific questions as the guiding themes. Thematic analysis is a process of analysing qualitative data using a list of themes that emerge from the transcripts, after deep familiarisation with and multiple readings of transcripts (Huberman & Miles, 2002). Two team members (D.B., R.B.) conducted the analysis, coded the transcripts of the FGDs and analysed the data continually using the notes and transcripts. Recurrent themes and quotes that emerged from raw data were summarised on spreadsheets for data management. The themes were verified by at least two of the research team members after reading and discussing the transcripts. Direct quotations representative of those themes were selected to reflect, as accurately as possible, the words and views of youth. Those quotes that were stated originally in the Arabic language were translated into English. Translation was performed by one team member who was also involved in the analysis, and was double-checked through back-translation by another team member.

Results

The thematic analysis revealed differences in themes by age group but no differences across rural versus urban, or private versus public schools. Findings will be presented across two age groups, the younger age group (YAG) and the older age group (OAG), corresponding to students in the 7th–9th grades and the 10th–12th grades, respectively. The following six themes emerged from the FGDs with youth as important to help young people grow and thrive: parent–youth relationship; relationships with others; behaviours, attitudes and values; role of schools; country and community context; and recreational needs, opportunities, and recommendations.

Parent–youth relationship

A positive parent–youth relationship was seen as a critical protective factor by both younger and older youth. The main subthemes were parental authority and youth's expectations of parents' role.

Parental authority was acknowledged as necessary to keep children healthy and safe by the YAG and the OAG. The YAG accepted parental authority without question: parents know best. The OAG viewed authority as necessary for its regulatory and protective role, but also stressed that it should be clearly explained, convincing, limited to particular topics, and set with an understanding of youths' perspectives:

They (parents) come to us saying – we don't want you to walk on the path that we walked. Fine, but make us understand what ‘the’ (correct) path is, don't just tell us this is forbidden … (Urban, private school, Grade 11)

In both age groups, youth's expectations of parents' role in supporting them was centred mainly around parents' establishment of closeness with their children through manifestation of love, care, trust, acceptance, respect and friendship. Also mentioned among youth's expectations of parents' role were time spent together, communication, honesty, and provision of support:

Sometimes your parents are very good people to talk to because they are adults which is always better because they've experienced what you've experienced and their minds are mentally mature, and your parents are always someone you know are not gonna turn their back on you, and they're always gonna support you … So your parents can help you and guide you with what you're gonna do next. (Urban, private school, Grade 7)

To the YAG, closeness, time spent together and communication with parents were seen as particularly important determinants of a positive parent–youth relationship, and even felt a shared responsibility for ensuring such time:

… on some days, fathers leave in the morning and return at midnight, and the children don't see them, they feel as if they don't have a father, and that they're living alone with their mother, and they want to express their feelings … A little boy needs to speak not only to his mother, but also with his father. (Rural, private school, Grade 8)

Living with children (parenting) is not only providing money and things. There's something far more important: to listen. (Urban, public school, Grade 10)

The OAG expressed the need for parental awareness not solely on matters related to their children's activities and whereabouts, but also regarding their understanding of issues their children go through in the different developmental stage, and to their children's need for sympathy, understanding, freedom, and acceptance of differing points of view. They also had expectations of parental support and guidance in financial, motivational, emotional and problem-solving matters:

A good family [role] Support/ Encouragement/Emotional support/Motivation /Financial support/Be there for you when you fall and when you face problems. (Rural, private school, Grade 12)

On the other hand, youth from both ages, especially the OAG, felt that parental guidance was sometimes excessive and thus possibly detrimental to a healthy upbringing. This excessive guidance was discussed in the form of over-protectiveness, restrictions of freedom and pocket money, interference with personal matters, as well as ideologies and values:

Unexplained restrictions (forbidding this and that), places pressure on the children, so they resort to doing the forbidden out of spite. (Urban, public school, Grade 10)

Relationships with others

As youth discussed the importance of various people and contexts (peers, family, schools, community) in their lives, relationships with others emerged as an important theme. Four main subthemes were clear: peer influence, family relationship issues, issues related to mixed-gender relationships, and need for a confidant in both age groups.

Peer influence, both positive and negative, was perceived as a strong factor in determining engagement in either safe, or undesirable, risky behaviours. Youth feared alienation as a consequence of resisting peer pressure:

It's not always if you have a strong mind. It's like a battle. What if it's your only option? What if everyone is doing it? If everyone is doing it, you don't want to be the one that's not doing it and you don't want to be left out of the group. You also want to be part of the group. (Rural, private school, Grade 12)

There's problems like they wanna fit in, some people are trying to pretend, they're doing something bad to fit in a group, there's like a clan in the school, the popular and the unpopular and they just try to fit in and even though it's bad, they wanna do, only to fit in. (Urban, private school, Grade 7)

The YAG were apprehensive of peer alienation as this was regarded as a factor that could increase susceptibility to bullying. As for the OAG, peer alienation had particularly distressing outcomes, such as depression and diminished interpersonal skills:

A student with no companions will feel lonely, out casted, that nobody loves him, nobody walks with him. This also affects his psychological well-being a lot. He ceases being able to deal with people properly. He suffers a lot. (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

Family relationship issues arose as a subtheme in both age groups in relation to problems with siblings, parents, and overall family dynamics. Among prominent sibling issues discussed was rivalry stemming from parents' gender differential treatment favouring sons over daughters. This favouritism was felt to be particularly unjust by the OAG, as it granted only the favoured sibling with opportunities:

So if he smokes, that's fine, he's a male, if he drinks [alcohol], that's fine, he's a male, if he has relationships [romantically involved], that's fine, he's a male, that means everything, because he's a male, only because he's a male is okay, everything is permissible to him. (Urban, public school, Grade 10)

Sibling rivalry was also voiced by the YAG, such as preferential treatment of older versus younger siblings, and manifested in feelings of jealousy and frequent fighting among siblings, thus negatively affecting their overall well-being.

Parental relationships and family dynamics issues were mostly related to the psychological stress resulting from stressful home situations. Such situations include prolonged absence of one or both parents for reasons of work, divorce or death, financial deprivation, discordance and bereavement:

The home environment affects life outside. Home problems affect us in the classroom and the environment we are living in. (Urban, private school, Grade 11)

Youth perceived their parents, school, and society in general to be opposed to mixed-gender relationships. Problems arose regardless of the nature of the relationship between youths of different sexes, be it friendship, romantic relationship, or even an interaction with strangers of different gender outside a defined relationship. This resulted in an unhealthy atmosphere and tension in youths' daily lives. According to the OAG, pressure from disapproval of mixed-gender relationships comes from multiple sources: it is demonstrated by some parents in their discouragement of their children from starting a romantic relationship altogether, by some schools in their enforcement of strict rules for separation of the two genders during recreation time, and by society through disapproval of such relationships. They saw this as detrimental to their growth and development, as a sign of mistrust in them, and as a straightjacket:

There is a girl and a boy who are always together at the recreation time. Then the principal informed the boy's parents about that and now he is forbidden from seeing her. They [school] are seeing nothing particularly, but just because they are walking together. (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

Youth from both age groups considered a need for a confidant as an important protective factor for healthy development, because they felt this provided them with a safety net in difficult times when trusted guidance was required. A confidant is usually someone from the youth's immediate environment, such as family or school, or could be a friend. Parents, older siblings and older close relatives were regarded as wiser, experienced with similar situations, and trustworthy. Having such qualities rendered the confidant a valuable source of advice and a channel for venting about problems. Whereas the YAG's view of a confidant's role was of an emotionally embracing sanctuary, and likely to be offered by a family member, the OAG viewed a confidant as having a more practical role of providing advice and more probably coming from a non-family adult member, such as a school counsellor:

There are things no one can help you with but you need to talk about them just to let them out (or feel better). I talk to someone not because they necessarily will help me, but because one feels better when one talks. (Rural, private school, Grade 11)

Youth behaviours, attitudes, and values

Youth from both age groups expressed a high level of awareness regarding the detrimental effects of risky behaviours. This view was expressed mainly in reference to smoking cigarettes and the waterpipe (hookah/sheesha/narghile), drug use, underage driving, bullying, and Internet abuse. Smoking and drug use were considered especially risky behaviours. The YAG, in addition to considering smoking as unhealthy, also felt it reflected poor moral upbringing:

Not only is smoking bad for the heart, but if I am a 12 year-old, and I'm known to smoke, they will assume that I'm not a good person. People will think this person has not been brought up properly. (Rural, private school, Grade 8)

The reasons youth engage in risky behaviours differed across age groups. To the YAG, parents had a major influence through modelling negative behaviour, showing permissiveness towards smoking, or failing to monitor their behaviour adequately. The OAG saw the influence as arising from peer pressure mostly, but considered the decision to smoke an individual choice:

To me, smoking cigarettes and the waterpipe are a problem for us. But for example, my parents permit us to smoke the waterpipe, but not cigarettes. This is wrong, because to be permitted to smoke the one with more harm (referring to the waterpipe) because it looks less bad than cigarettes is not a good thing. (Urban, public school, Grade 10)

Youths expressed a positive attitude towards several personal and social factors they felt would have a protective effect on their development into confident and productive adults. Among the most prominently voiced attitudes were the desire for more autonomy (responsibility, decision-making, control over their own lives, independence), advancing their personality development (shaping of personality, acquiring life experience, self-reliance, and determination), gaining a positive image for youth in society, ability for peaceful conflict resolution and a positive outlook for the future. Youth, however, felt that many of these factors were lacking in their lives.

The desire to become more autonomous was voiced by both age groups and to a larger extent by the OAG. This was expressed in terms of wanting to hold more responsibility, to be more in control of their own lives through personal decision-making, to establish a sense of independence from their parents, and to feel that their parents could now depend on them in return. Youth felt that this sense of autonomy was necessary in order for them to gradually be able to assume responsibility for themselves and to cope with challenges independently:

If the young person acts responsibly, he'll get more privileges (like borrowing the car) because he doesn't do wrong (bad) things, and will have more self-confidence, and a stronger personality because he knows his parents trust him, he's trusted with responsibilities. His parents will trust that he can do the right thing. This makes him a responsible person. (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

Youth from both age groups felt that developing a strong personality would promote a healthy development overall, enabling them to better take charge of their own lives. Youth differed according to age group as to how this would take place. The YAG felt uncertain regarding how their personality would eventually take shape, causing feelings of unrest about this matter. The OAG felt they could strengthen their personality through asserting their individuality, decision-making, self-reliance, and learning from personal experience, as opposed to abiding unquestioningly to parental advice:

Some [parents] say went through an experience and I should not let them [my children] go through it. But the youth should experience that, in order to learn from it. They say [parents], no I passed through it and I should not let my son pass do it but this is an obstacle. No they should pass though it to learn and discover, and know. This might be dangerous for him but why should he not discover? You [parents] should advice, but not force and make decisions for them. (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

Both age groups felt the need to be respected and valued as members of their society. Their perception, however, was that society exhibited a diminished level of respect, and unfair judgment of youths' actions and capabilities. They felt devalued and reacted with a fervent desire to ‘fit in’.

Attitudes to conflict resolution in both age groups converged towards making peaceful initial attempts, and using ‘positive’ tactics, although some differences were noted in the details of the approach. To the YAG, peaceful conflict resolution meant avoidance, mostly by ignoring the opponents or walking away from potentially violent situations. Dialogue was not deemed a useful tactic by this younger group who perceived that rarely do their older aggressors consider dialogue an option. Finally, resorting to violence in this age group was considered only when faced with persistent provocation. To the OAG, initial peaceful tactics included exercising patience and restraint, and insistence on dialogue to resolve the conflict. Persistent provocation was stated as causing the OAG to resort to violent behaviour, but they stressed that they would only do so after a preceding assessment of their opponents' characteristics, and of the overall dynamics of the conflict situation.

Youths' outlook of the future was marked by uncertainty – the YAG feeling that it was too early in life to think so far ahead, and the OAG feeling worried and having a rather pessimistic outlook. On a more positive note, aspirations for the future were related to education and good employment in both age groups. Additionally, for the OAG the future meant starting a family and being able to adequately provide for it.

Two subthemes on values that have positive impact on personal growth and development emerged: one related to personal attributes conducive to leading a successful life, and the other to cultural acceptance of others. Values related to youths' personal attributes somewhat differed among the two age groups. To the YAG, those most important were mainly felt to be good manners and respect of parents:

It helps to deal with your problems better when you get raised in a good, healthy environment, a good school maybe, or an environment free of bad manners. (Urban, private school, Grade 7)

To the OAG, good manners were also considered very important for healthy upbringing but the more significant personal attributes were considered to be the ability to resolve problems and conflicts, respect of self and others, and being socially apt and well-reputed:

To be socially apt, integrated, to have met all sorts of people, is extremely (the most) important, it makes a big difference than if they haven't met anyone, because it makes a person much more aware. (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

The more he knows people the better, the more he has tested personalities, to express his opinions, to be good to people, to have a good reputation, that's all. That's enough. A good reputation is all that matters. Money isn't important. (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

Youth expressed a positive view towards cultural acceptance of others as they felt that it was an opportunity to widen their social circle and to improve their own lives by learning the ways of others; as they stated: ‘aspects that are very correct and better than what you are living’ (Rural, public school, Grade 11).

Although this was expressed by both age groups, the YAG viewed cultural acceptance more from a humane perspective, demonstrating a moral obligation, often based on empathy, to accept ‘the other’. To the OAG, on the other hand, cultural acceptance seemed to be more conditional: an initial assessment of the person's character so it was the person rather than the culture that really mattered to older youths' acceptance of others.

Role of schools

The school was seen as having both a protective and detrimental role in youths' lives. Two main subthemes emerged in relation to its protective role: it was regarded as having a rearing function in preparing them for life and providing them with a supportive environment through positive interactions with teachers. Both the YAG and the OAG considered school as a second home that provides guidance in addition to its educational role. They felt that school provided them with ingredients for a successful future, such as education, values, culture, and access to university studies. It also instilled in them the social and communication skills required for obtaining decent jobs, becoming productive members in society and achieving their dreams of a good life:

School is very important because it represents a small society … so for example I need to know that during class, I have a turn to speak, I should respect the teacher, respect my classmates, know how to deal with this person, … and I would later know how to speak with my boss at work, with my colleagues at work; it [the school] prepares you for life. (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

Youth of both age groups also saw in school an environment where they could interact and receive support. To the YAG, teachers played a nurturing role through communicating care, respect, and encouragement. The OAG also regarded their teachers with respect and high esteem. To some youth, teachers provided a more understanding alternative to their own parents, relating this to the sometimes narrower age gap between teacher and student:

Teachers help us overcome our problems; they sit with the student, talk to him, and try to help him in any way possible. (Rural, private school, Grade 8)

School, however, was also seen by youth in both age groups as having a negative influence on their health, safety and well-being. Two subthemes emerged in this respect in relation to teachers and the administration. Although some spoke of positive student relationships, others talked about poor quality relationships with teachers described as a source of as a stress. The YAG considered some teachers as harsh, unfair, and abusive in their way of communication. The OAG considered saw teachers as unqualified and unsupportive. Also, the lack of support from the school administration in matters such as the heavy load in the academic curriculum and homework load were also matters of concern to both age groups. The YAG also saw the administration as incapable of offering support and protection to its students in situations perceived as stressful, such as bullying:

Sometimes if you're being bullied or something, people [in reference to the administration] say just ignore it or something, that doesn't work. (Urban, private school, Grade 7)

The teacher [is the one who] makes you want to learn, and be able to communicate with them [him/her]. But with some teachers, you cannot breathe. Some of them don't know how to teach. (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

Country and community context

Youths' views regarding the country context covered themes relating to community and social issues and to government and authority.

Youth of both age groups felt that their community and society at large does not provide them with safety and a sense of well-being. The OAG, in particular, saw their way of thinking as in conflict with that of society, the latter driven by traditions and norms and harbouring within it a multitude of differing, and often opposing mentalities. According to youth, this incongruence has led to feelings of confusion, indifference, and a lack of belonging to society. Youth also perceived ‘society’ as intrusive, intolerant of differences, harsh and judgemental, as reflected by the gossip and discriminatory attitude of its members:

Each person should think for themselves, and everything would be solved, each one minds his own business. (Rural, private school, Grade 11)

Gossip was seen to affect females particularly, which youth interpreted as being a result of society's tendencies to gender-bias in favour of males. Gossip was perceived as having tremendous influence on parents' perceptions and decisions and choice of rearing practices:

It [gossip]'s a headache. What affects society most is what people say. You might say to yourself – I don't care – but you do get affected psychologically. We are living in a society, and in terms of reputation, the girls are affected more. It [the reputation] stays with her forever; it accompanies her. (Rural, private school, Grade 11)

The OAG also expressed concerns about socio-economic status of the country, lack of job opportunities and career choices, and concern over war and politics. This has instilled in them a lack of security and psychological well-being, and the desire to travel abroad to seek more favourable opportunities:

But now most of us are considering what [specialties] are required outside [of Lebanon] so that when we finish university [education], we can leave immediately. Because there's nothing here that encourages us to stay. And also, the politics here affects the youth very much, affects us psychologically. (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

Youth from both age groups expressed favourable views related to the principle of authority and rule of law, whether coming from the government, school or home, and felt it served a protective role. However, youth from both age groups held unfavourable views towards the functioning of the Lebanese government, and did not consider it as fulfilling its duties in providing youth with the security of growing up in a healthy and safe environment. The OAG criticised the government for setting the legal age too high at 18 years for obtaining a driver's license and work permit, for failing to provide financial assistance for youth in need, and for biased or corrupt implementation of the law:

In a country, it is not nice to have law/order applied in some places, and in other places not. (Rural, private school, Grade 7)

The YAG seemed more concerned with the perceived inadequacy of the government in performing its role of providing security, maintaining law and order and preventing the existence of a culture of violence:

Like sometimes, it's also we think we're old enough to hang out alone but sometimes parents think it's insecure in the country, like many things happen especially recently and they're afraid. (Urban, private school, Grade 7)

Recreational needs, opportunities and suggestions

The OAG showed a marked preference for seeking leisurely activities by going out, with friends, without a specific activity in mind other than just hanging out, smoking cigarettes and waterpipe, and occasional partying. Youth considered that it is highly important for them at this age to go out for their development. However, the YAG seemed to have more readiness to entertain themselves while indoors at home, with activities such as arts, music, dance, and socialisation with family and friends. Common to both age groups, recreational activities that seemed to be the most popular were surfing the Internet, having a meal out with friends, and watching television or DVDs at home.

Youth complained that their recreational needs are neither met in school, nor in the community. The YAG saw value in their engagement in recreational activities but also seemed to seek benefit for the less privileged youth too. They emphasised their desire for travel, school trips, and forming support groups for disadvantaged people to enable them to enjoy similar activities. The OAG were more interested in aspects of personal growth that recreational activities could offer them, such as sports, youth clubs, and opportunities for civic engagement:

These activities are extremely important because it integrates youth into society, and opens up many venues for them, and increases their social sphere. They would have more acquaintances and friends. If schools offered such activities, one would uncover hidden talents … (Rural, public school, Grade 11)

When asked about programmes outside school hours that would help them cope and grow healthy, youth of both age groups suggested ministerial programmes that mainly addressed school reform, and the provision of opportunities for leisure and awareness-raising among youth. The most pressing topics to be discussed were issues of substance abuse prevention, bullying, and problems with teachers. Family involvement with the school teachers and administration in order to help solve the students' problems was also among suggestions made.

Discussion

This research adds to the scholarship on youth Developmental Assets by identifying factors that young people in Lebanon feel are important to help them grow and thrive. Six general themes emerged across the 13 focus group discussions: parent–youth relationship; relationships with others; behaviours, attitudes and values; role of schools; country and community context; and recreational needs, opportunities, and recommendations. These themes are similar to those founds in other countries and cultures (Chang et al., 2007; Ginsburg, Alexander, Hunt, Sullivan, & Cnaan, 2002; Ginsburg, Alexander, Hunt, Sullivan, Zhao, & Cnaan, 2002; Kegler et al., 2003). Our findings support the fact that youth in our context retain many similarities with youth globally validating the importance of concept of youth Developmental Assets in our context.

Mapping the results against the Search Institute Developmental Assets indicated a match on all, to variant degrees. In fact, all of the themes that emerged were linked to at least one internal asset and one external asset. In addition, all of the eight asset categories were manifested in the youth's discussions, sometimes recurring in more than one theme. A notable finding was that themes emerging from the youth aligned more with the external asset categories rather than the internal. Some of the 40 youth Developmental Assets were not found to be linked to the themes brought up by the Lebanese youth in this study. These included service to others, an empowerment asset, and religious community, a constructive use of time asset. Similarly, homework and reading for pleasure, two commitment to learning assets, and honesty, a positive values asset, were the only three internal assets not addressed by youth. An explanation might be that those Developmental Assets that were not mentioned are so prominent in youth's lives (e.g. religiosity) that they are taken for granted, rather than seen critical for their development. Also it might be that most have not had the chance to serve in the community, because the context in which they are living does not offer such an opportunity, and thus this lack of exposure was reflected.

Some unique themes and subthemes also emerged in our context, such as the importance of community norms, the country context, waterpipe smoking as a risky behaviour, gender differentials, and socio-economic difficulties.

A strength of the study is the diversified sample across age range, gender, geographic location, and socio-economic level. In addition, it was a positive experience for the youth; they expressed their need for such activity to allow them to express themselves. Also, it is important to recognise that the analysis and interpretation of the themes and mapping of assets was done by more than one person, which resulted in a more rigorous analysis.

This study focused on two urban and two rural areas and selected schools within them. Results therefore may not be representative of the diverse youth voices in Lebanese society. However, the objective of qualitative research methodology is in-depth understanding rather than representative sampling. Also, girls participating in one of the FGDs with students stated at that they would have felt more comfortable sharing their opinions within a group of girls only (rather than a mixed group). Research team members were also females, and this might have also induced some bias with regards to boys' comfort levels in discussions as well.

In summary, this research has provided insight into the factors that young people in Lebanon feel are important to protect them. Their voices have confirmed the international framework of developmental youth assets. Results of the research can guide interventions at home, in schools, communities, and ministries to strengthen internal assets, and provide a more supportive environment to help young people in Lebanon grow and thrive.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Dima Bteddini

Dima Bteddini is a research assistant in the Department of Health Promotion and Community Health of the Faculty of Health Sciences, American University of Beirut. Her research interests include developmental assets, youth health, gender roles, and community based participatory research.

Rana Barazi

Rana Barazi is a lecturer in the Department of Health Promotion and Community Health of the Faculty of Health Sciences, American University of Beirut. Among her research interests are the role of the arts in the promotion of health and wellbeing of individuals, groups and communities, and the exploration of various aspects of arts education among school-aged children in Lebanon. Other research interests include promotion of youth health, with particular focus on the role of developmental assets and parenting.

Rema Afifi

Rema Afifi is a professor in the Department of Health Promotion and Community Health of the Faculty of Health Sciences, American University of Beirut. She has been working on issues of youth for over a decade. Her research interests falls into three broad categories: youth mental health, protective factors, and tobacco control. She applies an ecological lens, uses methods of Community Based Participatory Research; and emphasizes knowledge transfer of research to practice and policy.

Rima Nakkash

Rima Nakkash is an assistant professor in the Department of Health Promotion and Community Health of the Faculty of Health Sciences, American University of Beirut. Her research interests focus on evaluation of interventions that build positive mental health of youth particularly through a community based participatory approach. She has been involved in the impact and process evaluation of a number of intervention research projects, two of which have involved youth populations. She is also interested in evaluation and advocacy of tobacco control policies.

Notes

^1. See www.search-institute.org/research/assets/background.

^2. See http://www.search-institute.org/system/files/40AssetsList.pdf.