Emotional well-being and discrepancies between child and parent educational expectations and aspirations in middle and high school

Abstract

Using data from a sample nationally representative of the United States (N = 1,115), this study investigates the association between emotional well-being and discrepant educational possible selves. Discrepancy is characterized as a mismatch between child educational expectations and parent educational aspirations for child or child educational aspirations for self. Age-related hypotheses are tested. Results suggest that middle school children who have expectations that don't match their parents' aspirations for them have lower well-being, and that among high school students, mismatch between a child's own aspirations and expectations is linked with lower well-being. Antecedents of discrepancies are explored: reading and math self-efficacy emerge as having small, but significant positive associations with well-being, partially mediated in middle school students by aspiration/expectation matches between parent and child.

Keywords::

• educational attainment
• aspirations
• expectations
• emotional well-being

Introduction

The happiness that emanates from high levels of emotional well-being is self-replicating. It directly fosters goal achievement, and through achievement fosters greater sense of well-being (see Rosenbaum & Ronen, 2013). Emotional well-being is an important outcome in the study of adolescents–not only is emotional well-being associated with other positive outcomes, but adolescent well-being may set the stage for later happiness and satisfaction in adulthood (Gilman & Huebner, 2003; Rosenbaum & Ronen, 2013). In seeking the precursors of well-being, researchers have looked to a number of factors including poverty, academic achievement, and social support (for example, Easterlin, 2001; Friedrich, Reams, & Jacobs, 1982; Gilman & Huebner, 2003; Goodman, Slap, & Huang, 2003; Sznitman, Reisel, & Romer, 2011). Gilman and Heubner (2003) suggest that although outside influences, like economic status, have been associated with well-being, the strongest correlates may be internal. They note that researchers have found personal dispositions, such as self-efficacy–the belief that one can accomplish his or her goals (Bandura, 1993)–to be strongly correlated with well-being.

As individuals strive for personal goals, they form aspirational visions of themselves and form expectations as to whether they will attain these goals. Higgins’ (1987) theory of self-discrepancy presented the idea that conflict between an individual's actual and ideal selves would have psychological implications. In this theory, people are torn between their own perceptions of themselves, the ideals that they and others wish for them, and the obligations they feel (Higgins, 1987). As a result, they can experience loss of happiness or satisfaction (Higgins, 1987). Similarly, Markus & Nurius (1986) wrote of possible selves, including hopes and expectations in various domains. Discrepancies between these expected and hoped-for future selves are thought to have affective consequences (Markus & Nurius, 1986). Although these theories are more than two decades old, they still ring true and form the framework for current work on topics of identity, adjustment, and well-being (for example, Dunkel & Anthis, 2001; Hong, Triyono, & Ong, 2012; Pi-Ju Yang & Noels, 2012).

Extensions of self-discrepancy and possible selves theories can be drawn to comparisons between child and parent expectations and aspirations for future educational attainment as measures of self and other educational possible selves. Thoughts of the future loom large in adolescence, and possible selves around future education and employment may be the most salient during this time period (see Oyserman, Bybee, Terry, & Hart-Johnson, 2004). Application of self-discrepancy and possible selves theories to these domains may be particularly useful in explaining adolescent feelings of well-being. Within this characterisation, discrepancies between a child's own educational expectations and aspirations might have negative implications for her emotional well-being. Similarly, discrepancies between a child's educational expectations and his parent or caregiver's educational aspirations for him may also have associations with lower well-being. The application of possible selves and self-discrepancy theory to educational attainment is an area of recent study (for example, Boxer, Goldstein, DeLorenzo, Savoy, & Mercado, 2010; Hellenga, Aber, & Rhodes, 2002; Hanson, 1994; Kirk et al., 2011); however, few studies examine the associations of a discrepancy with the important outcome of emotional well-being, nor do they explore differences in this association by age or source of the discrepancy.

The current paper explores these associates with a sample of middle and high school students nationally representative of the United States and asks within each group: what is the association between discrepant educational possible selves and emotional well-being?, what characteristics of students are associated with a discrepancy between educational aspirations and expectations?, and are those characteristics associated with a discrepancy also associated with emotional well-being, and is any portion of their association mediated by the discrepancy? Additionally, this paper asks whether these associations significantly vary between middle and high school students.

Aspirations versus expectations

An aspirational goal can motivate action to attain that goal (see Markus & Nurius, 1986). Educational aspirations for high school or college graduation have been linked with greater actual attainment, current achievement, and psychological benefits (for example, Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli, 2001; Sewell, 1971). Although aspirations can motivate students toward goals, the belief that one can accomplish a goal or achieve an outcome is also an important determinant of action (Bandura, 1997; Eccles et al., 1983). Within the realm of education, the expectation that one will attain higher education or a prestigious career can support educational strivings and lead to increased effort and achievement (for example, Cunningham, Corprew, & Becker, 2009; Destin & Oyserman, 2009; Mello, 2008).

Concern over unrealised educational goals or discrepancies between aspirations and expectations has resulted in recent research into the determinants and outcomes of these discrepancies (for example, Boxer et al., 2010; Elliott, 2009; Metz, Fouad, & Ihle-Helledy, 2009; Reynolds & Baird, 2010). Reynolds and Baird (2010) find that adults who fail to meet their earlier established educational expectations do not suffer psychological ramifications. They note, however, that their data do provide some support for the idea that, with age and experience, people may adjust their expectations downward, therefore protecting their well-being. Their data do not allow them to account for an effect from the discrepancy between the participant's original aspirations and expectations, because only expectations were measured. It is possible that contemporaneous discrepancies have a greater impact than discrepancies between present reality and prior expectations. Elliott (2009) found a significant gap between educational aspirations and expectations within the 2002 wave of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). Within these data, children who had money set aside for college in special savings accounts were more likely to have higher expectations for actual education attainment, reducing their aspiration/expectation gap. Income, measured in neighbourhood units, was also associated with a discrepancy between educational aspirations and expectations within the Boxer et al. (2010) study. This association disappeared once parental education was held constant. Using a sample of students from one ethnically diverse middle school, Boxer and colleagues found that lower grades and parent education levels were statistically significant predictors of discrepancies, and that discrepancies were linked with lower levels of school bonding and increased anxiety and behavioural and emotional difficulties. The present study expands on Boxer et al.'s (2010) and Elliott's (2009) work by using a more recent wave of the nationally representative PSID, a different set of predictors and covariates, and data from both middle and high school students to explore developmental hypotheses on the importance of academic possible selves within each child as aspirations and expectations and between children and their parents.

The influence of parents

A robust literature exists linking parent beliefs, children's beliefs, and eventual achievement (for example, Bandura et al., 2001; Frome & Eccles, 1998; Neuenschwander, Vida, Garrett, & Eccles, 2007). In middle childhood, children may begin to adopt the aspirational beliefs of their parents–children of parents who convey the message that their children can accomplish certain goals internalise these goals for themselves (see Bandura et al., 2001; Jacobs, Bleeker, & Constantino, 2003). Neuenschwander et al. (2007) find among 12-year-olds that parent perceptions influence student self-concept, which influences achievement, and that these relations hold across both American and Swiss samples. Zetner and Renaud (2007) describe the process whereby parents build their ideals for their children based upon their own aspirations and then transmit these ideals to their children who can accept or reject them. Their results suggest that this process can change across development. Within their sample, by the late teens, children's ideals for themselves were also influencing parent aspirations for them. Research by Berndt (1979) and Strachan & Jones (1982) supports the idea that as children age they conform less to parent ideals, and the distance between their own and parent aspirations can grow. Other research paints earlier adolescence as a time where parent/child relationships are in transition and conflicts may be most salient (see Fuligni & Eccles, 1993; Granic, Hollenstein, Dishion, & Patterson, 2003). As children enter early teen years, their ability to hold multiple representations of self and the conflicts between these possible selves can become a problem (Jacobs et al,. 2003; Moretti & Wiebe, 1999). By the late teens, children are better able to resolve these conflicts and settle on a stable identity (Jacobs et al., 2003; Zentner & Renaud, 2007).

Throughout this process, parent aspirations, child academic self-concept and performance, perception of financial resources, and relationships with parents, teachers, and peers influence child aspirations and their expectations that they will attain them (for example, Boxer et al., 2010; Destin & Oyserman, 2009; Dubow, Arnett, Smith, & Ippolity, 2001; Frome & Eccles, 1998). Prior research has suggested that most parents want their children to attend college (for example, Spera, Wentzel, & Matto, 2009). As children consider their options and the practicality of this aspiration, they may determine that their expected level of educational attainment is below college and there may be a discrepancy (see Beal & Crockett, 2010; Cook, Church et al., 1996; Kirk et al., 2011). Although it would seem that as students age and become more realistic (see Cook et al., 1996) there may be a greater gap between their expectations and parents’ aspirations for them, the conflicts and negotiations of early adolescence (see Fuligni & Eccles, 1993), and the process of stabilisation during later adolescence (see Jacobs et al., 2003), may result in comparatively greater discrepancies that later resolve. Regardless of whether discrepancies are more likely in early or late adolescence, the effect of such a discrepancy on child outcomes, specifically well-being, may vary by age.

Agliata and Renk (2009) studied the association between depression and college students’ sense that they were not living up to parent ideals. Within their sample, it at first appeared that parent/child discrepancies were statistically significantly related to student depression; however, when communication between parents and children was controlled, the association disappeared. Moretti & Wiebe (1999) looked at the association between internalising and externalising behaviours and parent/child discrepancies across a number of domains. They found that discrepancies were weak predictors of behaviours and only statistically significant predictors for girls within their sample. None of these studies have directly compared the effect of parent/child discrepancies on outcomes at two different ages.

The present study

Prior research has demonstrated that conflicts between aspirations and expectations are associated with lower well-being (for example, Boxer et al., 2010; Hellenga et al., 2002; Pisarik & Shoffner, 2009). However, few studies have looked specifically at gaps in educational aspirations/expectations, and, among those that have, developmental hypotheses have not been tested. In light of variance in parent/child interactions across adolescence, and the likely developmental trajectory of educational expectations, it is possible that conflicts in educational possible selves will be differentially associated with well-being in middle and high school samples. This is explored in the present paper with a sample of 414 middle school students and 701 high school students sampled and weighted to be nationally representative of the United States.

If discrepant educational possible selves are associated with lower well-being, education and health professionals may be interested in the correlates of gaps between aspirations and expectations. Financial resources or socio-economic status, academic achievement, and academic self-efficacy have been identified as possible antecedents to discrepancies (for example, Bandura et al., 2001; Boxer et al, 2010; Cooper, 2009; Elliott, 2009; Hellenga et al., 2002; Trusty, 2000). These same variables have also been linked with depression or emotional well-being within adolescents (for example, Bandura, 1993; Easterlin, 2001; Friedrich et al., 1982; Goodman et al., 2003). The mediating role of educational aspiration/expectation discrepancies between the antecedents of a gap and well-being will be explored.

Methods

Data and population

Data come from the PSID, Child Development Supplement (CDS) III. ‘The PSID is a [public] nationally representative longitudinal study of nearly 9,000 U.S. families and individuals [that began in] 1968’ (Panel Study of Income Dynamics, n.d.). The CDS III contains data collected in 2007 on children from the PSID families, including child interviews, self-assessments, cognitive and health measures, education information, demographics, and parent data and interviews. The PSID initially stratified its sample to include a cross-sectional, national sample and a national sample of low-income families. Later, a sample of Latino households was added. Weights are provided along with downloaded PSID data to account for oversampling and differential rates of attrition and to allow for conclusions to be drawn as if they were from a sample nationally representative of the United States.

Although the dataset was not created to answer the specific questions of interest, measures of child expected and desired educational attainment and measures of parent expected and desired educational attainment for their child were collected in 2007. Various assessments of child well-being from the same year were also collected, as were related variables and a comprehensive list of standard control variables such as gender, income and ethnicity. The breadth of variables collected on each child in 2007 is a strength of these data.

Potential weaknesses include the different coding scheme for parent and child expectations/aspirations and the lack of focus in the original study design on this particular question, which may lead to omitted variables of interest. It may be desirable to control for prior measures of emotional well-being or other variables, but differential response rates and questions in each wave of the study reduce the longitudinal sample size significantly. Missing data are also a problem, albeit a much smaller one, looking at variables within the 2007 CDS III.

Within these data, 1120 child participants answered questions on educational aspirations and expectations. Because these questions were only administered to those children who were over 11 years of age, 11 is the minimum age for this sample. Five high school students were missing data on race and whether they had any money set aside for college, so were not included in the analysis, resulting in an analysis sample size of 1115.

Variables

The main variables are educational expectations and aspirations and emotional well-being. General control variables include gender, income, and ethnicity. More specific control variables include the child's self-concept for mathematics and reading, mathematics and reading achievement scores, and whether students had money set aside for future schooling.

Educational expectations and aspirations

School expectations questions for parents were adapted from National Education Longitudinal Survey of 1988, whereas child interview questions for similar information were adapted from the ADD Health Study. Parents were asked ‘In the best of all worlds, how much schooling would you like (CHILD) to complete?’ and ‘Sometimes children do not get as much education as we would like. How much schooling do you expect that (CHILD) will really complete?’ Children were asked ‘How far would you like to go in school? Would you like to … (answer choices given)’ and ‘Many people do not get as much education as they would like. How far do you think you will actually go in school? Do you think you will … (answer choices given).’ Answer choices ranged from not completing high school to completing a graduate degree.

Expectations and aspirations were grouped into three categories for further analysis: high school or below; vocational training, some college or two-year degree; and four-year degree or above. The distribution of answers among children and parents for these categories is shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1 Comparison of student and parent aspirations with student expectations based on three categories of educational attainment.

Emotional well-being

The emotional well-being measures are from well-being items adapted from MacArthur MIDUS Youth and work by Corey Keyes (Keyes & Magyar-Moe, 2003). The well-being measures adapted from the MIDUS study also included psychological and social well-being, but as conflict between actual and ideal selves is thought to result in feelings of dissatisfaction and dejection (Higgins, 1987), the measure of emotional well-being with items about happiness, interest in life, and satisfaction was chosen.

Other variables of interest

Self-concept questions are based on a set of scales developed and validated by Jacquelynne Eccles for the domains of mathematics and reading (Eccles, Wigfield, Harold, & Blumenfeld, 1993). Achievement measures used are Applied Problems and Broad Reading scale scores from the Woodcock–Johnson Revised Tests of Achievement for Reading and Math (Woodcock & Johnson, 1989).

For a more stable measure of income, family income data from four years of the PSID (2000, 2002, 2004, and 2006) are averaged. The log of this average income measure is used within the analysis and is scaled to tens of thousands. Parents were asked whether they had money set aside for their child to attend school. This variable (yes/no) is included to capture a measure of financial resources for higher education.

Control variables

Gender and race are included as basic controls. Because of the distribution of ethnicities in the PSID, race is characterised by white/non-white dummy variables.

Table 1 provides information about the sample of children used in the present analysis, and reports descriptive statistics of the main variables and the covariates of interest.

Table 1 Descriptive statistics of sample, by middle and high school.

	Middle school		High school
	Mean / percentage	SD	Mean / percentage	SD	Difference
Age	12.23	0.84	15.18	1.21	***
Grade	7.28	0.73	10.36	1.11	***
White	43%	0.50	46%	0.50	n.s.
Black	45%	0.50	41%	0.49	n.s.
Hispanic	8%	0.28	8%	0.27	*
Asian	2%	0.14	2%	0.14	n.s.
Other race	1%	0.12	3%	0.16	n.s.
Ave income (in thousands)	49.34	41.23	61.72	69.94	**
Male	52%	0.50	52%	0.50	**
Emotional well-being	4.88	1.01	4.92	0.95	n.s.
Mathematics self-concept	4.89	0.88	4.68	1.07	**
Reading self-concept	5.19	1.00	5.05	1.04	*
Broad reading score	99.02	14.99	98.97	16.01	n.s.
Applied problems score	103.41	14.88	101.76	15.52	n.s.
Any money set aside	35%	0.48	38%	0.49	*
N	414		701

Note: Log of income averaged across four years: 2000, 2002, 2004, and 2006 and measured in tens of thousands. All other variables measured or reported in 2007. n.s., not significant; SD, standard deviation. ^†p < 0.10, *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

Analysis

Each student's educational aspirations and expectations were compared to determine whether there was a discrepancy. Using the three categories of educational attainment, dummy variables were created for whether the student's own aspirations matched his/her expectations and whether the student's parent's aspirations for him/her matched his/her expectations. Comparisons on presence of a match or discrepancy were made between middle and high school samples.

In light of the developmental questions, ordinary least squares regression analyses were run separately for middle and high school students in the sample, and an interaction model was tested for the first research question regarding the association between discrepancy and emotional well-being. PSID-provided weights were used for all analyses and standard errors were clustered on family units. For ease of interpretation, the aspiration/expectation comparison is framed as a ‘match’ equal to ‘one’ and a discrepancy equal to ‘zero’ in all analyses. Antecedents of parent/student and student/student matches were explored with logistic regressions. Potential mediators were further analysed according to the procedures set forth in Baron & Kenny (1986).

Results

Descriptive comparisons between middle and high school students

Table 1 provides tests for differences between middle and high school students–significance levels for t-test and chi-square statistics are reported in the rightmost column. Age and grade, as expected, are statistically significantly different between the two groups. There are some monetary differences as well. The four-year measure of average family income is higher for high school students, t(1113) = 3.28, p = 0.001; however, the amount who report having money set aside for college is not significantly different between the two groups. Reading and mathematics self-concept also differ between the two groups, with the middle school students higher on both measures: t(1113) = 3.30, p = 0.001 for mathematics and t(1113) = 2.24, p = 0.026 for reading. There is no significant difference between middle and high school students on the included academic achievement measures.

Table 2 compares educational aspirations and expectations between the two groups. More students in high school than middle school select that they aspire to a four-year degree, χ²(1) = 5.50, p = 0.02, and fewer high school than middle school students say they prefer only some college, χ²(1) = 3.99, p = 0.046. Fewer parents of high school children than middle school children prefer their child get only a high school degree, χ²(1) = 4.35, p = 0.04. There is a larger percentage of matches between parent aspirations and child expectations among the high school students, χ²(1) = 10.98, p = 0.001. There are also more matches between child aspirations and expectations among the high school students; however, this difference does not reach statistical significance, χ²(1) = 0.60, p = 0.44.

Table 2 Educational aspirations, expectations, and matches, by middle and high school.

	Middle school		High school
	Percentage	Count	Percentage	Count	Difference
Student prefers
High school	9%	38	8%	55	n.s
Some college	22%	90	17%	117	*
College degree	69%	286	76%	536	*
Student expects
High school	8%	34	8%	53	n.s
Some college	29%	121	26%	185	n.s
College degree	63%	259	66%	470	n.s
Parent prefers
High school	9%	39	6%	41	*
Some college	9%	36	9%	63	n.s
College degree	82%	339	85%	604	n.s
Parent–student match	58%	241	68%	477	**
Student–student match	80%	330	82%	572	n.s.
N		414		708

Note: n.s., not significant. ^†p < 0.10, *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

Association between discrepancy and emotional well-being

Statistically significant differences emerge in the associations among discrepancies and emotional well-being between the middle and high school samples within the regression results (Table 3). For the middle school sample, a match between parent aspirations and student expectations is associated with higher emotional well-being (d = 0.12)–this means that, within this sample, those students with a discrepancy have emotional well-being levels about one-eighth of a standard deviation lower than those students without the discrepancy. Within the interaction model, this difference between middle and high school students is significant. With the high school sample, it is the match between student's own aspirations and expectations that is associated with higher emotional well-being (d = 0.14). This does not appear to be statistically significantly different from the association between this match and well-being in middle school children. Within these data, income is not associated with well-being, nor are the measures of mathematics and reading achievement. Mathematics and reading self-concept, however, are both significantly positively associated with emotional well-being.

Table 3 Emotional well-being regressed on expectation/aspiration match and covariates, separately by middle and high school and with middle/high school interaction.

	Middle school	High school	Interactions
Match: student to self	0.02	0.35*	0.09
	(0.18)	(0.14)	(0.17)
Match: parent to student	0.24^†	− 0.01	0.34*
	(0.14)	(0.12)	(0.14)
Log average four-year income	0.04	− 0.01	0.003
	(0.06)	(0.04)	(0.03)
Whether money for school	0.17	0.11	0.13^†
	(0.12)	(0.09)	(0.07)
Non-White	− 0.25^†	− 0.10	− 0.18*
	(0.13)	(0.11)	(0.08)
Male	− 0.20^†	0.06	− 0.04
	(0.11)	(0.08)	(0.07)
Reading achievement	− 0.001	0.001	0.001
	(0.01)	(0.004)	(0.003)
Mathematics achievement	0.01	0.001	0.004
	(0.01)	(0.004)	(0.003)
Reading self-concept	0.23***	0.10*	0.15***
	(0.06)	(0.05)	(0.04)
Mathematics self-concept	0.32***	0.20***	0.23***
	(0.06)	(0.05)	(0.04)
Whether in high school			0.23
			(0.18)
High school × student/self match			0.25
			(0.22)
High school × parent/student match			− 0.41*
			(0.18)
Constant	1.03^†	3.00***	2.17***
	(0.54)	(0.42)	(0.34)
N	414	701	1115
R^2	0.31	0.11	0.17

Note: Standard errors in parentheses. Log of income averaged across four years: 2000, 2002, 2004, and 2006 and measured in tens of thousands. All other variables measured or reported in 2007. Match is a dichotomous (1 = match) variable created based on three categories of aspirations/expectations: high school or less, some college, and four-year college graduate. Analysis is weighted using weights provided by the PSID CDS III. Standard errors clustered on family (resulting in 338 clusters in middle school and 542 in high school). ^†p < 0.10, *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

Table 4 presents the results of the logistic regression of matches on potential antecedents in both the middle and high school samples. Higher income is associated with increased likelihood of a match between parent aspiration and student expectation in both the middle and high school models, albeit with only marginal significance. Reading achievement is significantly associated with both types of aspiration/expectation matches in the high school students, and mathematics achievement is marginally significantly associated with parent/student match in the middle school students. Reading self-concept is statistically significantly associated with both types of match for middle school students and with the parent/student match for high school students. Mathematics self-concept is also significant or marginally significant for both matches in middle school and only for the student/self match in high school. The coefficients reported are marginal effects estimates from logistic regressions. Their interpretation is such that a one unit increase in reading self-concept among middle school children is associated with a 7 percentage point increase in the probability of having a match between parent aspirations and student expectations when all the included covariates are set to their means. For reading self-concept, a one point increase also represents a one standard deviation increase, a sizable jump required for a relatively small effect on match.

Table 4 Predictors of match between student expectations and student and parent aspirations for student.

	Middle school		High school
	Student /self	Parent / student	Student / self	Parent / student
Log average four-year income	0.02	0.07^†	− 0.02	0.04^†
	(0.02)	(0.04)	(0.02)	(0.02)
Whether money for school	0.08	0.10	0.05	0.08
	(0.05)	(0.07)	(0.04)	(0.05)
Non-White	− 0.001	0.14*	− 0.01	0.01
	(0.05)	(0.07)	(0.04)	(0.05)
Male	− 0.01	0.01	− 0.04	− 0.02
	(0.05)	(0.06)	(0.04)	(0.05)
Reading achievement	− 0.001	0.003	0.003*	0.01**
	(0.002)	(0.003)	(0.002)	(0.002)
Mathematics achievement	0.001	0.01^†	0.001	0.002
	(0.003)	(0.003)	(0.002)	(0.002)
Reading self-concept	0.08***	0.07*	0.01	0.05*
	(0.02)	(0.04)	(0.02)	(0.02)
Mathematics self-concept	0.05^†	0.08*	0.03^†	0.04
	(0.03)	(0.04)	(0.02)	(0.02)
N	414	414	701	701

Note: Standard errors in parentheses. Estimates presented as marginal effects from logistic regressions. Log of income averaged across four years: 2000, 2002, 2004, and 2006 and measured in tens of thousands. All other variables measured or reported in 2007. Match is a dichotomous (1 = match) variable created based on three categories of aspirations/expectations: high school or less, some college, and four-year college graduate. Analysis is weighted using weights provided by the PSID CDS III. Standard errors clustered on family (resulting in 338 clusters in middle school and 542 in high school). ^†p < 0.10, *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

In considering whether discrepancy or match in aspirations and expectations mediates the relation between any of the included variables and emotional well-being, we can limit our candidate variables to those that have a significant association with match. To be considered, they must also have a significant association with emotional well-being when match is not controlled, and this association must be reduced with the introduction of match into a model (see Baron & Kenny, 1986). The links between emotional well-being and potential antecedents of aspiration/expectation matches are explored in Table 5. Of our variables of interest, only reading and mathematics self-concept have significant associations with emotional well-being. In considering all of the criteria for mediation, it appears that the only significant mediator of their effect is parent/student match within middle school children. Within the middle school sample, both reading and mathematics self-concept are significantly associated with this match, and their association with emotional well-being is reduced when the match is included. Student expectation to attain as much education as their parents hope for them explains 8% of the association between reading self-concept and well-being and 3% of the association between mathematics self-concept and well-being.

Table 5 Emotional well-being regressed on potential sources of match between aspirations and expectations.

	Middle school	High school
Log average four-year income	0.06	− 0.02
	(0.06)	(0.04)
Whether money for school	0.19	0.12
	(0.12)	(0.09)
Non-White	− 0.22^†	− 0.11
	(0.13)	(0.11)
Male	− 0.19^†	0.04
	(0.11)	(0.09)
Reading achievement	− 0.0004	0.002
	(0.01)	(0.004)
Mathematics achievement	0.01	0.002
	(0.01)	(0.004)
Reading self-concept	0.25***	0.10*
	(0.06)	(0.05)
Mathematics self-concept	0.33***	0.21***
	(0.06)	(0.05)
Constant	0.75	3.11***
	(0.54)	(0.40)
N	414	701
R^2	0.295	0.091

Note: Standard errors in parentheses. Log of income averaged across four years: 2000, 2002, 2004, and 2006 and measured in tens of thousands. All other variables measured or reported in 2007. Analysis is weighted using weights provided by the PSID CDS III. Standard errors clustered on family (resulting in 338 clusters in middle school and 542 in high school). ^†p < 0.10, *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

Discussion

Conflicts between future selves, both those determined by an individual and those determined by important people in that individual's life, are thought to result in diminished happiness and satisfaction, characterised herein as emotional well-being (see Higgins, 1987; Markus & Nurius, 1986). The present paper sought to illuminate the relations between emotional well-being and one measure of this conflict: a comparison of educational expectations and aspirations among middle and high school students in the context of a national study. Positive associations found between expectation/aspiration matches and emotional well-being suggest that discrepancies can have deleterious effects. This is in line with previous findings in both the self-discrepancy and possible selves literatures, and contributes to both literatures by drawing comparisons between own and other possible selves in a domain and population seldom explored with these theories.

The presence of discrepancies and their association with well-being differed for the middle and high school students in this study. Although it is expected that children form their own ideals and diverge from their parents as they age (see Strachan & Jones, 1982; Suldo, Riley, & Shaffer, 2006), within our sample the high school students were more likely to experience a match between their expectations and parent aspirations. This phenomenon is not without prior support in the literature: the conflicts of early adolescence may be displayed in the greater likelihood of discrepancies between middle school children and their parents (see Fuligni & Eccles, 1993; Granic et al., 2003).

The type of match that had an impact on emotional well-being differed for the middle and high school samples. For high school students, match between a child's own educational expectations and aspirations was significantly associated with higher emotional well-being, but for middle school students, positive associations with emotional well-being were seen for parent/child matches. Conflicts with parents seem particularly salient in the early adolescent/middle school years (see Fuligni & Eccles, 1993; Jacobs et al., 2003); the presence of a discrepancy between parent aspirations and student expectations may contribute to these conflicts and their effect on emotional well-being. Although Agliata & Renk (2008) found effects from parent/child discrepancies on a college-aged population, the investigated outcomes and domains of discrepancies within their study can be distinguished from the present study. Whereas college students may still look to approval from their parents for feelings of self-worth and for validation of their college experiences (Agliata & Renk, 2008), general happiness as measured by the MIDUS emotional well-being scale may be determined more by a conflicts between a child's own possible selves as he ages.

Although it was expected that variables previously found to be associated with emotional well-being, such as income, achievement, and academic self-concept, might operate through the presence of match or discrepancy, little support was offered for this proposition within these data. The association between measured self-concepts and emotional well-being were partially mediated by a match between parent aspirations and child expectations within the middle school sample alone. Academic self-concepts probably affect well-being through other mechanisms. So too it seems that the link between well-being and parent/child match in middle school students and student/self match in high school students is separate from income and self-concept. Prior studies have found an association between grades and discrepancies (for example, Boxer et al., 2010; Hellenga et al., 2002)–this relation may be a mediational one. The present study attempted to test these links, but could only use researcher-administered standardised achievement scores. It may be that actual school grades provide salient information for student goal-setting that achievement tests, such as the ones given within the PSID, do not.

As discrepancies between aspirations and expectations are dependent on student levels of aspirations and expectations, one must consider both whether students and parents have inflated aspirations and whether students have expectations that are unnecessarily low. Prior research indicates that students adjust their expectations downward as they gain experience and knowledge (for example, Cook et al., 1996; Hanson, 1994; Trusty, 2000). As Boxer et al. (2010) have noted, it is not advantageous to lower aspirations–policies and actions to raise or sustain expectations are probably a better course of action. The present data suggest that increasing academic self-concept within the domains of mathematics and reading may reduce aspiration/expectation discrepancies. Reading achievement may also be a potential candidate for reducing discrepancies within high school. Work by Elliott (2009) suggests that savings for college increases student expectations; within the current study, the parent-reported measure of money for future schooling did not have a significant association with matched aspirations and expectations. Measure and sample differences may explain the results.

What of the differences between the type of discrepancy associated with well-being in middle and high school children? Because these data are not longitudinal, it cannot be determined whether the smaller gaps in high school are because of reduced parent aspirations or increased student expectations–future longitudinal research can examine this question. The non-experimental, cross-sectional nature of these data forecloses causal claims. Emotional well-being may influence discrepancies or the two may act in a reciprocal fashion. Nevertheless, educators may wish to pay attention to gaps in middle school between parent aspirations and student expectations and work to improve well-being by increasing expectations or dealing directly with other parent/child conflicts inherent to this age. Within high school, it seems likely that the process of lowered expectations has already begun (for example, Hanson, 1994; Trusty, 2000). To the extent that increasing academic self-beliefs, like self-concept, can increase educational expectations and reduce discrepancies (see Bandura, 1997; Eccles et al., 1983), schools may want to focus some attention on this means. Previous work has shown that interventions to enhance self-concept can have significant positive effects in the order of one standard deviation or more (O'Mara, Marsh, Craven, & Debus, 2006).

Despite the correlational nature of this study, results present support for the idea that gaps between student aspirations and expectations have significant negative associations with emotional well-being in middle and high school students and that lower mathematics and reading self-concept contribute to these gaps. This paper adds to a relatively recent body of literature that explores the causes and correlates of discrepancies between educational aspirations and expectations (for example, Boxer, et al., 2010; Hellenga et al., 2002; Kirk et al., 2011). Intervention or longitudinal studies on discrepancies can further clarify their role in child outcomes and work towards balance in educational possible selves and the resulting benefits.

Acknowledgements

This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship under Grant No. DGE-0808392. The author would like to thank Margaret Burchinal for comments on earlier drafts of this manuscript and Michael Martinez and AnneMarie Conley for general advisement and support.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Teomara Rutherford

Teomara Rutherford is a doctoral student within the School of Education at the University of California, Irvine.